Challenging Social Inequality Through Career Guidance

Insights from International Data and Practice

Report

29 February 2024

2. Inequality and career guidance by socio-economic status

Copy link to 2. Inequality and career guidance by socio-economic status

Abstract

This chapter first presents data on how socio-economic status (SES) shapes both the labour market outcomes of similarly qualified young adults and how it is related to teenage career thinking, exploration, and experience. It draws on relevant academic literature and makes extensive use of OECD PISA and PIAAC data and OECD career readiness indicators. The chapter then looks at ways in which career guidance can address inequalities related to SES, presenting illustrative examples of practice and discusses the characteristics of effective career guidance provision in this regard.

2.1. Inequalities by SES in the early career experience of young adults

Copy link to 2.1. Inequalities by SES in the early career experience of young adults

The socio-economic status (SES) of a young person is largely defined by the education, occupation, earnings and possessions of their parents. It is a key factor in measuring structural inequalities and intergenerational mobility. Students with low-educated and low-income parents tend to struggle more in their transitions into adult employment even if their educational attainment or academic performance is similar to that of their more advantaged counterparts. Moreover, analysis shows that once in employment, workers from low SES backgrounds can often earn substantially less than high SES peers doing the same job (Social Mobility Foundation, 2022[1]) This chapter reviews international evidence on how SES can be seen to shape the early labour market experiences of young people, using PIAAC data. It then explores how teenage career development relates to social background based on PISA data. The analysis highlights common additional challenges faced by young people and guidance systems in ensuring more equitable outcomes. Finally in light of these findings, the chapter reviews ways in which guidance systems in different countries respond to such barriers to progression and the more effective and equitable activation of accumulated human capital in the labour market.

2.1.1. Labour market engagement and socio-economic status: risk of being Not in Education Employment or Training (NEET)

Young adults (aged 16-34) with the same education and skills levels but with low parental education are considerably more likely to be not in education, employment nor training (NEET) than those with a high parental education in all countries participating in PIAAC (Figure 2.1). Even with skills, education attainment, gender and migrant status being equal, young people with parents who have not attained upper secondary education have 3.5 times the odds1 of being NEET than those with at least one parent who has attained tertiary education. The Slovak Republic stands out in that those with low parental education are 15 times more likely to be NEET, compared to their counterparts even with the same skills and educational attainment.

Figure 2.1. Even with the same education and skills level, young people with low parent education are more likely to be NEET than those with high parent education
Copy link to Figure 2.1. Even with the same education and skills level, young people with low parent education are more likely to be NEET than those with high parent education

Percentage of young people (16-34) who are NEET by parent education

2.1.2. Labour market segmentation is apparent by young workers’ socio-economic status

When in work, young adults from disadvantaged backgrounds are disproportionally represented in certain labour market segments. Those from the low SES (neither parent has attained upper secondary) tend to work in agriculture, manufacturing and construction more than those from high SES (at least one parent has attained tertiary). Based on PIAAC, on average across OECD countries that have available data, disadvantaged young adults are about 6 percentage point more likely to work in these sectors than advantaged young adults. By contrast, socially advantaged young adults work more commonly in the service sector (such as trade, transportation, accommodation, public administration, or social services) than their disadvantaged peers (Figure 2.2). Young adults with high SES backgrounds tend to work in high-skilled service occupations such as managerial or professional occupations, more than those from low SES backgrounds. In particular, professional occupations show the largest gap: 15% of young adults from low SES work as a professional compared to 28% from high SES (Figure 2.3). This disparity by SES across sectors and occupations are related to pay gaps and different working conditions.

Figure 2.2. Young adults with low SES tend to be under-represented in the service sector
Copy link to Figure 2.2. Young adults with low SES tend to be under-represented in the service sector

Figure 2.3. Young adults (16-24) with low SES tend to be under-represented in high-skilled occupations
Copy link to Figure 2.3. Young adults (16-24) with low SES tend to be under-represented in high-skilled occupations

While it might be assumed that adults going into the labour market from high SES backgrounds will be more likely to do so with higher levels of academic qualifications, this factor cannot explain the variations in sectoral participation within the labour market. Among young people with the same level of education, labour market segregation by SES is still clear. For example, low educated (primary educated and below) young people from high SES backgrounds are more likely than those from low SES backgrounds to work in service industries, whereas young people from low SES backgrounds are more likely to work in the manufacturing and construction sectors (Figure 2.4). However, among high-educated (tertiary education) young people, the difference of their share by employment sector was relatively small between those from low and high SES backgrounds. Yet, even with the same level of education, young adults with high SES tend to be more likely to work in high-skilled sectors more than those with low SES.

Figure 2.4. Even among those with the same education level, labour market segregation by SES is clear
Copy link to Figure 2.4. Even among those with the same education level, labour market segregation by SES is clear

Share (%) of young people (16-34) who are from high SES (Y-axis) and from low SES (X-axis) by employment sector and by education level, OECD countries

While there are several factors that explain the distribution of young people across sectors and occupations, one of them is parental occupation. For example, a study using data related to tertiary-educated males in Sweden 1985-2005 found that having parents in senior positions in the same organisation increased the likelihood of internal promotion and having family members in elite positions (top earners) increased the chance of elite entry in general (Bihagen et al., 2017[2]). Other studies also show that socially advantaged students have better labour market outcomes regardless of their educational performance. Such students appear to be, to some extent, protected from downward mobility even when, based on their educational achievement, it would be predicted that they would occupy a lower socio-economic position (McKnight, 2015[3]) (also see Box 2.1 for ‘class ceiling’ (Friedman and Laurison, 2020[4])).

Box 2.1. Class ceilings: Class-based inequalities in the workplace

Copy link to Box 2.1. Class ceilings: Class-based inequalities in the workplace

In their study of inequality, Friedman and Laurison (2020[4]) draw on the concept of a ‘class ceiling’, i.e. class-based gaps in access to elite professions (such as managers, lawyers, doctors and other professional occupations) and pay within those professions that are linked to SES. According to the authors, this class ceiling describes frequently found limits on the career advancement of individuals from working-class backgrounds. Elite occupations are dominated by workers from privileged families and those inequalities cannot be fully explained by ability. Even when holding constant educational attainment including attendance at elite schools, people from working-class backgrounds are still less likely than people from privileged backgrounds to work in elite occupations.

Using 2013-16 UK Labour Force Surveys, the authors find that, in elite occupations, people from working-class origins earn 16% less than peers from more privileged backgrounds and that such class-based gaps are multiplied for women and for workers from ethnic minorities. Women from working-class backgrounds in such professions earn on average GBP 7 500 less than women from privileged class backgrounds, and GBP 19 000 less than men from privileged class backgrounds. That gap is even larger (GBP 20 000) when comparing Black British women from working-class backgrounds to White British men from privileged backgrounds. These pay gaps are much larger in some technical fields than in professional or business fields. The authors argue such gaps are primarily a function of workers’ educational credentials (attending more prestigious schools) and the sorting of workers into different firms and fields (higher-paying fields, larger firms, and locations with higher salaries). Taken together, however, those factors still explain only half the class-based gap in elite workers’ pay.

Based on in-depth interviews, they further explain class-based variations in terms of cultural fit, cultural affinity, and personal confidence. The higher level of confidence among workers from privileged backgrounds compared to those from working-class backgrounds is conceived in terms of economic, social, and cultural capital. Elite workers from privileged backgrounds are seen as being able to take greater risks, more willing to demand work-related opportunities and to assert themselves more in professional settings, all factors associated with higher levels of career advancement and salaries. Due to their more limited economic, social, and cultural capital, elite workers from working-class backgrounds struggle to achieve the same level of professional success as their more privileged peers.

Similarly, the UK Sutton Trust and Social Mobility Commission (2019[5]) have explored the dominance of a wide range of high social status professions in the UK by people who were educated privately. They find that while only 7% of Britons attend private schools, on average 39% of individuals across a range of elite professional categories (e.g., 29% of members of parliament, 53% of CEOs of large companies, 44% of newspaper columnists, 59% of permanent secretaries (senior civil servants) and 66% of senior judges, and 42% of winners of British Academy of Film and Television Arts winners) attended fee-paying schools.

Source: The Class Ceiling: Why it Pays to be Privileged (Friedman and Laurison, 2020[4]); Sutton Trust/Social Mobility Commission (2019[5]). See also: (Social Mobility Foundation, 2022[1]).

2.1.3. The relationship between SES and job quality

High-level SES is frequently associated with better access to high-paying and high-quality jobs. According to PIAAC analysis, young adults with at least one parent who has attained tertiary education in OECD countries are 1.8 times more likely to earn wages in the top quartile compared to those whose parents have not attained upper secondary education, even when controlling for the education, skills, gender and migrant status of the young adult (Figure 2.5). In a regression analysis of wage penalty across OECD countries controlling for gender, migrant status, age and other variables (a result of pooled OECD data using PIAAC), respondents whose parents had not attained upper secondary education earn 6% less, and those with at least one parent who has attained upper secondary education earn 4% less, in reference to young adults with at least one parent who had attained tertiary education – this result is statistically significant after controls are applied for gender, educational attainment, literacy score and place of birth. However, only six countries have statistically significant results. In five, young adults with high parent education are more likely to earn high wages: Korea (an odds ratio of 1.9), Türkiye (2.4), United States 2012/14 (3.1), Hungary (3.3) and Slovak Republic (3.9). In Canada, young adults with high parent education are less likely to earn high wages (odds ratio 0.6).

