This chapter examines how the digital information environment is changing what it takes for governments to be seen, trusted, and impactful online. It shows how algorithm-driven feeds, platform fragmentation, and shifting user expectations reduce the organic visibility of institutional content and make sustained interaction harder to achieve. The chapter then reviews the value and limits of social media for listening effectively to support responsive, people-centred communication and strengthen policy delivery. Finally, it explores how partnerships and co-creation with creators and other intermediaries are growing as strategies to cut through in a decentralised information landscape, and the practices needed to collaborate constructively.
Reforming Government Communication for the Age of Algorithms
Abstract
Digital communication is now a core capability for public institutions, but maturity remains uneven. Digital channels are no longer a specialised activity, but a default part of how governments inform, engage and deliver services. Yet more than 40% of communicators surveyed by the OECD still rate their teams as being at an early stage of digitalisation, limiting their ability to adapt to a fast-changing online environment.
Algorithms are making visibility harder for institutional communication. As engagement-based ranking replaces follower-based reach, governments can no longer rely on institutional authority or existing audiences to ensure that public information is seen. In the OECD Survey, 65% of communicators identify the organic visibility of government information in feeds that reward authenticity and personality as a major challenge.
Social media’s limits for listening and dialogue are increasingly apparent. Around half of communicators still consider social media useful for engagement, but online discussions are often dominated by highly vocal groups that do not reflect wider public opinion. This is increasing the importance for governments to complement social listening with other research methods to support more people-centred communication.
Governments are diversifying formats and channels to build deeper engagement. One-third of senior communicators report expanding their use of podcasts, newsletters, vlogs and long-form video. These formats can help institutions provide more context, develop sustained relationships with specific audiences and communicate in ways that feel more tailored and relatable.
Public communication is becoming more networked and collaborative. In a fragmented information environment, institutions are increasingly working with creators, community leaders, NGOs and private-sector actors to reach audiences through trusted intermediaries. Around one-third of institutions surveyed report working with creators, reflecting a broader shift from direct broadcasting toward partnership-based communication. Only a quarter do not work with any partners.
Almost two decades ago, the spread of digital technologies began to reshape how governments inform, explain and engage, initially sparking the development of digital communication as a distinct area of professional practice. The first OECD study of government use of social media (Mickoleit, 2014[1]) reported at the time that in nearly one in four countries, the principal executive institution did not have a Facebook page, while one in five had no Twitter (now X) handles. Similarly, only a quarter of countries surveyed had a social media strategy then. By 2020, over 60% of the institutions surveyed by the OECD had adopted formal guidelines for the use of social media, reflecting growing recognition at senior leadership level that digital channels are no longer peripheral, but an essential part of how public institutions operate, relate to citizens and support policy delivery (OECD, 2021[2]).
Today, digital communication is no longer a niche specialism but has been mainstreamed across all aspects of the function reflecting a “digital by design” mindset (OECD, 2021[2]). Communicating via a wide range of online channels has become a prerequisite for governments to connect with citizens who globally, on average, spend over six and a half hours online every day, including over two hours on social media (Kemp, 2025[3]).
As this chapter notes, governments’ online presence has evolved dramatically over successive waves of digital transformation. Governments have worked hard to keep pace with changes: communication teams expanded their use of social media and Web 2.01 tools to communicate directly with citizens, adapted to the demands of a 24/7 news cycle, and invested in new skills, guidance and internal policies to manage this shift responsibly (Schmidthuber, Ingrams and Hilgers, 2021[4]; OECD, 2021[2]). These efforts have helped many teams feel more confident in their digital capabilities today: around half of respondents to the 2025 OECD Survey of Government Communicators consider their teams proficient in using digital channels and comfortable adopting new tools and practices. A smaller but important share even sees their teams as advanced (Figure 2.1).
How advanced is the digitalisation of communication activities and working methods within your team?
Note: Data shown above refers to 56 responses to the relevant question in the OECD Survey of Government Communicators . Full length response labels read as "Advanced: communicators at all levels are proficient in the use of digital channels and tools, in working with data. The team are early adopters of new digital practices, tools and features and bring a digital-first outlook in all aspects of communication activities", "Consolidated: most communicators are proficient in the use of digital channels and tools and are comfortable to keep up with new practices, tools and methods", "Progressing: the team includes some digital specialists, and digital channels are used mainly as additional means to broadcast messages. There can be some resistance or delay to changing methods", "Lagging: few members of the team are proficient in digital communication. Digital channels have a secondary role in our communication and working methods are not updated".
Source: OECD 2025 Survey of Government Communicators.
