Challenging Social Inequality Through Career Guidance

Insights from International Data and Practice

Report

29 February 2024

3. Inequality and career guidance by gender

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Abstract

This chapter first presents how the early labour market outcomes of young adults and the career development of teenagers are shaped by gender and LGBTQ+ identities. It draws on relevant academic literature and makes extensive use of OECD PISA and PIAAC data and OECD career readiness indicators. The chapter then looks at ways in which career guidance can address inequalities related to gender and LGBTQ+ identities, presenting illustrative examples of practice and discusses the characteristics of effective career guidance provision in this regard.

3.1. Gender inequalities in the early career experience of young adults

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Gender is a key factor that defines structural inequality (Encinas-Martín and Cherian, 2023[1]; OECD, 2015[2]). While the effects of gender on progression within the labour market effects both women and men in ways which are negative to individuals, the primary focus of this chapter is on the experience of girls and women who disproportionately face greater barriers in accessing higher quality employment. Even when controlling for education and skills, young women are less likely to transition into work and succeed in employment. Women remain overrepresented in service sectors, in particular health, social and education sectors and underrepresented in STEM sectors, even with all other factors being equal. This chapter reviews international evidence using PIAAC data on how gender can be seen to shape the early labour market experiences of young women and men; explores how teenage career development is influenced by gender based on PISA data; and reviews the ways in which guidance systems in different countries can respond to additional barriers to progression linked to gender. The chapter also addresses inequalities within the labour market, and responses to them within career guidance provision, linked to the sexuality and gender identity.

3.1.1. Employment outcomes by gender

Young women often face challenges, barriers, and discouragement in participating the labour market. Even though on average young women tend to perform increasingly better academically than young men (Encinas-Martín and Cherian, 2023[1]; OECD, 2015[2]), they are more likely to be NEET as young adults than their male peers. This is the case in all OECD countries with available data, except Spain, using 2012, 2015 and 2018 PIAAC data. Controlling for education, skills, migrant status and parental occupation, the odds of 16–34-year-old women being NEET is on average three times greater than their male counterparts across OECD countries for which data are available. In Mexico and Czechia, young women are 7 times more likely to be NEET than young males with similar levels of education and skills (Figure 3.1).

In many OECD countries, young women are less likely to be employed than young men across all levels of educational attainment. However, the higher the education level that women possess, the higher the average employment rate and the lower the gender gap in employment (Figure 3.2). That is, higher levels of education help to reduce the gap, but do not fully remove the inequality observed.

Figure 3.1. Young women are more likely to be NEET than young men, even with equal levels of education and skills
Copy link to Figure 3.1. Young women are more likely to be NEET than young men, even with equal levels of education and skills

Percentage of young people (16-34) in NEET by gender and young women’s probability of being NEET compared to young men (odds ratio)

Figure 3.2. Young men and young women with similar levels of educational attainment can expect different outcomes in the labour market
Copy link to Figure 3.2. Young men and young women with similar levels of educational attainment can expect different outcomes in the labour market

Percentage of 15-29-year-olds by employment status, by gender and by education and employment status, 2021

High NEET and low employment rates among young women are related in part to marriage and having children although variation across countries is significant, reflecting access to childcare and the division of childcare responsibilities between couples. Based on EU LFS data, the lower the educational attainment and the more children to take care of, the lower the female employment rates. For example, in EU-27 countries, young women and men with tertiary education and no children show comparable levels of employment at 59% and 57% respectively. For those with lower levels of educational attainment and higher number of children, the rate goes down for both genders but much more so for women: to 19% and 31% respectively for women and men with below secondary education and more than three children. In Italy and Spain, young women have consistently lower employment rates than young men with the same educational level and the same number of children. In the Netherlands, where women have a relatively high share of part-time employment, young women are often more likely than men to be in employment. However, low-educated young women with multiple children have the lowest employment rates among compared groups, lower than low-educated young men with multiple children (Figure 3.3).