Figure 2.5. Young adults with high SES tend to earn high wages compared to those with low SES, even with education and skills being equal
Copy link to Figure 2.5. Young adults with high SES tend to earn high wages compared to those with low SES, even with education and skills being equal

Percentage of young adults (16-34) earning in the top quartile of workers’ wages, by parent education

National studies provide comparable results. A study using an Italian longitudinal dataset2 indicates that an additional year of parental education increases the weekly wages of their son(s) by 12% after twenty years of experience in work – this effect holds irrespective of children’s education level (Michele and Francesco, 2015[6]). In the UK, tertiary graduates who were eligible for free school meals (an indication of parental SES) earn less than similarly qualified peers and this gap increases from 10% one year after graduation to 12% five years after university graduation (Hubble, Bolton and Lewis, 2021[7]).

Job satisfaction is a further important aspect of a young person’s progression in work, and may be affected by qualification mismatches and working conditions, in particular earnings (OECD, 2016[8]; 2013[9]). However, when it comes to job satisfaction by SES controlling for wage and qualification mismatch in addition to gender, migrant status, skills and education, analysis of PIAAC data reveals no evidence of difference.

However, using PIAAC data and controlling for gender, migrant status, skills and education, young adults (ages 16-34) who have at least one parent with tertiary education attainment (high SES) are significantly more likely to have an indefinite work contract than their peers who have neither parent with upper secondary education (low SES) in Hungary (odds ratio 2.1), Korea, the Slovak Republic (1.7), Canada (1.6), Austria/Flanders (Belgium) (1.5), Estonia/ France/ Sweden (1.4), Denmark (1.3). However, Türkiye (0.4) and the US 2012/2014 (0.8) show the opposite.

Qualification mismatches (over- or under-qualified to their job) may affect job satisfaction at work and, ultimately, productivity and wages (OECD, 2016[8]; 2013[9]). For example, overqualified workers with higher skills represent a productivity loss and inefficiencies to economies as they would presumably have the capacity to occupy jobs that require more skills than their current job (LaRochelle-Côté and Hango, 2016[10]). Analysis of PIAAC data, shows limited evidence of qualification and field mismatches by SES. Among five countries in PIAAC that have a statistically significant result for the odds of young people with qualification mismatch (over- or under-qualified to their job), those who have at least one parent with tertiary education attainment (high SES) are less likely to have qualification mismatch than those who have neither parent with upper secondary education (low SES) in Chile (odds ratio 0.7), Hungary (0.6), Türkiye (0.5) and the United States (0.6). In the Netherlands however, the opposite is the case: young adults with at least one parent with tertiary education attainment are more likely to have qualification mismatch than those who have no parent with upper secondary education.

A further study of Canadian PIAAC data (LaRochelle-Côté and Hango, 2016[10]) found no statistically significant results linked qualification mismatch and SES among workers aged 25-64 with a university degree. However, having a parent with high school diploma tends to link with higher probability of being overqualified.

Turning to mismatch by field of study and employment, analysis of PIAAC data finds that young adults with at least one parent with tertiary education attainment (high SES) are less likely to have field mismatch in four countries: Israel (odds ratio 0.5), Italy (0.4), Poland (0.5), and the US 2017 (0.4). Here coming from a high SES background is statistically associated with greater likelihood of working in a profession linked to the primary focus of education and training.

Consequently, the socio-economic background of a young person can be seen to shape in important ways how they engage with the labour market. On average across participating OECD countries, young people from more socially disadvantaged backgrounds are much more likely to experience NEET status than their more advantaged peers. When working, patterns of concentration are also linked to socio-economic background. In some countries, lower wages and greater skills mismatch can also be linked to family background. In all cases, these patterns of disadvantage are apparent even after taking account of educational levels and other personal characteristics. National longitudinal studies also reveal that parental advantage influences the progression of their children, notably into higher paying and higher status employment. The evidence speaks to young people from more disadvantaged social backgrounds often facing additional barriers in converting the human capital (as codified in academic qualifications) into successful employment. For educational systems, career guidance is a primary mechanism that is used to support young people in such an activation. However as discussed below, PISA data show that often young people from more disadvantaged backgrounds engage less in career development activities than their high SES peers.

2.2. Teenage career readiness by SES

Copy link to 2.2. Teenage career readiness by SES

While international data show that young adults from more disadvantaged backgrounds can expect to face additional challenges in the labour market, it also allows for comparisons of teenage career readiness linked to SES. OECD career readiness indicators (see Box 1.3) identify 11 primary (and three partial) forms of teenage career development that are commonly predictive of better labour market outcomes in adulthood. As noted, the indicators cluster around three forms of development: career-related exploration, experiences and thinking which are related to potential futures in work. Collectively, they describe the readiness of a student to transition from secondary education into the labour market. From a school’s perspective, career development activities (CDA) relate to specific forms of guidance that are routinely delivered to enable career progression.

Across many OECD countries, access to CDA differs by SES. Socioeconomically disadvantaged students (the bottom quarter of the PISA index of economic, social and cultural status, see Box 1.3) are significantly less likely than the most advantaged quartile of students to participate in all types of CDA linked to exploring and experiencing potential futures in work. In terms of career thinking, students from low SES backgrounds tend to be more uncertain about their future careers than similarly performing students from high SES backgrounds. Disadvantaged students are less commonly ambitious for their futures in employment and education. Career misalignment is also more common among them. This section also shows that a parent’s occupation is related to higher odds of teenagers expecting the same occupation for their own future careers – and thus more likely to lead them to work in that occupation as a young adult – with other factors being equal. The section also includes an analysis of intersectionality in terms of SES and gender.

2.2.1. Exploration of potential futures in work

Students from high SES backgrounds are significantly more likely to participate in forms of career development that allow them to explore potential futures in work. On average across OECD countries for which data is available, students from top SES quartile are from 1.2 to 1.7 times more likely than students from bottom quartile to undertake an exploring activity such as participating in job shadowing, work-site visits, job fairs or college tours (Figure 2.6).

Figure 2.6. Students with high SES are more likely to participate in career development activities, even when controlling for gender, migrant status, reading performance, and VET orientation
Copy link to Figure 2.6. Students with high SES are more likely to participate in career development activities, even when controlling for gender, migrant status, reading performance, and VET orientation

**Odds ratio of students with high SES (top quarter) in reference to low SES (bottom quartile), OECD average**

Such variations are particularly important with regard to participation in exploration activities identified as career readiness indicators, where longitudinal analysis commonly predicts better later employment outcomes (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]). These include participation in job fairs and job shadowing/worksite visits, both of which are identified as indicators. This is not to say that other forms of CDA assessed in PISA 2018 might not be related to be better outcomes. Rather, longitudinal data is not sufficiently available to assess relationships with better outcomes. Such data do however, identify three other forms of career development as being commonly linked to greater success in the labour market. Analysis of PISA 2018 data from 21 countries, including 14 OECD countries, shows that more socially advantaged students are consistently more likely than disadvantaged peers to have taken part in a career conversation about a job they would like to do after finishing education. On average, 86.8% of OECD students from the most advantaged quartile agreed that they had engaged in such a discussion, compared to 78.6% of their most disadvantaged peers. The gap between the two groups is more than 10 percentage points in Australia, Canada, Lithuania, Slovak Republic, United States, Brazil, Bulgaria and Serbia. In none of the participating countries was the opposite the case. A further indicator relates to participation in school classes where a student is taught to create a CV or résumé and/or participate in interview skills development. While PISA 2018 did not collect data on participation in such classes, the study did ask students if they knew how to prepare for an interview or to create a résumé. Here, no strong patterns by SES were observable. A final indicator relates to teenage participation in occupationally focused short programmes or career pathways. Here, no PISA data are available for comparison.

School composition by SES and teenage career development

Looked at from another perspective, PISA data also show that across the OECD it is more common for students who attend schools with fellow students from high SES backgrounds to have access to career counsellors within their school (OECD, 2019[11]) (Figure 2.7).

Figure 2.7. On average across the OECD, students in disadvantaged schools have less access to guidance counsellors
Copy link to Figure 2.7. On average across the OECD, students in disadvantaged schools have less access to guidance counsellors

Percentage of students in schools that provide access to career counsellors within school

Students were also asked in PISA 2018 whether they have access to information about financing of university studies and, if so, whether the information was provided at school or outside of school. Disadvantaged students were found to be more likely than their advantaged peers to rely on their schools for such information (Figure 2.8). This is particularly important as studies show that access to such information can have a considerable effect on the likelihood of young people from socially disadvantaged backgrounds progressing to university (Dinkelman and C., 2014[14]; O’Connor, Hammack and Scott, 2010[15]). Whereas it is socially advantaged students who are consistently more likely than their disadvantaged peers to access information outside of school, no such pattern is observed in relation to other activities undertaken within school. This finding suggests that schools can play an important role in levelling the playing field across social backgrounds and addressing systemic inequalities in access to reliable information and skills (Mann et al., 2020[13]).