However, this positive picture should not overshadow the challenges that remain. More than 40% of communicators surveyed still rate their teams as being at an early stage of digitalisation. They claim to have fewer digital specialists, face resistance to or be slow to adopt new technologies or tools. Moreover, many of these institutions have continued to use digital channels primarily for broadcasting messages rather than prioritising opportunities for targeting and interaction (Macnamara, 2022[5]; WPP/Kantar Public, 2023[6]; OECD, 2021[2]). In sum, while progress has been significant, a substantial portion of institutions continue to struggle with the pace of change and have yet to fully embed a digital‑first approach.
The changing environment of governments’ online presence today include expanding and diversifying channels and types of content, testing new methods to succeed with social media algorithms (such as adopting a more personable or even humorous tone), and working more closely with partners, content creators and amplifiers with reach and influence in key audience groups.
In the early years of social media, online platforms heralded unprecedented opportunities for direct, unmediated interaction and engagement with citizens (Sanders and Canel, 2013[7]; WPP, 2016[8]; OECD, 2021[2]). However, this scenario has not fully materialised. Instead, fragmented platforms, algorithm-driven content distribution, and increasingly polarised user interactions online have limited the two-way engagement public institutions hoped for (Aladowe, 2025[9]). Today, institutions need to find new avenues to foster this interaction and dialogue with the public.
To sustain reach, relevance, and trust, public communicators must adapt proactively, embracing platform‑specific strategies, new formats, and creative approaches that reflect how the internet works today. The next section examines these changes and outlines practical ways to harness the evolving social media ecosystem and new opportunities arising to improve the impact of public communication.
As social media continues to evolve and platform dynamics shift, one of the main factors pushing institutions to rethink their presence and practices is the increasing influence of algorithms on content visibility. With the proliferation of more and newer social media platforms, competition for user attention has intensified, pushing companies to optimise their algorithms and features to maximise engagement.
Across major platforms, engagement‑based ranking has become the dominant paradigm: content is prioritised not because users follow a given account, but because algorithms predict it will generate stronger reactions (Milli et al., 2025[10]). This shift reflects a broader industry trend in which engagement is treated as the core currency of content distribution across platforms.
The trend for algorithm-curated feeds started gradually in the late 2010s with Instagram, Twitter (now X), and YouTube (Newman et al., 2024[11]); TikTok accelerated this shift by introducing a highly sophisticated recommendation system in the “For You Page” (FYP), fundamentally reshaping how creators reach audiences (TikTok, 2025[12]). As of 2025, Tik Tok users spent more than half of their time (57%) on the app watching videos from pages they do not follow (Patreon, 2025[13]).
The engagement‑first pattern pioneered by TikTok is now being replicated across other major platforms, embedding algorithmic discovery as a central feature of social media consumption. In parallel, platforms are continuously rolling out new features to remain competitive, with video formats becoming especially dominant. These product developments are closely linked to continuous adjustments in underlying algorithmic recommender systems.2
Algorithm-curated feeds mark a major departure from the early digital era, when feeds largely displayed chronological posts from accounts users chose to follow. In a way, algorithms have replaced the news media’s editorial choices as the main filter for how government information reaches citizens.
The algorithmic shifts described above have increasingly undermined communication by governments and public institutions, which had previously relied on their large follower bases and the credibility of their institutional brands to reach audiences. They now struggle to compete in an environment that favours highly engaging, visually striking content that their tone and mandates are typically less suited to produce: reaching broad audiences organically (i.e. without paid amplification) is today one of the most challenging aspects of social media for two thirds of respondents in the OECD Survey (Figure 2.2, Panel B).
Note: Panel A. Data shown above refers to 57 responses to the relevant question in the OECD Survey of Government Communicators . Multiple choices possible. Full answer options: “Introduced more diversified approaches to content for each social media channel”, “Reduced activity on certain platforms because of toxic/counterproductive user behaviour”, “Collaborated with a third-party podcast, newsletter, and/or vlog/video series”, “Deployed humorous content or played with online trends on appropriate channels”; “Reduced activity on certain platforms because of platform policies, opacity, or other risk”.
Panel B. Data shown above refers to 57 responses to the relevant question in the OECD Survey of Government Communicators. Respondents could select up to three options.
Source: OECD 2025 Survey of Government Communicators.
These pressures have prompted public institutions to significantly adjust their social media strategies in recent years. As channels increase, algorithms evolve, and audiences become more dispersed and fragmented, institutions today are forced to make more strategic decisions about which social media platforms they use and how they use them.
Diversifying their presence across platforms has been a prominent approach across the institutions covered by the 2025 OECD Survey, matching different content with different audiences’ preferred platforms (Figure 2.2, Panel A). 40% of respondents have also increased the channels they are active on. While most activity still takes place on large platforms such as those owned by Meta, as well as YouTube and TikTok, a wide array of additional platforms, each with distinct characteristics, user communities and communication dynamics, offers further opportunities to reach targeted audiences and tailor content to different digital environments (Rajendra-Nicolucci and Zuckerman, 2021[14]).