Figure 3.3. Having the same educational attainment and the same number of children, fewer young women tend to be employed than young men
Copy link to Figure 3.3. Having the same educational attainment and the same number of children, fewer young women tend to be employed than young men

3.1.2. Labour market segmentation by gender

When in work, women and men tend to work in different sectors and occupations. Women in most OECD countries are more likely than men to work in service sectors such as trade, transportation, accommodation and food, business and administrative services, public administration and social services; by contrast, men are more likely to work in industry than women (Figure 3.4, Panel A). Among EU-25 countries, women are over-represented in household activities (89%), health and social work (79%) and education (73%) whereas they are under-represented in construction (10%), mining (13%), water and waste management (22%) (Figure 3.4). Even among individuals with the same level of educational attainment, labour market segmentation by gender shows a clear pattern (Figure 3.5). This gender disparity across sectors and occupations are related to gender pay gap and different working conditions, including time flexibility (Eurofound and European Commission Joint Research Centre, 2021[3]).

Figure 3.4. Distribution of employment by aggregate sectors differ by gender, 2019
Copy link to Figure 3.4. Distribution of employment by aggregate sectors differ by gender, 2019

Figure 3.5. Labour market segregation by gender is clear even among those with similar levels of education
Copy link to Figure 3.5. Labour market segregation by gender is clear even among those with similar levels of education

Share (%) of young people (16-34) by employment sector and by gender, OECD countries

Patterns of labour market segmentation appear early in the labour market. EU-27 data show gender disparities across occupations and educational attainment. Among the low-educated, while young men (15-29) are relatively more concentrated among Plant and machinery operators (12% vs 4% of young women) and Craft and related trades (26% vs 4% of young women), young women are more concentrated in Service and sales (43% vs 17% of young men) and Technicians and associate professional work (12% vs 6% of young men). Mid-educated young adults show a similar pattern as low-educated ones. Among high-educated, young women are more represented in Clerical support (13% vs 7% of young men) and marginally so as Professionals (50% vs 48% of young men) (Figure 3.6).

Figure 3.6. Occupational distribution of young people (15-29) by gender, EU-27
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Percentage of employment by educational attainment, gender, and occupation, 2021

Figure 3.7. Young women tend to work in managerial or professional occupations more than young men in most OECD countries
Copy link to Figure 3.7. Young women tend to work in managerial or professional occupations more than young men in most OECD countries

Percentage of young adults (16-34) working in managerial or professional occupations (ISCO 1-2) by gender

In particular, young women (16-34) are less likely to work in careers linked to Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM): on average in PIAAC (2012, 2015 and 2018), only 1.8% of young women work in a STEM job compared to 4.6% of young men, although this is a higher proportion than in the case of workers over 35 years old. In the Netherlands, less than 1% of young women worked in STEM occupations whereas more than 7% of young men do so. Similarly, Hungary, Lithuania and the US showed 5-6 pp gap between young men and women (Figure 3.8). These international data are in line with national data. According to the US census, only 27% of STEM workers were women in 2019 (Martinez and Christnacht, 2021[4]). Young women with postsecondary credentials are less likely than young men with the same qualification to work in STEM: for example, in Canada, based on the 2006 and 2016 longitudinal census (which link individuals across the two census years), male STEM graduates were more likely than female STEM graduates to be employed in a STEM occupation (Frank, 2019[5]).

Figure 3.8. Young women are under-represented in STEM jobs
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Percentage of young adults (16-34) who work in a STEM occupation

3.1.3. Job quality by gender

When in work, in general young women are more likely to have a lower wage and a less secure job, to work part time, and be less satisfied with their job, compared to young men with similar levels of education and skills. Women tend to earn less than men across all levels of educational attainment and OECD countries (OECD, 2021[6]). As of 2021, the gender wage gap across OECD countries comparing median incomes of women and men working in a full-time job was 11.9%, meaning that for every 100 euros a typical man earns, a woman earns 88 euros (OECD[7]). Young women (age 16-34) are less likely to earn high wages compared to young men. On average across countries with available data, young men are almost twice more likely to earn wages in the top quartile compared to young women, even after considering education, skills, migrant status and parental education. This varies from 1.4 times in England (UK) to 4.2 times in Estonia (Figure 3.9) among statistically significant results. In a regression analysis of such wage penalties using pooled PIAAC data and controlling for SES, migrant status, age and other variables, women earn 10% less in reference to men. While in PIAAC more young men reported being satisfied at work than young women, this variation is no longer apparent after controlling for wage and qualification mismatch as well as parental education, migrant status, skills and education, with the exception of Austria and Sweden.