Figure 2.8. Disadvantaged students rely more on schools for career-related skills than advantaged ones
Copy link to Figure 2.8. Disadvantaged students rely more on schools for career-related skills than advantaged ones

Percentage point difference between advantaged students and disadvantaged students who reported knowing how to find information about student financing

2.2.2. Experiencing potential futures in work

Similar to exploring activities, students from high SES backgrounds are significantly more likely to participate in activities that allow them to experience potential futures in work which are typically open to influence through schools (internships, volunteering), but less likely to work part-time. On average across OECD countries, students from the top quartile by SES are 1.5 times more likely than students from the bottom quartile to undertake an internship (Figure 2.9). Germany is an exception where socially advantaged students have lower odds of doing an internship (0.6 times), compared to disadvantaged ones.

Figure 2.9. Students with high SES are significantly more likely to undertake an internship, after controlling for gender, migrant status, reading score, and VET orientation
Copy link to Figure 2.9. Students with high SES are significantly more likely to undertake an internship, after controlling for gender, migrant status, reading score, and VET orientation

Odds ratio of students with high SES (top quartile) doing an internship in reference to low SES (bottom quartile), by country

In most OECD countries with available data, socially disadvantaged students are less likely to undertake volunteer work, but more likely to experience paid part-time work than advantaged students (Figure 2.10). This might be because of economic needs of disadvantaged students. In Finland, Australia and Canada, advantaged students are more likely to do paid work outside school hours or from occasional informal jobs relative to disadvantaged students. In the Netherlands and the US, advantaged students engage in occasional informal part-time employment at 17 percentage points more often than their disadvantaged peers. As Covacevich et al. (2021[12]) summarises, evidence from multiple longitudinal datasets routinely points towards students gaining long-term employment benefits in comparison to similar students who did not combine secondary education with forms of part-time employment. Consequently, teenage part-time working can serve to compensate for social disadvantage. However, more focused studies suggest such exposure to the labour market may limit opportunities for career exploration. For example Fullarton (1999[16]) shows that while students who had both worked part-time and undertaken a short work placement (a form of internship) through their school felt that the two experiences had helped them equally in developing work-related skills and growing their personal confidence, part-time employment was perceived to have provided much lower insight into careers of long-term interest.

Figure 2.10. In most OECD countries with available data, socially disadvantaged students do less volunteer work and more paid work than socially advantaged students
Copy link to Figure 2.10. In most OECD countries with available data, socially disadvantaged students do less volunteer work and more paid work than socially advantaged students

Share of students who agree the following statements

2.2.3. Thinking about future careers

Analysis of longitudinal datasets by the OECD and other researchers shows frequent statistically significant relationships exist between forms of teenage career thinking and better than expected adult employment outcomes. In particular, career certainty, ambition, alignment and instrumental motivation tend to be strongly associated with better outcomes while the link with career concentration is weaker (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]; 2021[17]).

Career uncertainty by SES

Although the evidence on career uncertainty by SES from the PISA 2018 study is not entirely clear, data from several countries points towards a gap in career uncertainty by SES. On average, students from the lowest SES quartile are more likely to be uncertain about their occupational plans than peers from the most advantaged quartile (on average across OECD countries, 23.2% of the former can be classified as uncertain, compared to 21.4% of the latter). However, it appears that results are shaped to an extent by levels of academic achievement, with lower achievers on average more likely to be uncertain (26.5%) than higher achievers (22.6%). Among low academic performers in eight OECD countries with a statistically significant results (see Box 1.1), more students from a lower SES (bottom quartile) were uncertain about their future careers compared to those at a higher SES (second quartile). The gap was particularly high in Mexico among low performers (17 pp).

In contrast, among high performers, among twelve countries with a statistically significant result, the results were mixed. In New Zealand, Iceland, Estonia, Japan, Israel and Poland, more students from a lower SES (second quartile as the numbers of high performing low SES students were comparatively few among the top quartile of academic achievers) were uncertain about their future careers compared to those at the higher SES (top quartile). In Austria, Slovenia, Portugal, Netherlands, and Czechia, the opposite is the case (Figure 2.11).

This lack of clear results may be due to the fact that often few students from higher SES are observed among low performers and few students from lower SES among high performers. When controlling for VET, gender, migrant status and reading score, socially disadvantaged students in 13 countries are more likely than advantaged students to be uncertain about their future career (Figure 2.12). In this example, comparisons are made between the highest and second highest SES quartiles as the numbers of lower SES students who performed at the highest levels on the PISA assessment were insufficient to allow comparisons to be made.

Figure 2.11. Disadvantaged students tend to be uncertain about their future careers more than advantaged students
Copy link to Figure 2.11. Disadvantaged students tend to be uncertain about their future careers more than advantaged students

Percentage of students in PISA 2018 who have no clear idea about their future job, by socio-economic status

Figure 2.12. Even when controlling for educational pathway (VET v. general), gender, migrant status and reading score, socially disadvantaged students are more likely than advantaged students to be uncertain about their future career
Copy link to Figure 2.12. Even when controlling for educational pathway (VET v. general), gender, migrant status and reading score, socially disadvantaged students are more likely than advantaged students to be uncertain about their future career

Relative likelihood of disadvantaged students to be uncertain about their careers at age 30 in reference to advantaged ones

Career ambition by SES

PISA analysis shows that SES strongly influences young people’s career ambitions. For example, high SES students are significantly more likely to expect to work as professionals, and low SES students are significantly more likely to expect to be technicians (Musset and Mytna Kurekova, 2018[18]). Even among similarly performing students, socially disadvantaged students (bottom quartile SES) are less likely than advantaged students (top quartile SES) to expect to work in high-skilled occupations and more likely to expect to work in medium- and low-skilled occupations (Figure 2.13, Panel A/B) (Mann et al., 2020[13]).

Further controlling for gender, migrant status, type of school, programme orientation (vocational) and reading scores, socially advantaged students are more likely to expect to work in high-skilled occupations, which usually results in higher wages and higher social status compared to other jobs. This is the case for all OECD countries, except Colombia and Israel. In Switzerland, Germany and Latvia, socially advantaged students are four times more likely than disadvantaged students to expect to work in high-skilled occupations (Figure 2.13, Panel C).

Figure 2.13. Even among similarly performing students, socially disadvantaged students are less likely than advantaged students to expect to work in high-skilled occupations
Copy link to Figure 2.13. Even among similarly performing students, socially disadvantaged students are less likely than advantaged students to expect to work in high-skilled occupations

In addition, high performing socially disadvantaged students are almost twice as likely to not expect to complete tertiary education, compared to advantaged students (Figure 2.14, Panel A). Even after controlling for gender, migrant status, type of school, programme orientation (vocational) and reading scores, socially advantaged students are more likely to expect to complete tertiary education. This is the case for all OECD countries: on average socially advantaged students are 5 times more ambitious in this regard. In Poland, advantaged students are 10.7 times more ambitious.

Figure 2.14. High performing socially disadvantaged students are less likely to expect to complete tertiary education
Copy link to Figure 2.14. High performing socially disadvantaged students are less likely to expect to complete tertiary education

Career misalignment by SES: students expecting to work in an ISCO 1 or 2 occupation, but not planning on pursuing tertiary education

Socially disadvantaged students often misalign their career expectations with their education plans. In OECD analysis, misalignment is identified where students expect to undertake a managerial or professional job (major categories 1 and 2 in the International Standardised Classification of Occupations), but do not intend to pursue the tertiary education which is commonly required to access such employment. On average across the OECD countries in PISA 2018, more than one in three of the most socially disadvantaged quartile of students could be categorised as misaligned in their aspirations, compared to one in ten of the most advantaged quartile of students (Figure 2.15). This pattern is evident when comparing the career plans of both high performing and low performing students from high and low social backgrounds (Figure 2.16). Such patterns in misalignment are found in all OECD countries.

Figure 2.15. Socially disadvantaged students are more likely to be misaligned their career expectations and education plans
Copy link to Figure 2.15. Socially disadvantaged students are more likely to be misaligned their career expectations and education plans

Percentage of students who do not expect to complete a tertiary degree amongst those who expect to work in a high-skilled occupation (ISCO major groups 1 and 2)

Figure 2.16. Compared to similarly performing socially advantaged students, disadvantaged students are more likely to express career and education expectations that are not aligned
Copy link to Figure 2.16. Compared to similarly performing socially advantaged students, disadvantaged students are more likely to express career and education expectations that are not aligned

Percentage of students who do not expect to complete a tertiary degree amongst those who expect to work in a high-skilled occupation, 2018

Controlling for educational pathway and other characteristics (gender, migrant status, school type, reading score), disadvantaged students across the OECD are 4.6 times more likely than advantaged students to be misaligned in their career expectations. In Poland, the likelihood goes up to 9.6 times. This is a strong result even among countries with strong systems of vocational education and training: in Germany, disadvantaged students are 5.4 times more likely than advantaged students to be misaligned in their career expectations; in Switzerland, 3.8 times more likely (Figure 2.17). This may be related to the fact that these countries offer pathways towards high-skilled occupations without going through tertiary education, either through direct access to examinations (e.g., in Germany, Master craftsperson examination, ISCED 5-6) or by recognising work experience.