Expanding activities across an increasing number of platforms also places additional demands on communication teams. Managing a growing number of handles on different platforms has unsurprisingly become one of the key challenges of using social media for a quarter of communicators in the OECD Survey (Figure 2.2, Panel B). This finding reinforces the importance of establishing clear strategic priorities and clarifying the distinct purpose and value of each channel to ensure efficient use of resources and coherent communication with target audiences.
At the same time as many institutions have diversified their presence online, several have also wound down activity on certain platforms. Chiefly, this has been because of toxic or counterproductive user behaviour on those platforms (for 23% of respondents) or because of the platforms’ policies, opacity, or other perceived risks (for 14%). Some respondents have noted, for example, that TikTok’s ownership and opaque handling of personal data have motivated them to opt for using this platform exclusively for paid content rather than maintaining an organic presence.
Additional considerations for reviewing social media strategies involve exploring new ways to make government communication more “algorithm-friendly” to avoid going unseen, as discussed next.
2.1.1. Authenticity and relatability as levers to resonate with citizens online
Recent shifts in platform algorithms and user behaviour increasingly favour content produced by different types of creators, as discussed in Chapter 1. Social media is also awash with “memes”, widely shared and remixed pieces of online content, often humorous, that play a central role in internet culture. Such content tends to perform well because it conveys authenticity, relatability, and an easily recognisable point of view, including in news and current affairs. These are the criteria that make the creators more engaging, trusted, and ultimately successful.
This type of content presents challenges for public institutions, whose communication practices have long emphasised neutrality, formality and consistency. Many institutions have deliberately developed a unified tone intended to address all citizens with a single authoritative voice. However, recent OECD analysis shows that communication from public administrations is still perceived by citizens as overly technical and not reflecting their reality and preoccupations (OECD, 2023[15]; OECD, 2024[16]). While such an approach supports coherence and credibility, it does not leverage the personable, simple and conversational styles that now drives visibility and engagement on major social media platforms and that could help governments connect with citizens at a more human level (Baugh, 2026[17]).
Against this backdrop, public institutions may need to reconsider their approaches to increase the relatability and understandability of their communications. Following the path of news organisations and political actors that have already adjusted their content strategies, some institutional accounts have begun to integrate elements commonly used by successful online creators to attract viewers’ attention, while remaining within the boundaries of institutional mandates and expectations.
One approach adopted by public communicators is the use of humour in institutional communication. Sixteen percent of government communicators surveyed by the OECD claim to have used humour or played with online trends. This reflects the recognition that citizens rarely access social media platforms with the primary aim of engaging with official public information. Rather, they tend to seek entertainment, social interaction, and updates related to popular culture or current events.
Humorous content, when appropriate, tends to attract higher engagement, a trend that many private‑sector brands have effectively leveraged (Bilecen and Özer Canarslan, 2023[18]; Weldon, 2025[19]). Public sector examples are growing more numerous too. Recently, the National Health Service of the United Kingdom achieved peak levels of reach and engagement for cancer screening messages through its use of memes, riding an internet pop-culture moment (Bashforth, 2026[20]).
Similarly, in 2025, the President of France released a series of AI‑generated deepfake videos placing himself in familiar cultural settings such as music videos, television scenes and mimicking content creators videos, provoking significant public engagement and stimulating debate on AI ahead of an international summit hosted in Paris (Rahman-Jones, 2025[21]). The French Ministry of Foreign Affairs also launched the same year French Response, an official social‑media account that adopts satirical digital codes to rapidly counter online falsehoods (France Diplomatie, 2026[22]). Statistics Canada drew attention in 2024 by incorporating a viral song into a video promoting access to labour market statistics, garnering over 585 000 views (Morrison, 2024[23]). Other examples include include the United States National Park Service’s X account, known for its humorous and informal tone, which has attracted more than 1.4 million followers (Stopera, 2023[24]).
In addition to using humorous meme templates for specific campaigns (Sholihyn, 2021[25]), Singapore’s government has more generally embraced a creator‑style communication on platforms such as YouTube, leveraging narrative techniques and platform‑native production styles to enhance engagement with information on public services (Box 2.1).
The Government of Singapore has invested significant effort in developing its YouTube presence by adopting a communication style similar to that of native platform creators. Its official channel, which has more than 230 000 subscribers, uses humour, unconventional formats and creator‑like production techniques to explain how government benefits and services support citizens.