The capacity of gender to shape labour market inequalities in relation to STEM jobs can also been seen in the quality of employment. Women working in STEM professions in Canada for example are more likely to be in lower paying jobs than their male counterparts (Frank, 2019[5]). There are significantly and persistently lower wages for Canadian women compared to men, even when controlling for human capital, SES and a range of other factors based on the same data from the 2006 and 2016 censuses (Gupta, Singh and Balcom, 2022[8]). In Canada, women with STEM credentials are also less likely than their male counterparts to persist in STEM occupations: 35% of female STEM graduates who were employed in a STEM occupation in 2006 had moved to a non-STEM occupation by 2016, compared with 26% for males. The perceived treatment of women within hiring processes and promotion opportunities in STEM jobs have also been seen in studies to differ by gender. According to a survey of 4 914 US adults working in STEM, men in STEM jobs reported that women are usually treated fairly in terms of hiring and promotion. However, survey data paints a different picture: whereas 82% of men agreed that they had been treated fairly in hiring process, 76% of women agree; and, while 78% of men agreed that they had been treated fairly in promotion opportunities, this applied to 63% of female respondents (Funk and Parker, 2018[9]). The authors find discrimination in recruitment, hiring and promotions as a major reason behind lack of gender diversity in STEM.

Looking at the quality of employment more generally, young men are significantly more likely to have indefinite work contracts than young women in Chile (odds ratio 2.0), Czechia (1.9), Greece/Korea (1.6), Norway/Sweden (1.5), Finland/Hungary/Japan/Poland/Slovak Republic (1.4), and France/Mexico/Netherlands/Türkiye (1.3). Austria is an exception (0.8). Again, this is the result using PIAAC and controlling for parental education, migrant status, skills and education. Moreover, working hours show a clear trend that young men are significantly more likely to work full time than young women in all PIAAC participating OECD countries. On average across OECD, young men are 2.9 times more likely to work full time than young women (Figure 3.10).

The degree of qualification mismatch – where an individual possesses an educational attainment that is higher or lower than required by their job - is not significantly different by gender in most countries in PIAAC, even when controlling for parent education, migrant status, skills and education. Only three countries have a statistically significant result in terms of the likelihood of qualification mismatch among young women and men (ages 16-34). Young men in Germany have lower odds (0.8) of having qualification mismatch compared to young women. However, young men in Japan and Lithuania are more likely than young women to experience qualification mismatch (1.3 and 1.5 respectively).

Figure 3.9. Even after controlling for education and skills, young men are more likely to earn high wages compared to young women
Copy link to Figure 3.9. Even after controlling for education and skills, young men are more likely to earn high wages compared to young women

Percentage of young adults (16-34) with wage at top quartile and young men’s probability of earning top quartile wage compared to young women

Figure 3.10. Even after controlling for education and skills levels, young men are significantly more likely to work full-time than young women
Copy link to Figure 3.10. Even after controlling for education and skills levels, young men are significantly more likely to work full-time than young women

Percentage of employed young adults (16-34) working full time (30 hours and more a week), by gender

Box 3.1. Inequality in education and employment linked to sexuality and gender identity

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A small but significant percentage of students do not identify with traditional definitions of heterosexual male or female. The share of people identifying themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (or questioning), intersex and gender fluid (LGBTQI+) is on the rise in nearly all countries where data is available, and this trend is likely to continue, driven by younger cohorts. In 2017, while 1.4% of US respondents in national surveys born before 1945 identified as LGBTQI+, this share was 8.2% among millennials (OECD, 2019[10]). In the UK, according to the Office of National Statistics, an estimated 3.1% of people aged 16 and over were LGB (lesbian, gay or bisexual) in 2020, an increase from 2.7% in 2019 and almost double the percentage from 2014 (1.6%). Young people aged 16 to 24 are the most likely to identify as LGB: (8.0%) in 2020 (4.5% for those aged 25-34) reflecting an increasing trend for this age group since 2014 (2.8%) (ONS, 2022[11]). Young women (9.8%) are more likely to identify as LGB than young men (6.4%) in 2020 (ONS, 2022[11]).