Figure 2.17. Even when controlling for reading score and other characteristics, socially disadvantaged students are more likely than advantaged students to be misaligned in their career expectation
Copy link to Figure 2.17. Even when controlling for reading score and other characteristics, socially disadvantaged students are more likely than advantaged students to be misaligned in their career expectation

Relative likelihood of disadvantaged students being misaligned in their career plans in reference to advantaged students

Career concentration by SES

While currently research literature is limited, studies of career concentration among teenagers – where the occupational expectations expressed by young people are less varied – tend to show associations with poorer ultimate employment outcomes (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]). Career concentration is usually higher among students from high SES backgrounds compared to disadvantaged students. On OECD average, advantaged students more frequently expect to work in one of ten most popular choices of future occupation by the age of 30 by peers of their gender. Such expectations often focus on the professions, such as doctors, teachers, lawyers and engineers. In the 2018 PISA, 59% of high-performing advantaged students and 52% of high-performing disadvantaged students from 31 OECD countries indicated that they planned to work in one of the most ten popular occupational choices in their country (among low-performing students, 53% vs 49%). In the Czechia and Switzerland, high-performing advantaged students are 14 and 19 percentage points respectively more likely than similarly performing disadvantaged students to expect to work in popular occupations (Figure 2.18).

Figure 2.18. Socially advantaged students are more likely to expect to work in popular jobs than disadvantaged students with similar academic performance
Copy link to Figure 2.18. Socially advantaged students are more likely to expect to work in popular jobs than disadvantaged students with similar academic performance

Percentage of high performers expecting to work in the 10 most popular occupations in their country

Based on combined data from 31 OECD countries in PISA 2018, 53% of high-performing socially advantaged students and 42% high-performing disadvantaged students expect to work in the most popular occupations identified across these 31 OECD countries. Doctors and teachers were the two most popular occupations both among disadvantaged and advantaged students (except high-performing advantaged students whose second most popular job was engineers). Among low-performers, fewer students expect to work in the top 10 popular occupations compared to high-performers: 45% of advantaged students and 40% of disadvantaged students (Figure 2.19).

Figure 2.19. Even among similarly performing students, career expectation among socially advantaged students is more concentrated than disadvantaged students
Copy link to Figure 2.19. Even among similarly performing students, career expectation among socially advantaged students is more concentrated than disadvantaged students

Percentage of students expecting to work in the 10 most popular occupations in OECD, by SES and performance

The occupational expectations of socially disadvantaged students are particularly pronounced with regard to skilled and semi-skilled occupations, typically entered through vocational education and training programmes, such as skilled agricultural and fishery workers, craft and related trades workers, or plant and machine operators and assemblers (ISCO major categories 6-8). More disadvantaged students tend to anticipate working in these occupations than their advantaged peers. Across OECD countries, disadvantaged students are 11 percentage points more likely than advantaged students to expect to work in the skilled trades (Figure 2.20). Czechia shows a 26 percentage point difference, followed by Hungary (23 percentage point), Lithuania and Finland (21 pp). Looking at only craft and related trades (ISCO 7), only two countries have available data: Austria (11pp) and Czechia (22pp) – in all other OECD countries, there were too few observations to provide reliable estimates (i.e., there were fewer than 30 students or fewer than 5 schools with valid data). This means that the level of interest among socially advantaged students in these trades is so low that meaningful statistical analysis becomes difficult.

Figure 2.20. Socially disadvantaged students are more likely to expect to work in skilled trades
Copy link to Figure 2.20. Socially disadvantaged students are more likely to expect to work in skilled trades

Percentage of 15-year-old students who expect to work in skilled trades (ISCO 6, 7 and 8)

Box 2.2. Interactions between gender and SES in career concentration

Copy link to Box 2.2. Interactions between gender and SES in career concentration

Teenage career expectation differs by gender as well as by SES. Putting gender and SES together, a form of intersectionality, socially advantaged girls tend to have the highest career concentration regardless of academic performance. Among high performers, disadvantaged boys show the lowest levels of career concentration, while among low performers, socially advantaged boys show the lowest concentration (Figure 2.21).

Figure 2.21. Among high performers disadvantaged boys show the lowest career concentration while among low performers advantaged boys show the lowest concentration
Copy link to Figure 2.21. Among high performers disadvantaged boys show the lowest career concentration while among low performers advantaged boys show the lowest concentration

Percentage of high performers expecting to work in the 10 most popular occupations in their country

Analysis of PISA 2018 data reveals patterns across many countries in relation to the likelihood of children seeking to follow in the footsteps of their mothers and particularly of their fathers. On average across OECD, having a parent working in science or engineering yields 1.4 times more odds of expecting a similar career, compared to not having one, when controlling for gender, SES, academic performance and other variables. Students with a father working in science have significantly higher odds in 13 OECD countries, for example in Iceland (odds ratio 3), Hungary, Spain (2.2), Colombia (2) and Türkiye (1.9). Students with a mother working in science have higher odds in Luxembourg (3.4) and Czechia/Germany/the UK (2.3). In 15 OECD countries, boys with a father in science are more likely to expect to work in the same field in Italy (4), Portugal (2.7), Luxembourg (2.3); girls with a mother in science are more likely to aspire to the same profession in Australia (2.4), Chile (2.4), Greece (2.3) and Spain (1.7), for example (Figure 2.22).

Figure 2.22. Parent occupation and gender have different effects on career expectation for science or engineering occupations across countries
Copy link to Figure 2.22. Parent occupation and gender have different effects on career expectation for science or engineering occupations across countries

Odds ratio of 15-year-old student expecting a career in science or engineering at age 30

Figure 2.23. Effect of parent occupation on child’s career expectation and by gender
Copy link to Figure 2.23. Effect of parent occupation on child’s career expectation and by gender

Likelihood (odds ratio) of 15-year-old student expecting the same occupation at age 30 as undertaken by their parents

2.3. How Career guidance can address inequalities by SES

Copy link to 2.3. How Career guidance can address inequalities by SES

At the start of this chapter, PIAAC data were reviewed to explore patterns of employment success that link with the social background of young adults. After controlling for academic achievement, it was observed that, on average across OECD countries, young adults from socially disadvantaged backgrounds were more likely than comparably qualified peers from high SES backgrounds to be:

not in education, employment and training (NEET);
concentrated in lower skill occupational areas; and
earning less.

Overall, they can be seen to be less successful than high SES peers in activating their qualifications within the labour market. As described in chapter one of this paper, such activation is commonly explained by labour market researchers in terms of varying capacities and resources that individuals draw upon in the competition for work (human, social and cultural capital) which are open to influence within educational provision, notably forms of career development.

Reviewing data from PISA 2018 highlights several ways in which socio-economic status relates to career development. After controlling for academic achievement and other characteristics that typically shape adult employment outcomes, young people from disadvantaged social backgrounds are on average:

less likely to participate in school-delivered career development activities, including activities that engage employers;
more likely to be uncertain about their occupational expectations;
less likely to be ambitious for their educational and professional futures; and
more likely to be confused about the levels of education required to achieve their ambitions (misalignment).

This matters because such patterns of career development are commonly associated in analysis of longitudinal data with poorer employment outcomes than expected in young adulthood (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]). In addition, low SES students typically gain less experience of the labour market through volunteering and undertaking work placements (internships) while in school, a further predictor of better transitions (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]). However, they are more likely to work part-time than high SES peers. Finally, PISA data show that when it comes to some important aspects of career development, such as finding out information on the financing of tertiary education, disadvantaged students are more dependent on their schools for support than their more advantaged peers.

In keeping with other research studies consequently, PISA shows that often those who can be seen as being in greatest need of guidance as they face additional barriers in activating their educational attainment in the labour market, are the least likely to be able to access it (Dockery et al., 2022[19]; Romito, 2019[20]). In terms of social inequalities, this is the case for both low and high performing low SES students. Low SES students can often be expected to seek employment earlier than high SES peers, especially if they are lower achieving academically, and so must depend more on support from their secondary schools to prepare for their working lives. High achieving low SES students also require greater, and specific forms of, school support, notably where they compete for access to post-secondary opportunities with high SES peers who are better placed to draw upon family-based resources linked to tertiary programmes and employment that can be highly competitive to enter.

In terms of capitals theory, the teenage career development of young people from low SES backgrounds can be seen to hinder the activation of knowledge and skills developed within schooling. Low SES students for example, demonstrate greater levels of confusion (uncertainty and misalignment) about their career plans (cultural capital) and engage with people in work through their schools less frequently than high SES peers (social capital). While greater experience of part-time working speaks to growing human capital, as Fullarton shows (1999[16]), it is less likely to be in fields related to students’ areas of career interest than work placements or volunteering opportunities where low SES students on average participate less frequently than high SES students. Such disadvantages are compounded as studies show that low SES young people typically have fewer home-based social resources to draw upon in their career development (McDonald et al., 2007[21]; Richards et al., 2016[22]).