One example is a series on the cost-of-living titled Paw‑sitive Tips, featuring an animated cat that provides light‑hearted guidance on how individuals can make use of available government support and reduce everyday expenses. The three professionally produced episodes in the series have collectively attracted around 1 million views.
The government also collaborates with well‑known online personalities and employs narrative techniques commonly used by digital creators to develop engaging, shareable content that explains public services. Videos are further optimised through visually appealing thumbnails designed to encourage user engagement. For instance, a video series on the benefits of upskilling adopts attention‑grabbing titles familiar to YouTube audiences, such as “I was almost fired on the first day” and “Making a living from travelling”. Each video has garnered more than 115 000 views.
A related way to strengthen relatability and resonance is to move from one‑size‑fits‑all messaging to more personalised and targeted content. Government practice suggests that trust is often built through local, relevant and tangible results rather than broad, abstract commitments. In this respect, geo‑targeted messages can generate higher levels of trust and engagement than national‑level messaging (as illustrated in the New Media Unit example in Box 1.4 of Chapter 4). The European Commission’s Directorate‑General for Communication has built on this logic by developing more localised communication across the European Union, focusing on actions and policies that are visible in specific communities, as described in Annex A.
These examples show that institutions can integrate elements of contemporary online communication trends to enhance their visibility and relevance without compromising credibility. When equipped with the right skills, public communicators can use human‑centred, timely and relatable content to reach broader audiences organically and foster greater trust. At the same time, it remains essential to exercise caution when using humour and light‑hearted formats, given their inherently subjective nature, and to ensure that such approaches are carefully balanced with the broader purpose of bringing institutions closer to citizens. Adjustments to institutional online personas should ultimately serve citizens’ information needs and support their ability to understand, accept, engage with and comply with public policies.
2.1.2. Expanding reach beyond followers through paid content
With social media algorithms limiting the organic reach of institutional messages, paid and targeted advertising has become an important tool to ensure that information reaches intended audiences. The sophisticated targeting and analytics capabilities offered by major platforms now enable both public and private actors to reach specific segments of the population based on demographic, geographic, behavioural, and interest‑based criteria (LinkedIn, 2026[29]; Slyman, 2025[30]; TikTok, 2025[31]; Meta, 2026[32]).
The opportunities created by this new type of content require public communicators to take a prudent approach, particularly regarding targeting practices. Some respondents to the OECD Survey report relying on highly segmented targeting only in limited circumstances, such as recruitment campaigns or specific policy initiatives, given broader considerations around ethics, privacy, and public trust. These concerns related to the use of personal data for targeted advertising have intensified in recent years (Wachter and Mittelstadt, 2019[33]) and are likely to grow further with the rapid advancement of AI.
These technologies raise important ethical considerations, including questions of copyright, content ownership, and transparency. In response, many institutions are developing guidelines to frame and regulate the use of paid content in their communication activities. For example, the European Union’s Digital Services Act (2022) prohibits the use of personal data for targeted advertising directed at minors and bans profiling based on sensitive attributes, such as political opinions or religious beliefs (European Union, 2022[34]).
Done responsibly, paid content provides governments with a means to communicate with groups that are historically harder to reach, under-served, or less likely to engage directly with public institutions. Recent years have seen a notable increase in the use of sponsored content and paid promotion across public institutions. Eighteen percent of respondents to the OECD Survey noted they expanded sponsored content in recent years (Figure 2.2, Panel A).
Evidence from a study analysing more than 15 000 advertisements produced by 363 public sector advertisers on Meta platforms in the United Kingdom shows that governments are increasingly repurposing commercial targeted advertising to reach specific groups with tailored messages (Collier et al., 2024[35]). For instance, Health Canada has used LinkedIn ads to reach healthcare practitioners with educational materials on antibiotic resistance (Health Canada | Santé Canada, 2024[36]; Government of Canada, 2025[37]). Many campaigns still rely on basic demographic targeting, such as the United Kingdom’s “Violence Against Women and Girls” initiative, which specifically targeted young adult men in England and Wales.
Nonetheless, responses to the OECD Survey support that for 11% of communicators paid social media strategies are one of most challenging aspects of digital communication (Figure 2.2, Panel B). At the national level, numerous public communication offices have issued internal guidelines to enhance the effectiveness and accountability of their online advertising. For instance, Luxembourg’s Information and Press Service has created an internal social media guide that includes recommendations on platform selection and the appropriate use of paid promotion. Other countries, such as the Netherlands, have adopted an approach that places a strong emphasis on privacy when planning and implementing paid online campaigns (Box 2.2).
The Netherlands adopts one of the most privacy‑protective approaches to paid government communication across OECD countries. Rather than using data to the full extent allowed by law, the Dutch government prioritises strict data minimisation and cautious, non‑intrusive targeting.