LGBTQI+ students can experience greater degrees of discrimination, violence, isolation and lack of sense of belonging in schools which affect their educational attainment and opportunities in later life (McBrien, Rutigliano and Sticca, 2022[12]; OECD, 2023[13]; 2020[14]). Negative social judgments can limit a person’s potential in school and society. Studies show that students with a non-conforming gender identity or sexual orientation suffer from multiple forms of discrimination which often have impact on their health and educational outcomes. For example, in an EU survey of 140 000 LGBTQI+ people, the majority of respondents aged 15 to 17 reported having experienced discrimination in some area of life (53%). Out of those respondents, 45% felt discriminated against at school while 37% of respondents reported almost never opening up about being LGBTIQ+ (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2020[15]).1 In a UK survey of 733 trans people conducted by the polling firm YouGov, one in seven trans university students (14%) reported that they had considered dropping out or had dropped out because of experiencing harassment or discrimination from students and staff during the preceding year (Bachmann and Gooch, 2018[16]) (see Table 3.1 for details).

Research on academic achievement and attainment of LGBTQI+ students is mixed. Additional data is necessary to assess the relationships between sexual orientation and gender identity with academic outcomes. While research suggests that some LGBTQI+ students, such as gay men, tend to have better results, data on dropout rates, grade repetitions and absenteeism, among other elements, would help capture a more complete picture of the situation (McBrien, Rutigliano and Sticca, 2022[12]).

Smooth education-to-work transition for some youth is life-critical. At the entry into the labour market, young LGBTQI+ face specific challenges in addition to other factors. These include homophobic, biphobic and transphobic discrimination, and a lack of support and inclusion in education, training and work. While studies and data in this area are rare, especially for young people, they all point towards similar challenges of youth entering and progressing in work.

A small, qualitative study on a group of 12 young LGBTQI+ NEET in the UK reveals LGBTQI-specific challenges (Bradlow et al., 2020[17]). Bullying and non-inclusive school environments served to limit engagement with school and can lead these young people to change their future plans – in school, isolation resulting from a non-inclusive learning environment, homophobic, biphobic and transphobic bullying and a lack of LGBT-specific support, had a negative impact on participants’ mental health, their ability to engage in education, and their plans to continue in post-16 education (Bradlow et al., 2020[17]). The transition from school to tertiary education posed a particular challenge for some of these young people with some leaving education altogether. At university, experiences of discrimination and a lack of support impacted on the students' ability to complete their studies. Most of the LGBTQI+ young people in the survey were not aware of how to access suitable apprenticeships. The small number of participants who had accessed apprenticeships faced LGBTQI-specific challenges during their time there or struggled to find suitable work after completing them. Once out of education, employment and training, LGBTQI+ young people face significant barriers to re-entry (Bradlow et al., 2020[17]).

According to the US National Survey on LGBTQ Youth Mental Health 20202 70% of those aged 18-24 were employed. Among employed youth, 35% reported facing workplace discrimination such as losing out on a promotion or being fired from a job (Trevor Project, 2021[18]). A similar survey in the UK3 (but not limited to youth) reveals that one in five LGBT people (18%) looking for work felt that they had faced discrimination trying to get a job because of who they are (Bachmann and Gooch, 2018[19]). 60% of 18-24-year-old respondents reported that they had hidden or disguised that they are LGBT at work because they were afraid of discrimination (Bachmann and Gooch, 2018[19]).

The US longitudinal ‘Growing Up Today Study’ began in 1996 and followed a cohort composed of 9 914 participants who were 18-32 years-olds at the most recent follow-up questionnaire. The study found that sexual minority women and men were about twice as likely as their respective heterosexual counterparts to have been unemployed (Charlton et al., 2018[20]).

Job quality by sexuality

Studies generally point to negative impacts on wages for gay men and trans women (Waite, Ecker and Ross, 2019[21]). Gay men are found to earn less than comparably skilled and experienced heterosexual men. For lesbians, the patterns are ambiguous: in some countries they have been found to earn less than their heterosexual counterparts, while in others they earn the same or more (Drydakis, 2014[22]). Studies find that gay men earn from 4-5% less than heterosexual men in the Netherlands, France, Greece, and the UK to 12-16% less in Canada, Sweden, and the US (Drydakis, 2014[22]). The earnings differences between lesbians and heterosexual women of comparable education, skills, and experience range from wage penalties to wage premiums: lesbian employees earn 28% less than their female heterosexual counterparts in Australia and 8% less in Greece, while in France and Sweden they earn the same as heterosexual women, and they earn 3% more in the Netherlands, 8% more in the UK, 11% more in Germany, 15% more in Canada, and 20% more in the US.