Consequently, effective guidance systems will actively seek to enhance the career exploration of young people from low SES backgrounds by enabling greater access to information, experiences and resources that will serve to close the gap with their more advantaged peers. Effective systems will help young people to engage more deeply with broader social networks. If students can be encouraged and enabled to take up opportunities to use career guidance, to develop their career thinking, engage with a wider range of occupations and develop more ambitious and informed plans for their futures, it can be expected that these changes will flow into longer term changes in the number of students who are NEET, the proportion who enter the professions and those who go on to access decent work, achieve good salaries and well-being. While such interventions cannot be expected to undo all the inequalities that exist in school-to-work transitions, longitudinal analyses indicate that they will contribute to fairer progressions into the labour market.

2.4. The role of career guidance in addressing social inequalities

Copy link to 2.4. The role of career guidance in addressing social inequalities

In light of the capitals analyses as discussed in Chapter One of this paper, this section explores a range of different career guidance approaches that have been used to ameliorate socio-economic disadvantage. Socio-economic status is strongly intertwined with both young people’s career aspirations and the opportunity structure in which they are pursuing these aspirations (Roberts, 2009[23]). Consequently, it is important that career guidance is organised in ways that empower young people and allow them to explore and expand the realms of the possible. This is particularly the case as learners from lower socio-economic backgrounds have been found, as illustrated in this paper, to have lower career awareness and a greater need for career guidance [see also: (Tebele, Nel and Dlamini, 2015[24])].

The case studies, examples and evidence identified have been grouped under four main categories which provide a structure for consideration by policymakers and practitioners as they develop new interventions to address SES disadvantage. Firstly, career guidance interventions are discussed which provide more intensive support to those from lower SES backgrounds. Secondly, it explores interventions which develop professional capacity and provide dedicated resources to address the issues raised in this chapter. Thirdly, it examines interventions which actively build social capital, and finally reviews interventions designed to develop a critical understanding of personal relationships with the labour market. While it is rare for such practice examples to have been fully evaluated with regard to outcomes for students from different social backgrounds, such provision fits with a model of change that addresses forms of comparative disadvantage identified in large datasets.

2.4.1. Providing more intense support

As analysis of PISA 2018 data shows, low SES students can be expected to experience lower levels of career development than their high SES peers. Consequently, a first step for national career guidance systems is to ensure that no barriers in the design and delivery of guidance systems systematically prevent all students from benefiting from provision. However, recognition of the different needs of students from lower socio-economic backgrounds does result in career guidance services in some countries being more strongly targeted towards these students. This is done on the basis that directing additional support to those students who most need it increases the chance of ameliorating socio-economic disadvantage. Yet, this is not always the case and on average across OECD countries for which data is available, routinely low SES students can expect to participate less in important career development activities than their high SES peers.

Enhancing participation in career development activities

As noted, analysis of PISA 2018 data highlights strong relationships between the engagement of students in career development activities by the age of 15 and patterns of career thinking that are associated with more positive employment outcomes (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]). For example, lower levels of career uncertainty are significantly associated with participation in a range of different guidance activities, including speaking with career advisors, completing career questionnaires, attending job fairs, job shadowing or worksite visits, participating in internships, part-time employment and volunteer work. The analysis also shows significant relationships between such engagement in higher levels of career ambition and lower levels of career misalignment (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]).

In recent analysis from Korea, Lee et al. find a similar pattern (2021[25]): when students receive more career education, the link between competence in career management and social background weakens. By beginning guidance activities for all students at an earlier age and focusing on the development of individuals’ capabilities to understand the possibilities available to them, as Skovhus finds from a Danish study at lower secondary level (2016[26]), the capacity of low SES students to take greater agency over their career journeys can be expected to grow. By implication, as discussed below, schools serving low SES student populations require greater levels of resourcing to support richer diets of career guidance.

Longitudinal studies that explore the capacity of school-mediated career guidance programmes to provide long-term compensatory effects for students facing social disadvantage are rare. However, analysis of the UK British Cohort Study (BCS) by Mann, Percy and Kashefpakdel (2018[27]) does provide an illustration of such an impact. Analysis of the BCS shows that 16-year-olds who agree that they knew someone who could help them get a job after leaving education (who were predominantly drawn from more advantaged social backgrounds) went on to earn 4% more than comparable peers at age 26. The study also shows that students who engaged in multiple career talks with guest speakers could expect to earn more than comparable peers at age 26. The wage premiums linked to such school-mediated career guidance provision were greatest (8.5%) for young people (commonly from low SES backgrounds) who as students stated that they knew no one who could help them get a job on leaving education, illustrating a compensatory effect.

In Canada, recent analysis of a long-term randomised control trial where high school students engaged in a four-year programme of additional support in their career development and planning for higher education provides potentially the strongest evidence yet of long-term benefits linked to a specific programme of career guidance intervention. While the analysis has yet to appear in the peer-review literature, building as it does on other public evaluations, the new results have been met with considerable interest. The Explore Your Horizons programme was conducted in 30 New Brunswick high schools and involved over 4 000 students who were randomly assigned to two groups. A first group participated in 20 after-school workshops designed to help them understand the importance of career planning, explore educational and career options, and transition from high school to tertiary education. The workshops actively engaged parents, included a focus on resilient life skills and engaged post-secondary students. The high school students also had access to media materials about career planning. A second group simply received additional financial support on enrolment in tertiary education. Following the students up to age 29, significant positive results were identified in relation to tertiary enrolment, graduation rates and average earnings of the first group. That group was divided moreover into two halves based on parental income. Linked to the intervention, the enrolment rates of higher income students were seen to drop a little, while that of lower income students rose significantly, leading to a substantial decrease in the gap between the two groups in enrolment in four-year programmes of tertiary education (Renée, 2023[28]). See also: (Renée, 2023[28]; Social Research and Demonstration Corporation, 2009[29]). The study suggests that the intervention provides socially disadvantaged students (and their families) with new and additional sources of information to allow for confident decision-making to take place within an extended and appropriate format.

Preferential funding for schools serving low SES populations

In the United States, the federal government makes available additional funding to support low-income students in low-income schools through what is known as Title One funding. This additional resource can be used to support both student teaching and career development. Schools are eligible to use funding to support initiatives such as the development of student career portfolios, engage in job shadowing and work placements, if such activities are consistent with a school’s needs and schoolwide plan (Education[30]).

In Ireland, schools serving more disadvantaged students can expect greater financial resources linked to the delivery of career guidance. Within the Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools (DEIS) programme, eligible secondary schools receive funding to provide for 44 hours of weekly dedicated staff time to support guidance activities. By contrast, funding for more advantaged schools amounts to 18 hours per week. DEIS schools are expected to use the funding to provide greater levels of guidance to students, including more 1-2-1 interactions with guidance counsellors, greater engagement with employers and tertiary institutions, greater integration of career learning within academic subjects and engagement of families (OECD, 2023[31]).

Countries have also developed programmes focused in specific geographic areas marked by high levels of social disadvantage. In England, following the 2012 Olympics a career development intervention was developed as part of a local community development programme (Dodd and Hooley, 2016[32]). The Legacy Careers Project provided career learning experiences and employer engagement opportunities for learners at schools with high concentrations of low socio-economic learners in East London. The programme was organised as a team-based business competition supported by (older) peer mentors and with employers engaged in judging the end results. The programme’s evaluation reported that it enabled young people to better understand their career options at the time they are making their academic and career choices and equipped them with information, confidence and motivation relevant to career planning and management.

In Australia, the national government provides funding (AUS$38.2M, 2021-24) to the Smith Family Foundation to provide greater career guidance support, commonly enriched through employer engagement, to 76 000 socially disadvantaged students through the Growing Careers Project. The Foundation also connects disadvantaged students in Years 9 to 11 with adult mentors who provide advice and help them explore post-school options through its itrack programme (Family[33]). In longitudinal analyses that follow young people out of secondary education, the Smith Family finds that key factors that influence more successful transitions include better career management skills, stronger supportive adult social networks and greater workplace experience, through part-time working or internships (Smith Family, 2023[34]).

2.4.2. Developing professional capacity and providing dedicated resources

Career guidance interventions are delivered by professionals drawn from a range of backgrounds including both full career guidance professionals and teachers, social workers and other related professions for whom the delivery of career guidance is likely to be only a small part of their job. This section describes interventions that have been developed to support professionals to have a greater impact on the careers of those from low SES.

School-based career development programmes

Career development operates through the interaction between structural and individual factors. Career guidance can work on increasing an individual’s capacity to succeed in the labour market, particularly through providing them with information, experiences and feedback that can increase their knowledge, skills and other personal attributes. These individual capacities that better allow young people to navigate the labour market can collectively be described as ‘career management skills’ (the skills that an individual needs to find out about, develop and manage their career) and ‘employability skills’ (the skills that an individual needs to gain and succeed in work) and the interventions which are designed to increase these skills are often described as ‘career education’.

In the United States, Canada and other countries, career pathway programmes and programmes of cooperative education are rich in work-based learning, enabling student engagement with professionals and workplaces relevant to emerging career aspirations (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]; Mann, Denis and Percy, 2020[35]). While students complete their general high school diploma and keep their post-secondary options open, they have opportunity to pursue vocational interests which allow them to develop skills, social contacts and familiarity with occupational cultures that allow for smoother transitions into employment. Such programmes are commonly linked with better employment outcomes than would otherwise be expected of students with similar levels of academic achievement and background (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]). Moreover, studies of longitudinal data suggest that they provide particularly beneficial outcomes for more socially disadvantaged students (Dougherty, 2018[36]; Neumark and Rothstein, 2005[37]).