To support this, the Ministry of General Affairs has developed guidance that aligns with national and EU privacy standards and sets clear expectations for how online campaigns should be designed and delivered.
The framework encourages institutions to first maximise the use of their own communication channels and to work only with partners offering strong privacy protections. It emphasises making campaign information easy to find through organic search rather than paid promotion, reserving paid search ads for rare cases where urgent visibility is needed. Search engine optimisation is presented as the preferred, low‑intrusion alternative.
A central component of the guidance is the requirement that paid campaigns use as little data as possible. It prohibits the use of personal data, sensitive data, behavioural tracking, pseudonymous identifiers, retargeting, and social‑media‑based targeting. Only limited, non‑identifiable data—such as basic contextual information or frequency caps—may be used under strict conditions. Even basic socio‑demographic targeting is allowed only in exceptional circumstances.
The guidance also mandates transparency about any data use and requires campaign evaluation to rely solely on anonymous, aggregated statistics. Tracking pixels and tools that follow users across websites are explicitly banned.
Source: Ministry of General Affairs, Netherlands (2025[38]), Checklist for privacy-proof and effective online campaigning, https://www.communicatierijk.nl/campagnekeuken/privacyproof-en-effectief-campagne-voeren/checklist-privacyproof-campagnevoeren.
2.1.3. Reviewing social media’s value to engage with citizens and listen to them
Social media is often presented as a space for direct dialogue and real‑time feedback, promising new ways to understand citizens’ concerns and respond more quickly (Alfonsi et al., 2022[39]; OECD, 2023[15]). At their full potential, platforms offer a means for interacting directly with users, allowing public communicators to better understand what engages them and what they are saying, so to inform communication and policy (Alfonsi et al., 2022[39]; OECD, 2023[15]). This can also contribute to strengthen the relationship between citizens and government (Schmidthuber, Ingrams and Hilgers, 2021[4]).
However, in practice, many social platforms have become unsuited to this kind of engagement. Research shows that online discussions about current affairs are increasingly dominated by a small, vocal and more partisan subset of users (OECD, 2023[15]; Newman et al., 2025[40]). Consequently, government social media handles often do not attract the type of engagement sought.
Social media is still regarded as somewhat useful for interacting with audiences by about half of public communicators surveyed, but its effectiveness is limited (Figure 2.3). According to these respondents, the level of engagement is less than hoped but there are some valuable interactions.
While institutions routinely review and respond to comments and do receive constructive inputs, 23% of respondents also report a considerable volume of unconstructive, abusive or inappropriate messages. These shifts have prompted institutions to downgrade their ambitions for genuine interaction on their own channels. 16% of communicators surveyed do not use social media for two-way interactions, and others indicated defaulting to more traditional broadcasting approaches or reconsidering which platforms are best suited for engagement.
How useful are social media channels for genuine two-way interaction with target audiences?
Note: Data shown above refers to 57 responses to the relevant question in the OECD Survey of Government Communicators. Full responses labels read as "Highly useful: we routinely receive and respond to users’ comments and can obtain constructive inputs from citizens", "Somewhat useful: the level of engagement is not as high as we would like but there are some valuable interactions", "Not useful: too much of the interactions and comments are unconstructive, such as abusive and inappropriate comments", "Not applicable: Our institution does not use social media for the purpose of two-way interactions".
Source: OECD 2025 Survey of Government Communicators.
Despite these drawbacks, social media is still considered a key tool for listening to and understanding citizens’ concerns (Figure 2.4). This listening relationship proved particularly valuable during the COVID-19 pandemic, when large numbers of citizens consistently engaged with public health messaging. In Finland, like in many other OECD countries, interactions and direct messages on social media were monitored to identify and address gaps in public understanding (Erkkilä and Luoma-aho, 2023[41]; Alfonsi et al., 2022[39]).
Although the circumstances that brought people to engage online during COVID-19 have now faded, 23% of respondents in the OECD Survey still find it a highly useful source of insight. Over half of respondents continue to rely on social listening provided it is combined with other data to obtain an accurate picture. Only 17% deem it too skewed by loud, opinionated subsets of users to be reliable.
Public communicators can still leverage social listening by balancing potential for bias for a more accurate and nuanced assessment of public needs and expectations (Wang et al., 2019[42]). They can complement these insights with other sources of audience data such as surveys, focus groups, polling, search analytics, community outreach and direct engagement with stakeholder groups (OECD, 2023[15]). For example, social media remains a valuable means for open-ended listening that surfaces emerging topics of concern and trends in public discourse. This complements methods like surveys that instead seek citizens’ answers to governments’ specific questions (Macnamara, 2022[5]; Macnamara, 2025[43]).