Using US data collected in 2004-05, Schilt and Wiswall (2008[23]) found that after their transitions, earnings for female-to-male workers increase slightly following their transitions, while average earnings for male-to-female workers fall by 32% (their mean age is 40) – with controls for education and job type. Qualitative evidence also suggests that becoming a man often brings an increase in respect and authority (and the other way round for women) (Schilt and Wiswall, 2008[23]). Geijtenbeek and Plug found, based on Dutch data, a 23% of reduction in annual earnings (2015[24]). Given that transgender people have the same human capital after their transitions, their workplace experiences also shed light on the gender issue in shaping workplace outcomes.

Among scarce studies on the job satisfaction of LGBTQI+ compared to their counterparts with similar characteristics, the results are mixed. An UK National Health Service Employee Engagement Survey found that LGBT+ identifying employees are significantly more likely to be satisfied with their job (60%) than their heterosexual counterparts (53%). However, in this survey as well, workplace discrimination was an issue among some employees: three in ten sexual minority respondents reported having been bullied in their workplace in the prior six months, and among LGBT+ respondents who were bullied, slightly less than half are open about their sexuality. On the other hand, 26% of LGBT+ respondents who were open about their sexuality at work reported having been bullied in the prior six months (Einarsdottir et al., 2020[25]).

A study utilising data from the 2008-10 Athens Area Study in Greece (Drydakis, 2014[26]) found that gay males (4% of the sample) and lesbians (0.5% of the sample) were found to be less satisfied than their heterosexual counterparts, according to all job satisfaction measures considered: satisfaction with total pay, promotion prospects, respect received from one's supervisor, and total job satisfaction. This is a result controlling for qualification, basic skills, work experience, job type, wage and other characteristics. Moreover, gay men and lesbians whose orientation was known at their workplace had higher job satisfaction than those who had not disclosed their orientation. Furthermore, gay males and lesbians were found to become more satisfied with their jobs with time after disclosing their sexual orientation.

Dichotomic approaches in analysing inequality, as done above, however do not work well for sexuality, especially for transgender people. Using longitudinal data (2012-15) collected through trans associations in the UK, Drydakis found that transgender employees experience higher job satisfaction, mental health and life satisfaction after sex reassignment surgery than before, even after controlling for age, work experience, education level, ethnicity and job type4 – for them, their gender transition entails positive personal and workplace advancements (2017[27]).

The above-mentioned US survey (Trevor Project, 2021[18]) suggests that experiencing LGBTQ-based discrimination in the workplace was associated with greater risk of a past-year suicide attempt (twice the odds than those not experiencing discrimination), while being employed in a workplace that is LGBTQ-affirming was associated with lower rates of a past-year suicide attempt. However, LGBTQ people face difficulty in accessing support services: 28% of respondents who had accessed or tried to access mental health services in the 12 months preceding the above-mentioned UK survey reported difficulty: even when mental health services were accessed, 22% of the respondents said they had had a negative experience (UK government, 2018[28]).

While studies and data with regards to sexuality among young people are historically rare, their availability is increasing. Studies highlight similar challenges of youth entering and progressing in work. In the US, among LGBTQ young employees (13-24), 35% experienced workplace discrimination. Studies suggest workplace discrimination against LGBTQI+ people, including lack of opportunities for advancement and harassment. While the evidence is mixed, gay men and trans women tend to incur pay penalties in comparison to their heterosexual counterparts with similar education, skills and work experience. While evidence on job satisfaction is mixed, LGBTQI+ people have greater risk of a past-year suicide attempt due to workplace discrimination and difficulty in accessing mental health services.

1. The EU-LGBTI II Survey was conducted online between 27 May and 22 July 2019. It collected information from 139,799 LGBTI respondents, including 137,508 from respondents living in the 28 EU Member States. The EU-28 sample is composed of 42 % gay males, 20 % bisexual women, 16 % lesbian women, 14 % trans persons, 7 % bisexual males and 1 % intersex persons. In Estonia and Lithuania, bisexual women form the largest categories. In Finland, trans respondents do so. Respondents aged 15 to 17 years constitute a seventh of the sample.