In Finland, the School-to-Work Group Method was introduced to prepare young people to first find and then stay in employment (Mann, Denis and Percy, 2020[35]). The programme was organised as a twenty-hour programme delivered over five days in the final year of secondary education and jointly taught by a vocational school teacher and a representative of the local public employment service. Working to a standardised curriculum, young people are encouraged to reflect on their own experiences of work and desires for employment through individual research, collaborative working with student peers and practical exercises related to the process of finding employment and socialisation within a new organisation. A randomised control trial followed 334 students involved in the programme and demonstrated that significant benefits accrued to participants on the Group Method programme, including a greater likelihood of being in employment and in a job that was linked to their educational qualifications and aligned with their career ambitions (Koivisto, Vuori and Nykyri, 2007[38]).

2.4.3. Building social capital with families and the world of work

Career guidance plays an important intermediary role in young people’s transitions to further learning and work. Young people who come from higher socio-economic backgrounds, with correspondingly high levels of cultural capital, are likely to find it easier to transition to a variety of post-secondary outcomes (Forster and van de Werfhorst, 2019[39]). Parental knowledge and contacts can help to smooth young people’s transition (Mann, Percy and Kashefpakdel, 2018[27]) and support the development of an informal network of individuals who can support the career progression of an individual (McDonald et al., 2007[21]), but for those young people who do not have access to social and cultural capital that can support them to make advantageous transitions, career guidance can play a compensatory role (Mann, Percy and Kashefpakdel, 2018[27]).

Leveraging institutional social capital

Studies from the UK show that students attending fee-paying or selective schools can routinely expect richer provision of guidance than students attending non-selective state schools (Mann et al., 2016[40]; Mann and Kashefpakdel, 2014[41]). Private schools typically enable career development by engaging with parents and alumni employed in highly competitive occupations to which many students aspire (Huddleston, Mann and Dawkins, 2014[42]).

Where career guidance brokers access to opportunities, it recognises that career knowledge, insight, contacts and opportunities are effectively hoarded by people in higher socio-economic groups. Consequently, there is a need to put in place systems that gather information and contacts and connect them with young people who do not have easy access to them. UK programmes such as Inspiring the Future and Speakers for Schools which connect schools with workplace volunteers and with elite public figures respectively have been restricted to publicly-funded educational institutions as a means of democratising access to desirable social contacts. In such a way, institutional social capital can be leveraged to the advantage of students lacking appropriate networks within their social networks.

In New Zealand, many schools participate in SpeedMeet (OECD, 2022[43]) events where final year secondary school students are given the opportunity to meet with many potential employers. Over an hour, employers seeking to recruit to jobs and apprenticeships have short meetings with students individually within a carousel format. If after the event, both the employer and student wish to continue the discussion, contact details are exchanged.

In Japan, schools have a key role in facilitating young people’s entry into the labour market through school mediated job-search systems (Furuya, 2020[44]). Job placement teachers are involved in preparing and screening students for applying for jobs. Students are encouraged to only apply for one (suitable) job at a time, and the level of trust between employers and schools is sufficient to mean that employers will normally accept the student who is put forward by the school. This unusually close relationship between education and employers – a form of social capital - has its challenges, particularly in the way that it places a lot of power in the hands of the teachers and can reduce the agency of students and lead to stereotyping around suitable roles for students. However, it also creates a meritocratic mechanism which has been shown to increase the chances of finding a relatively stable and high status job for high school graduates from economically disadvantaged backgrounds.

The kind of approach that is used in Japan is atypical. It is far more common for brokerage activities to be focused on enabling access to career development opportunities and pathways, than to actual jobs. In the United States for example, Chicago Public Schools sources job shadowing placements (OECD, 2022[45]) and organises programmes of career talks with guest speakers (OECD, 2022[46]) to broaden access to important development opportunities across the city. In another example from England, researchers looked at the use of short work experience placements to help students aged 14-16 in their career development (Hatcher and Le Gallais, 2008[47]). The analysis was based on detailed review of practice in five secondary schools and shows that when students and their parents are left to identify and set up work experience alone, there is a significant risk of social reproduction. In effect, work experience can accelerate social reproduction by channelling poorer children into lower status placements and richer children into higher status placements. However, where schools were more purposeful in the allocation of placements and actively brokered access to opportunities, they were able to challenge students’ assumptions about appropriate placements and address the limitations of their social networks, so compensating for socio-economic disadvantage.

A study of a magnet school partnership programme in the USA looked at how schools can support progression to post-secondary education in socio-economically deprived schools by building a partnerships network (Duncheon and Relles, 2019[48]). The school actively built relationships with post-secondary providers in the area, providers of support such as social work services, community health organisations, and college access programmes, so that it had a bank of college-relevant social capital that it could broker access to. The study found that students were able to access the social capital which the school was collecting and storing, to confirm and validate information and sources of support and to refer students into more intensive forms of support. As well as offering advantages for students in helping them to access support and transition, the programme also provided organisational value as it gave the school access to partners who could collaborate around both this and other issues.

Taking advantage of technological developments, schools in many countries are introducing online means of connecting students with workplace opportunities and people in work well placed to offer advice and guidance. In Finland, Virtual TET (OECD, 2023[49]) is a one-week period of familiarisation with working life where students combine exploration of vocational sectors and workplaces while undertaking work assignments. In France, JobIRL (OECD, 2023[50]) allows students to communicate directly with mentors to explore their career ambitions. While evaluations of such online provision are currently limited, such initiatives open up the possibility of students gaining access to experiences and sources of advice not easily found within immediate social circles or geographic locations.

Facilitating students to make use of family support

Families are critical in framing and supporting young people’s transitions and careers (Archer et al., 2012[51]; Palos and Drobot, 2010[52]). While poorer families typically have less social and cultural capital which can be harnessed to support young people’s career development towards certain occupations, all families can provide resources of value. One role that career guidance interventions can play is supporting families to further help their children.

In Scotland, Skills Development Scotland recognised that its careers advisers often struggled to work effectively with the parents and families of some of the most disadvantaged young people (Cameron and Edwards, 2021[53]). As a result, the organisation developed the Engaging Families programme, a professional development intervention for the organisation’s staff to increase their capacity to work with families. The programme brought together experts and practitioners for open and creative discussions about how to work with families. Critical to the programme’s success was the opportunity for practitioners to hear directly from parents and parental representatives about how to best engage parents. The programme also identified examples of good practice like the Discover and Connect programmes which had successfully engaged parents in a specific area, but the impact of which remained confined to local areas. Engaging Families represents a serious attempt to shift practice around career guidance work with families at a national level through professional development.

The Parents Turn intervention in the Netherlands brought parents and their children together in a series of four twilight sessions after school (Oomen, 2018[54]). The purpose of these sessions was to support both parents and children to learn about post-secondary options, particularly higher education, together. The findings of a robust evaluation of the programme suggested that a school-initiated career intervention involving parents can build and enhance parents’ capacity to be involved in and support the career development of their child. The argument is made that increasing this kind of parental support can make a contribution to social justice by educating and empowering parents to support their children.

In France, researchers found that a programme of career discussions between parents and school staff was able to reduce dropout and grade repetition by 25-40% (Goux, Gurgand and Maurin, 2017[55]). In this intervention, school principals selected the 25% of students who were most likely to drop out and invited them to attend two collective meetings during the second term. During those meetings, principals discuss the aspirations of the family and the child and relate them to the academic performance of the child. This discussion enabled the school to stimulate career thinking and provide feedback on the realism of aspirations, based on current performance. This resulted in improved relations between families and schools, increased engagement from the students and more career focused educational choice making, as well as reducing drop out.

2.4.4. Developing critical understanding of personal relationships to the labour market

Analysis of PISA 2018 shows that low SES students are more likely to demonstrate uncertainty and confusion in their career planning. Staying in education longer than ever before and faced with growing numbers of post-secondary choices, young people require support to develop a confident ability to navigate their way through education and training to secure desirable and achievable employment. As PISA also illustrates, low SES students are more likely to seek such support from their school, rather than from outside of school, such as within their homes.

It is also clear that the labour markets that they are going to be entering often value social and cultural capital as much as meritocratic rationalities. Given this, it is important that career guidance helps to prepare young people to think critically about, strategise, manage and even change the imperfect world within which they will be pursuing their careers. Careers education provides an ideal space for this kind of critical examination of the post-school world.

Beginning young

In many jurisdictions, career guidance is left until secondary school and often concentrated in the years linked to key decision-making points and immediate entry to the labour market. However, considerable evidence suggests that young people develop their career identities, aspirations and career thinking early in life (OECD, 2021[56]; Watson and McMahon, 2020[57]) and that early aspirations are influenced by socio-economic status (Chambers et al., 2018[58]). Where young people from low SES backgrounds plan on entering ISCO major category 1 and 2 professions for example, but do not have access to guidance emanating from family networks, they can be expected to require greater support from their schools than comparable peers from high SES backgrounds (Tebele, Nel and Dlamini, 2015[24]). As the UCAS study (2021[59]) of 27 000 UK university students shows for example, the age at which young people begin thinking about higher education varies with more advantaged students more likely to begin considering it as an option during primary school. This creates a strong rationale for starting institutional career education and guidance early to disrupt the process of social and occupational reproduction that may be locked in by the later years of secondary school. By consequence, a growing number of countries have recently introduced policies aimed at increasing primary-age participation in guidance, including Australia (Australian Government[60]), Canada (New Brunswick Department of Education and Early Childhood Development, 2023[61]) and the UK (Department for Education, 2023[62]).