In the current context institutions should aim to go beyond surface efforts on social listening and move towards organisational listening (Macnamara, 2015[44]). This practice requires more than analysing social media: it involves consolidating and analysing signals from multiple channels to build a deeper understanding of what matters to different groups and how policies are experienced. Organisational listening requires greater investments in the capabilities to gather and apply insights. In this context, such investments ought to be prioritised as central to building responsive and people‑centred public communication.
How useful is social listening across social media channels to analyse and understand public attitudes and concerns?
Note: Data shown above refers to 57 responses to the relevant question in the OECD Survey of Government Communicators. Full responses labels read as “Highly useful: social listening allows us to get a deep understanding of a wide range of audiences and how our topics are perceived”, “Moderately useful: social listening offers some insights on how our topics are perceived among some audience segments, but it needs to be combined with other research (surveys, polling) to obtain an accurate picture”, “Not useful enough: social listening is skewed towards audience segments that are more vocal and opinionated, it is not representative of the majority of online audiences to be a reliable source”.
Source: OECD 2025 Survey of Government Communicators.
Public institutions are increasingly distinguishing between strategies designed to maximise reach and those designed to build sustained attention, understanding and trust over time in the current information environment. This shift is leading many communicators to complement short‑form social media activity with formats and channels that allow them to set the narrative, provide context and maintain a more stable relationship with audiences.
In this context, long‑form digital formats such as podcasts, newsletters and long‑form video have gained prominence. Compared to rapid‑fire feeds, these formats create more favourable conditions for explanation and continuity: they can support coherent storylines over time, provide space for nuance, and attract audiences who actively choose to spend time with a topic. For governments, this creates opportunities to move beyond visibility and toward more meaningful engagement, particularly on complex policy issues.
Podcasters, YouTubers and newsletter writers now attract large, dedicated audiences and increasingly compete with traditional media for attention and trust. For example, 35% of people surveyed across 46 countries reported listening to a podcast in the past month, and 13% reported listening to a news podcast (Newman et al., 2024[11]). The new formats via which these creators communicate have replaced the traditional blog and greatly expanded its popularity.
The rise of email newsletters is a significant example of these recent changes. Despite declining news consumption overall (Robertson, 2025[45]), the average number of people obtaining news by email every week has been steady or rising across many countries (The Pew Research Center, 2012[46]; Newman et al., 2020[47]; Newman et al., 2022[48]). The durability of newsletters reflects readers’ valuing ease of use (65%), the breadth of stories they provide (30%), and the appeal of their authors’ voices (28%) according to a survey (Seely and Spillman, 2021[49]; Newman, 2022[50]).
Expanding into podcasts, vlogs, and newsletters can help public institutions diversify their digital presence, drawing on the successful practices of content creators to build deeper direct links with specific audiences and cultivate engaged followings that are less affected by social media algorithms. A wide range of government agencies and departments have already begun producing their own content across these alternative digital channels: one third of senior communicators surveyed by the OECD reported expanding the development of podcasts, newsletters, vlogs, or video series as a major shift in their communication practices in recent years (Figure 2.2, Panel A). Newsletters are used by some institutions to communicate in more detail with specific communities on government priority issues, as in Ireland (Box 2.3).
Similarly, European Union institutions have developed their own podcasts to explain their work in an accessible way and highlight specific policy issues. Eurostat’s Stats in a Wrap presents policy questions through statistical insights and explores methodological topics relevant to the professional community. In the United States, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) has produced nearly 400 episodes of Houston, We Have a Podcast, while the Government Accountability Office releases the Watchdog Report, in which officials discuss their work and ongoing investigations.
Moving “from reach to depth” via these popular formats does not only involve building new government‑owned channels. Many institutions are also seeking depth by meeting audiences in the long‑form spaces they already use, through appearances on third‑party podcasts, YouTube channels and newsletters. This approach is increasingly common: 18% of public communicators surveyed reported collaborating with a third‑party podcast, newsletter and/or vlog/video series (Figure 2.2, Panel A). Used strategically, such collaborations can provide access to audiences that are difficult to engage through traditional media or institutional accounts alone.
In practice, these third‑party channels operate as intermediaries: they offer not only distribution, but also a format, tone and relationship with audiences that institutions may not be able to replicate quickly on their own. This logic aligns directly with the wider shift toward partnerships and co‑creation discussed in the next section, where governments work with actors that have established credibility and reach within specific communities. For example, the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations has partnered with podcasters to create thematic episodes for shows popular across EU member states3.