2. Data was collected from an online survey conducted between December 2019 and March 2020 of 40,001 LGBTQ youth recruited via targeted ads on social media.

3. Administered by YouGov on behalf of Stonewall. Participants were recruited through the YouGov panel and via an open recruitment that was circulated through a wide range of organisations, community groups and individuals. The overall sample size of participants who were employed is 3 213: 49% of employed respondents were from England, 26% from Wales and 25% from Scotland; 53% were male, 40% female and 6% described their gender in a different way; 63% were gay or lesbian, 28% bisexual, 7% used a different term to describe their sexual orientation and 2% were straight; 11% said they identified as trans; 6% were black, Asian or minority ethnic. The figures were weighted by region and age.

4. The mean age is 35 and 36 years among women-to-men and men-to-women respectively, 43 and 67% hold a higher education degree, 59 and 78% are white colour employees. The survey participants had the surgery during the data gathering period and they had not changed jobs during the data gathering period.

This review of the early labour market experiences illustrates the heavy influence that gender has in shaping early experiences of employment. It also shows (Box 3.1) that sexual orientation and gender identity are also important factors shaping workplace experiences. While the groups are very different and cannot be conflated, the review reveals common additional challenges in labour market integration, notably including the possibility that specific workplaces might be expected to represent, to varying degrees, more hostile environments in terms of accessing employment, opportunities for progression and general well-being.

While women on average approach the labour market with more years of education and training and higher levels of qualifications than men (OECD, 2015[2]), they are routinely more likely to experience NEET status. When in work, gender segmentation is widespread, and evidence shows that commonly women experience poorer job quality than men, particularly with regard to pay, even when comparing women and men with similar levels of education and training. The example of employment in the STEM professions highlights moreover higher rates of attrition for women and points towards perceptions of discrimination.

For women, the accumulated data highlight a number of additional barriers to labour market success. Such challenges go beyond the provision of affordable childcare and the distribution of childcare responsibilities between parents of different genders. Indeed, data from the UK and Sweden show the existence of the gender wage gap from the first year after leaving education (HESA, 2023[29]; Offical Statistics Sweden[30]). In spite of higher levels of human capital, women face greater obstacles in converting education and skills into equitable labour market rewards. In important part, this relates to depth of labour market segmentation witnessed across OECD countries. Segmentation serves to increase barriers to certain professions. This pattern works in both directions, just as women are underrepresented in STEM professions, men are less likely to work in education and healthcare occupations. While negative consequences are greater on average for women, in terms of pay and job quality, for both genders, segmentation serves to restrict access to the range of professions that individual young people may find personally fulfilling.

Turning to LGBTQI+ youth, a key concern relates to the importance of finding a workplace that allows for the pursuit of a fulfilling career in a safe and respectful environment. Here, it is particularly important to provide young people with the opportunity to confidently investigate for themselves whether specific occupations and workplaces will provide such an environment.

Consequently, it is a role of career guidance systems to acknowledge and respond to the influence of gender, sexuality and gender identity in accessing labour market opportunities to prepare young people effectively for the breadth of employment opportunities which are ostensibly open to them. In such a way, while individual students can be better supported in the search for fulfilling employment, societies and employers gain by increasing access to skilled and motivated potential workers.

3.2. Teenage career readiness by gender

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This section explores how gender shapes teenage participation in career development. It focuses in particular on participation levels across the OECD teenage career readiness indicators (which longitudinal analyses commonly relate to better labour market outcomes – see Box 1.3) by gender, controlling for socio-economic status, migrant background, academic performance, and programme orientation. It shows for example that boys are consistently more likely than girls to undertake important career development activities which bring them into first hand contact with employers, providing opportunities to explore and experience potential futures in employment even after such statistical controls are put in place. In terms of career thinking, girls generally have higher ambitions for their careers, compared to boys, yet they focus on a narrower group of occupations. Boys tend to be more uncertain about their future careers and the careers they are aiming for are not often aligned with their educational plans. This section also provides new insight into the importance of early career thinking, showing that secondary school students who express occupational expectations are statistically more likely to end up working in those occupations, with other factors being equal, in adulthood. This is an effect that is stronger among boys than girls.