In Australia, the Little Ripples programme has developed a series of activities and resources to help develop the career thinking of children from the first years of primary education (Australian Government[60]). The scheme takes a twin track approach by producing resources for both primary school teachers and for parents. Resources include conversation cards, activity sheets, posters and e-books. Teachers and parents are encouraged to talk about careers with children and encourage them to begin thinking broadly about their futures.

Primary Futures is a programme with a similar aim in the UK and New Zealand (Inspiring the Future[63]) (OECD, 2021[64]). Primary Futures connects primary schools with employers and working people who are willing to engage with a school (either physically or virtually (OECD, 2023[65]) and talk to children about their working lives. This is supported with video resources, lesson plans and other tools. The programme draws on evidence which demonstrates that early careers interventions increases motivation and attainment by helping children see the relevance of learning, build positive attitudes towards school, and provide children with access to role models beyond their immediate family and community (Hughes et al., 2021[66]; Kashefpakdel, Rehill and Hughes, 2018[67]; Percy, Amegah and Chambers, 2021[68]).

Whereas Little Ripples and Primary Futures focus on engaging primary school aged children in thinking about different occupations, a programme from Sweden called Welcome to the university! focuses on higher education (Ahlroos, 2021[69]). This programme seeks to break the cycle of reproduction which sees the children of higher educated parents following their parents into university, while other children are less likely to make this choice. As analysis of PISA 2018 demonstrates, a comparison of high and low SES students who performed at the highest level on the PISA science assessment shows that high SES students across OECD countries are twice as likely as low SES students to agree that they expected to pursue tertiary education (Mann et al., 2020[13]). Welcome to the university! seeks to counteract this pattern by raising the idea of higher education early on in compulsory schooling to demystify university education. The Swedish Council for Higher Education has created pedagogical lesson materials for primary school grades three to six (age 9 – 12). It consists of a short, animated film, an accompanying lesson guide and exercises. The lesson can be given by a guidance counsellor or by a teacher and may be followed by a visit to a university, or by staff or students from the university visiting the schools.

Raising and broadening aspirations

OECD analysis of PISA datasets shows that teenage occupational and educational aspirations are commonly highly concentrated and heavily focused on professional careers (ISCO major category 2). As discussed above, social background plays an important role in shaping such ambitions with high achieving low SES students being much less likely to plan on working in a managerial or professional occupation and/or continuing to tertiary education (Mann et al., 2020[13]; Musset and Mytna Kurekova, 2018[18]). Guyon and Huillery’s study (2021[70]) of French students aged 14 in 59 secondary schools finds further evidence of high achieving low SES students commonly expressing considerably lower educational ambitions than comparable high SES peers. The study concludes that students frequently lack awareness of potential post-secondary education options and routinely underestimate their current and future academic ability relative to their equally high achieving classmates. As other studies, Guyon and Huillery (2021[70]), and Schoon and Polek (2011[71]) find that low aspirations are associated with poorer ultimate academic outcomes, and conclude that greater guidance, including engagement with role models can be expected to reduce the gap between ability and ambition. Analysis of PISA data show very strong correlations (p value of 1%) between higher levels of career ambition and talking with someone about a job of interest, completion of career questionnaires and undertaking internet research and with speaking with a guidance councillor (p value of 5%). Such patterns of curiosity and exploration can be encouraged and enabled by school systems (Covacevich et al., 2021[12]).

References

[69] Ahlroos, N. (2021), Teaching material for broadening participation in higher education, https://careerguidancesocialjustice.wordpress.com/2021/01/25/teaching-material-for-broadening-participation-in-higher-education/.

[51] Archer, L. et al. (2012), “Science aspirations, capital, and family habitus: How families shape children’s engagement and identification with science.”, American educational research journal, Vol. 49/5, pp. 881-9, https://doi.org/10.3102/0002831211433290.

[57] Athanasou, J. and H. Perera (eds.) (2020), Back to the future: Child career development, Springer.

[60] Australian Government (n.d.), Little Ripples, https://www.yourcareer.gov.au/resources/little-ripples.

[2] Bihagen, E. et al. (2017), “Elite mobility among college graduated men in Sweden”, Acta Sociologica, Vol. 60/4, pp. 291-308, https://doi.org/10.1177/0001699316684004.

[53] Cameron, D. and K. Edwards (2021), Engaging families: A creative conversation about careers, https://careerguidancesocialjustice.wordpress.com/2021/06/09/engaging-families-a-creative-conversation-about-careers/.

[58] Chambers, N. et al. (2018), Drawing the future: Exploring the career aspirations of primary school children from around the world, Education & Employers, https://www.educationandemployers.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/DrawingTheFuture.pdf.

[17] Covacevich, C. et al. (2021), “Thinking about the future: Career readiness insights from national longitudinal surveys and from practice”, OECD Education Working Papers, No. 248, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/02a419de-en.

[12] Covacevich, C. et al. (2021), “Indicators of teenage career readiness: An analysis of longitudinal data from eight countries”, OECD Education Working Papers, No. 258, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/cec854f8-en.

[62] Department for Education (2023), Press Realease, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/careers-boost-for-young-people.

[14] Dinkelman, T. and M. C. (2014), “Investing in Schooling In Chile: The Role of Information about Financial Aid for Higher Education”, The Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 96/2, pp. 244–257.

[19] Dockery, A. et al. (2022), “Secondary students’ access to careers information: the role of socio-economic background”, The Australian Educational Researcher, Vol. 49, pp. 1001-1023, https://doi.org/10.1007/s13384-021-00469-1.

[32] Dodd, V. and T. Hooley (2016), Evaluation of the Legacy Careers Project, International Centre for Guidance Studies, University of Derby., https://doi.org/10.48773/93wz0.

[36] Dougherty, S. (2018), “The Effect of Career and Technical Education on Human Capital Accumulation: Causal Evidence from Massachusetts”, Education Finance and Policy, Vol. 13/2, pp. 119–148.

[48] Duncheon, J. and S. Relles (2019), “Brokering college opportunity for first-generation youth: The role of the urban high school”, American Educational Research Journal, Vol. 56/1, pp. 146-177, https://doi.org/10.3102/0002831218788335.

[30] Education, N. (n.d.), Using Federal Funds to Support Career Guidance and Career Counseling in Middle and High School, https://doe.nv.gov/uploadedFiles/ndedoenvgov/content/News__Media/Guidance_Memos/2018/18-05AB117attachment.pdf.

[33] Family, S. (n.d.), https://www.thesmithfamily.com.au/.

[39] Forster, A. and H. van de Werfhorst (2019), “Navigating Institutions: Parents’ Knowledge of the Educational System and Students’ Success in Education”, European Sociological Review, Vol. 36/1, pp. 48-64, https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz049.

[4] Friedman, S. and D. Laurison (2020), “The Class Ceiling: Why it Pays to be Privileged”, Social Forces, Vol. 99/1, pp. e5-e5, https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soz170.

[16] Fullarton, S. (1999), Work experience and work placements in secondary school education, Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth.

[44] Furuya, Y. (2020), The role of schools in occupational attainment in Japan: School mediated job-search (PhD Thesis), George Mason University.

[55] Goux, D., M. Gurgand and E. Maurin (2017), “Adjusting your dreams? High school plans and dropout behaviour”, The Economic Journal, Vol. 127/602, pp. 1025-1046, https://doi.org/10.1111/ecoj.12317.

[70] Guyon, N. and E. Huillery (2021), “Biased aspirations and social inequality in French schools”, The Economic Journal, Vol. 131/634, pp. 745–796.

[47] Hatcher, R. and T. Le Gallais (2008), The work experience placements of secondary school student: Widening horizons or reproducing social inequality?, Birmingham City University, https://www.educationandemployers.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/the_work_exp.

[7] Hubble, S., P. Bolton and J. Lewis (2021), Equality of access and outcomes in higher education in England, https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/CBP-9195/CBP-9195.pdf.

[42] Huddleston, P., A. Mann and J. Dawkins (2014), ’That aroma of where they are likely to go:’ employer engagement in high-performing English independent schools, Routledge, London.

[66] Hughes, D. et al. (2021), “Career-related learning in primary schools: a city collaborative approach in England”, British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, Vol. 50/3, pp. 443-461, https://doi.org/10.1080/03069885.2021.1998363.

[63] Inspiring the Future (n.d.), Primary Futures, https://www.inspiringthefuture.org/primary-futures/.

[67] Kashefpakdel, E., J. Rehill and D. Hughes (2018), What works? Career-related learning in primary schools, Careers and Enterprise Company.

[38] Koivisto, P., J. Vuori and E. Nykyri (2007), “Effects of the School-to-Work Group Method among young people”, Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 70/2, pp. 277-296.

[10] LaRochelle-Côté, S. and D. Hango (2016), Overqualification, skills and job satisfaction, Statistics Canada, https://oaresource.library.carleton.ca/wcl/2016/20160927/75-006-2016-10-eng.pdf.