At the same time, relying on these intermediaries also requires careful channel selection and risk management, as the norms and incentives of creator ecosystems do not always align with public‑sector values. A number of public communicators surveyed underline that the podcast ecosystem has grown increasingly partisan and entertainment‑driven, introducing reputational risks for public institutions. Nevertheless, given the sheer diversity of podcast genres and audiences, strategic engagement can still help governments connect with niche groups and communities that may no longer rely on traditional news sources.
Finally, mobile applications represent another category of alternative digital channels that governments have tested, particularly during the COVID‑19 pandemic. Many countries deployed dedicated apps to provide real‑time public health information, update users on case numbers, or support contact tracing (Alfonsi et al., 2022[39]; OECD, 2020[51]). In Spain, apps also enabled direct interactions between patients and physicians (Herrera Montano et al., 2022[52]). While their primary current use has shifted back toward accessing digital government services, government mobile apps still hold future potential as tools for direct engagement with citizens and as complements to government websites in navigating official information.
In Ireland, the Government Information Service (GIS) has developed two thematic digital newsletters, one on housing and one on climate policy, to support communication around key government priorities. Launched in summer 2023, these newsletters represent GIS’s first foray into this format as an alternative and complement to social media.
These newsletters offer targeted, in‑depth information for audiences with a strong interest in housing or climate policy; and particularly key stakeholder groups, therefore enabling more direct and meaningful engagement than is possible through general‑audience social media content.
By adopting digital newsletters, communicators are able to define narrative, format, and depth, allowing them to present coherent updates on how these priority issues are being advanced across multiple departments and agencies. The longer-format design enables GIS to provide succinct summaries of developments, supported by links to more detailed material for readers who wish to explore further.
The approach has attracted significant following: as of 2025, the monthly climate newsletter had gathered 33 600 subscribers on LinkedIn, while the housing e‑zine reached more than 12 000 recipients across email and LinkedIn.
Source: OECD Secretariat interviews with the Department of the Taoiseach (2025); “Housing for All” Newsletter https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/housing-all-e-zine-july-2025-department-of-housing-local-govern-dvvee; “Climate Action News” Newsletter https://www.linkedin.com/newsletters/climate-action-news-7069607762250358784/
In today’s decentralised and networked information environment, governments increasingly need to work through the actors who already capture attention and trust in specific communities. Partnerships are becoming an increasingly important strategy to cut through to citizens, complementing governments’ own efforts to diversify their online presence and adapt content.
Reflecting this shift, only a quarter of senior communicators surveyed by the OECD report not embarking on any collaboration with intermediaries (Figure 2.5, Panel A). Partnerships with content creators and celebrities (both paid and unpaid) constitute the most common form of collaboration reported by public communicators, with around one‑third of institutions engaging with these actors.
Creators bring platform literacy and understanding of formats, tone and storytelling conventions that shape visibility and engagement on services such as YouTube, TikTok and Instagram. They can adapt information into the tone and cues that feel authentic within a given community. For governments, this can help translate public information into content that fits how people consume information today.
Survey responses suggest that institutions most often pursue partnerships for strategic distribution reasons, particularly when they need to reach beyond existing followers and break out of algorithmically constrained feeds (about half of respondents, Figure 2.5, Panel B). However, analysis also points to a broader rationale: partnering with trusted intermediaries can help institutions “borrow trust” (Baugh, 2026[53]) by working through voices that audiences already know, choose and return to. They help reach groups where institutional messages are less likely to be sought out or algorithmically surfaced, communicate in more culturally and contextually relevant ways, and create feedback loops that improve how messages are designed and understood.
Note: Panel A. Data shown above refers to 56 responses to the relevant question in the OECD Survey of Government Communicators. Multiple choices possible. Panel B. Data shown above refers to 41 responses to the relevant question in the OECD Survey of Government Communicators.
Source: OECD 2025 Survey of Government Communicators.
In other words, partnerships can support not only amplification, but also a more collaborative model of public communication that is better suited to a fragmented and peer‑to‑peer information space. During the COVID‑19 pandemic, for instance, many governments mobilised networks of social media content creators to extend the reach of public health messaging. In Korea, the Korea Disease Control and Prevention Agency and the Ministry of Health developed a widely recognised campaign that leveraged K‑pop music and choreography to promote social distancing (Lee, Barbetta and Abidin, 2020[54]). Japan and Singapore similarly adopted creative approaches, collaborating with YouTubers, rappers, and other online creators to make preventive measures more engaging for younger audiences (Alfonsi et al., 2022[39]). Ireland partnered with TikTok content creators to circulate messages throughout the health crisis (Box 2.4).
During the COVID‑19 pandemic, Ireland’s Department of Health partnered with TikTok content creators to rapidly disseminate critical public health information and significantly expand the visibility of official guidance.
Rather than attempting to build an institutional presence on a platform where it had limited experience, the Department strategically leveraged creators who were already skilled in producing engaging, platform‑native content. This approach was grounded in the recognition that content creators, as “native users,” possessed an intuitive understanding of TikTok’s fast‑paced formats, trends, and audience expectations. Their peer‑like status, distinct from traditional celebrities, was also expected to lend greater authenticity and trust to the messages conveyed, an important asset when promoting adherence to public health measures.
By collaborating with creators already adept at tailoring content to TikTok’s style and tone, the Department ensured that public health messages were integrated into videos that were both engaging and relatable to younger audiences. This allowed for immediate reach and impact at a moment when timely communication was essential, while avoiding the significant time and resource investment required to build an audience from scratch.
Source: OECD Secretariat interview with Government of Ireland, 2024.
Public communicators are increasingly partnering with social media content creators as part of broader efforts to promote their countries internationally. Content creators and their communication style have been harnessed to enhance countries’ international perceptions, build affinity with foreign audiences, and modernise the image of state institutions. Many countries increasingly tap into popular culture and well‑known digital and national figures to strengthen their soft‑power influence abroad. Korea is a prominent example, proactively leveraging K‑pop celebrities and the global appeal of Korean culture to humanise its messaging and project a more relatable national brand (Jin, 2024[55]) (Box 2.5).
Beyond working with content creators to disseminate information, some governments are increasingly recognising content creators as meaningful actors in the information ecosystem. Interviews conducted with public communicators by the OECD secretariat highlight that some institutions now provide them with policy briefings, access to senior officials, and timely updates, engagements traditionally reserved for journalists.
Where partnerships are successful, institutions manage partnerships as collaborations rather than extensions of institutional channels. This also implies a shift in governance. Rather than seeking to replicate institutional sign‑off processes in creator spaces, communicators can manage risk through careful partner selection and clear collaboration principles: assessing audience fit and past conduct, agreeing on roles and responsibilities, defining non‑negotiable accuracy and integrity standards, and documenting expectations on transparency, including paid partnerships. This approach helps protect institutional credibility while preserving the creative latitude that makes partnerships valuable in the first place. The approach of France in the Annex A illustrates how the Service d’Information du Gouvernement has established such guardrails.
In May 2023, Korea’s Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism (MCST) launched an expat‑influencer initiative as part of the “Visit Korea Year 2023” programme, appointing 201 creators from 45 countries to help promote the country internationally.
Complementing this effort, the #VisitKoreaFromHome campaign recruited six U.S.-based content creators with a combined audience of 42.8 million followers. By leveraging the global popularity of K‑pop, these creators produced content designed to showcase Korea’s culture and tourism attractions in a relatable and engaging format. The campaign generated over 1.4 million in reach, nearly 2 million likes, and 1.7 million views on TikTok alone.
Building on these results, the Korean government has since moved toward a more systematic collaboration with content creators as part of its broader nation‑branding strategy. This approach complements Korea’s long‑standing efforts to harness cultural exports, such as K‑pop, K‑dramas, and K‑beauty, to strengthen its global reputation and attract international visitors.
Source: Author’s work based on information provided by the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism of Korea.
Public communicators are also increasingly broadening their collaboration strategies to include grassroots actors and community leaders who are ideally placed to help engage and enhance trust within specific groups, as highlighted by 25% of public communicators surveyed (Figure 2.5). For example, in Indonesia, the Madiun district government collaborated with six local micro‑content creators to boost participation in a stunting‑prevention programme (Salsabila, Hastjarjo and Satyawan, 2024, p. 9[56]). Similarly, during the COVID‑19 pandemic, the UK Cabinet Office’s National Resilience Hub External Affairs team worked closely with religious leaders to reach ethnic minority and faith‑based communities. By co‑creating content with trusted local figures, communicators were able to deliver key public health messages in a culturally appropriate and contextually meaningful way to groups that might otherwise have disengaged from official information channels (UK Government Communication Service, 2022[57]; OECD, 2023[15]).
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← 1. Web 2.0 refers to “a name for all the internet features and websites that allow users to create, change, and share internet content (information, pictures, etc.)” (Cambridge Dictionary, https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/web-20)
← 2. A recommender system uses artificial intelligence (AI), machine learning, and big data to suggest items a user might be interested in. These systems are commonly used by e-commerce, media streaming, and social media sites to suggest or recommend other products and services to people (https://online.abertay.ac.uk/what-is-a-recommender-system/).
← 3. See #EUSolidarityTalks featured podcasts on https://civil-protection-humanitarian-aid.ec.europa.eu/resources-campaigns/audio-visual-productions/podcasts_en (accessed 29 April 2025).