[25] Lee, Y. et al. (2021), “Equity in career development of high school students in South Korea: The role of school career education.”, Education Sciences, Vol. 11/1, p. 20, https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci11010020.

[35] Mann, A., V. Denis and C. Percy (2020), “Career ready? : How schools can better prepare young people for working life in the era of COVID-19”, OECD Education Working Papers, No. 241, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/e1503534-en.

[13] Mann, A. et al. (2020), Dream Jobs? Teenagers’ Career Aspirations and the Future of Work, https://www.oecd.org/education/career-readiness/Dream%20Jobs%20Teenagers'%20Career%20Aspirations%20and%20the%20Future%20of%20Work.pdf.

[41] Mann, A. and E. Kashefpakdel (2014), “The views of young Britons (aged 19-24) on their teenage experiences of school-mediated employer engagement”, in Mann, A. et al. (eds), Understanding Employer Engagement in Education, Routledge, London.

[40] Mann, A. et al. (2016), Contemporary transitions: young Britons reflect on life after secondary school and college, Education and Employers.

[27] Mann, A., C. Percy and E. Kashefpakdel (2018), Socialised social capital: the capacity of schools to use careers provision to compensate for social capital deficiencies among teenagers, Routledge, London.

[21] McDonald, S. et al. (2007), “Informal mentoring and young adult employment”, Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 36, pp. 1328–1347.

[3] McKnight, A. (2015), Downward mobility, opportunity hoarding and the ‘glass floor’, Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion, https://dera.ioe.ac.uk/23370/1/Downward_mobility_opportunity_hoarding_and_the_glass_floor.pdf.

[6] Michele, R. and V. Francesco (2015), From the Cradle to the Grave: The effect of family background on the career path of Italian men, OFCE, https://www.ofce.sciences-po.fr/pdf/dtravail/WP2015-05.pdf.

[18] Musset, P. and L. Mytna Kurekova (2018), “Working it out: Career Guidance and Employer Engagement”, OECD Education Working Papers, No. 175, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/51c9d18d-en.

[37] Neumark, D. and D. Rothstein (2005), Do School-to-Work Programs Help the “Forgotten Half”?, Institute for the Study of Labor, https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/document?repid=rep1&type=pdf&doi=4fc597350bb47bbcaae788d303c1ee72fcd4ddc5.

[61] New Brunswick Department of Education and Early Childhood Development (2023), Career Development Framework in New Brunswick - Rationale, Department of Education and Early Childhood Development, New Brunswick, https://www2.gnb.ca/content/dam/gnb/Departments/ed/pdf/K12/career-education-framework-rational.pdf.

[15] O’Connor, N., F. Hammack and M. Scott (2010), “Social Capital, Financial Knowledge, and Hispanic Student College Choices”, Research in Higher Education, Vol. 51, pp. 195-219.

[31] OECD (2023), Ireland: Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools, https://www.oecd.org/education/career-readiness/examples-of-practice/collapsecontents/Ireland-Delivering-Equality-of-Opportunity-in-Schools.pdf.

[50] OECD (2023), JobIRL’s E-Mentoring Programme, https://www.oecd.org/stories/odicy/practices/jobirl-s-e-mentoring-programme-3943e639/.

[65] OECD (2023), OECD ODiCY Inspiring the Future, https://www.oecd.org/stories/odicy/practices/inspiring-the-future-2db1e5de/.

[49] OECD (2023), Virtual TET: Virtual work experience, https://www.oecd.org/stories/odicy/practices/virtual-tet-virtual-work-experience-df641e4f/.

[43] OECD (2022), New Zealand: SpeedMeet, https://www.oecd.org/education/career-readiness/examples-of-practice/collapsecontents/Example%20of%20Practice%20-%20New%20Zealand,%20SpeedMeet.pdf.

[46] OECD (2022), United States: Guest Speakers at Chicago Public Schools, https://www.oecd.org/education/career-readiness/examples-of-practice/collapsecontents/us-cps-guest-speakers.pdf.

[45] OECD (2022), United States: Job Shadowing at Chicago Public Schools, https://www.oecd.org/education/career-readiness/examples-of-practice/collapsecontents/us-cps-job-shadowing.pdf.

[56] OECD (2021), The future at five: gendered aspirations of 5 year olds, OECD Publishing.

[64] OECD (2021), United Kingdom: Primary Futures, https://www.oecd.org/education/career-readiness/examples-of-practice/collapsecontents/Example%20of%20Practice,%20Primary%20Futures.pdf.

[11] OECD (2019), PISA 2018 Results (Volume II): Where All Students Can Succeed, PISA, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/b5fd1b8f-en.

[8] OECD (2016), Skills Matter: Further Results from the Survey of Adult Skills, OECD Skills Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264258051-en.

[9] OECD (2013), OECD Skills Outlook 2013: First Results from the Survey of Adult Skills, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264204256-en.

[54] Oomen, A. (2018), Parental involvement in career education and guidance in senior general secondary schools in the Netherlands (PhD Thesis), University of Derby.

[52] Palos, R. and L. Drobot (2010), “The impact of family influence on the career choice of adolescents”, Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 2/2, pp. 3407-3411, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2010.03.524.

[68] Percy, C., A. Amegah and N. Chambers (2021), Starting early: Building the foundations for success, Education & Employers, https://www.educationandemployers.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Starting-early-Building-the-foundations-for-success-v2-compressed.pdf.

[28] Renée, L. (2023), The Long-Term Effects of Career Guidance in High School: Evidence from a Randomized Experiment.

[22] Richards, L. et al. (2016), The childhood origins of social mobility: socio-economic inequalities and changing opportunities, Social Mobility Commission.

[23] Roberts, K. (2009), “Opportunity structures then and now”, Journal of Education and Work, Vol. 22/5, pp. 355-368, https://doi.org/10.1080/13639080903453987.

[71] Schoon, I. and E. Polek (2011), “Teenage career aspirations and adult career attainment: The role of gender, social background and general cognitive ability”, International Journal of Behavioral Development, Vol. 35/7, pp. 210-217.

[26] Skovhus, R. (2016), “A focus on educational choice has social justice consequences – an empirical study informed by Sen’s capability approach.”, Journal of the National Institute of Career Education and Counselling, Vol. 36, pp. 54-60, https://doi.org/10.20856/jnic.

[34] Smith Family (2023), Pathways, Engagement and Transitions: Dynamie post-school pathways of young people experiencing disadvantage.

[1] Social Mobility Foundation (2022), The Class Pay Gap: Data and Analysis, Social Mobility Foundation, https://tsmf.sharepoint.com/sites/SMF-External/Shared%20Documents/Forms/AllItems.aspx?id=%2Fsites%2FSMF%2DExternal%2FShared%20Documents%2FAdvocacy%20%26%20Campaigns%2FThe%20Social%20Mobility%20Foundation%20Class%20Pay%20Gap%20Research%202022%2Epdf&parent=.

[29] Social Research and Demonstration Corporation (2009), Future to Discover: Interim Impacts Report..

[5] Sutton Trust/Social Mobility Commission (2019), Elitist Britain, https://www.suttontrust.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Elitist-Britain-2019.pdf.

[20] T. Hooley, R. (ed.) (2019), , Routledge, London.

[24] Tebele, C., K. Nel and B. Dlamini (2015), “Career support needs of learners with historical disadvantage: an exploratory study”, Journal of Psychology in Africa, Vol. 25/3, pp. 258-261, https://doi.org/10.1080/14330237.2015.1065062.

[59] UCAS (2021), Where next? What influences the choices school leavers make?, University and College Admissions Service.

Notes

Copy link to Notes

← 1. This paper uses odds ratio, which reflects the relative likelihood of an event occurring for a particular group relative to a reference group. For example, if the coefficient of odds ratio of women to be NEET relative to men is 3, this means that women are 3 times more likely to be NEET than men.

← 2. The data is AD-SILC, which is merged Italian National Social Security Institute (INPS) data with the Italian version of the 2005 EU-SILC (European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions).

Featured topics

Agriculture and fisheries

Climate change

Development

Digital

Economy

Education and skills

Employment

Environment

Finance and investment

Governance

Health

Industry, business and entrepreneurship

Regional, rural and urban development

Science, technology and innovation

Society

Taxation

Trade

Energy

Nuclear energy

Transport

Featured topics

Agriculture and fisheries

Climate change

Development

Digital

Economy

Education and skills

Employment

Environment

Finance and investment

Governance

Health

Industry, business and entrepreneurship

Regional, rural and urban development

Science, technology and innovation

Society

Taxation

Trade

Energy

Nuclear energy

Transport

Countries A - C

Countries D - I

Countries J - M

Countries N - R

Countries S - T

Countries U - Z

Regional and global engagement

Countries

Countries A - C

Countries D - I

Countries J - M

Countries N - R

Countries S - T

Countries U - Z

Regional and global engagement

Publications

Publications

Featured publications

Data

Data

Featured data

News & events

News & events

Featured events

About OECD

About

Engage with us

Work with us

Featured topics

Agriculture and fisheries

Climate change

Development

Digital

Economy

Education and skills

Employment

Environment

Finance and investment