3.2.1. Exploring and experiencing potential future careers

Analysis of longitudinal data from ten countries highlights frequent statistically significant connections between the extent to which teenagers explore and experience potential futures in work and later employment outcomes as adults (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]). Breaking down participation levels in such predictors by gender (after controlling for other factors that might influence participation such as SES, migrant status, academic ability and whether programmes are vocational or general in focus) shows some strong patterns.

For example, boys are more likely to gain direct experience of workplaces and engage with people in work through means which are commonly linked to better adult employment outcomes (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]): part-time employment (save for the most occasional and informal employment), volunteering and internships (Figure 3.13). Boys are also more likely than girls to participate in career exploring activities which are predictive of better outcomes that involve employers such as job shadowing (OECD, 2022[32]) or attending a work-site visit and job fair (Figure 3.11). In contrast, girls are on average more likely to engage in home-based or classroom-based exploration activities for which longitudinal evidence of long-term positive impacts on employment outcomes is weaker (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]).

Figure 3.11. Even after controlling for academic performance and education pathway (VET v. general), boys participate more than girls in external career activities that involve employers
Copy link to Figure 3.11. Even after controlling for academic performance and education pathway (VET v. general), boys participate more than girls in external career activities that involve employers

Figure 3.12. Boys are significantly more likely to do an internship, after controlling for SES, migrant status, reading score, and VET orientation
Copy link to Figure 3.12. Boys are significantly more likely to do an internship, after controlling for SES, migrant status, reading score, and VET orientation

Odds ratio of boys doing an internship in reference to girls, by country

Boys also tend to engage more in volunteer work and paid employment than girls (Figure 3.13). Across OECD countries that have available data, PISA 2018 data show that girls were less likely to work outside school hours (e.g., a holiday job, part-time work) or work in a family business than boys with about 8-9 pp difference. However, gender differences are much weaker in the case of occasional informal jobs, with Canada, the Netherlands, and Australia having a significantly higher share among girls.

Figure 3.13. Boys tend to experience working more than girls
Copy link to Figure 3.13. Boys tend to experience working more than girls

Share of students with experience of the following activities

In contrast, girls are more likely than boys to engage in career development activities that allow them to explore potential futures in work through their schools or from home such as completing a career questionnaire or using the internet for research. Here, statistical associations with better ultimate employment outcomes are weaker than is the case with activities that engage young people directly with people in work (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]). However, in general girls do have an advantage with regard to one further element of career exploration that is linked strongly with better outcomes. Descriptive analysis of PISA 2018 data shows too that girls (86.1%) are more likely than boys (79.6%) to have engaged in a career conversation about a job that they were interested in undertaking after they had left education. In none of the 14 OECD countries for which data is available was it more likely for boys to have taken part in such a conversation (OECD, 2021[34]).

3.2.2. Thinking about future careers

Longitudinal studies in multiple countries have found significant relationships between how young people think about their futures in work and actual employment outcomes. Where teenagers express uncertainty or confusion about their occupational ambitions and how they can be achieved, analyses commonly suggest that individuals can expect to face greater barriers in finding well-paying, satisfying employment (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]; 2021[35]; Mann, Denis and Percy, 2020[36]). Analysis of PISA data shows that such teenage attitudes are highly shaped by gender.

Career uncertainty by gender

In most OECD countries, teenage boys are more likely than girls to have no clear idea about their future job. While Denmark and Germany show a high level of teenage career uncertainty overall, there is no significant difference between girls and boys. In the United States, the overall career uncertainty was relatively low, but the gender gap was relatively large, with boys demonstrating 19 pp higher levels of uncertainty among low performers and 9 pp higher among high performers than girls (Figure 3.14). Even when controlling for educational pathway (VET v. general education) and other characteristics, boys are more likely than girls to be uncertain about their future career in most countries (Figure 3.15). Greater male uncertainty is particularly high among low performers who can be expected to leave education earlier with boys being 6 pp more likely than girls to have no clear idea about their future careers. On average across the OECD, nearly one-third of low performing boys (30.9%) can be designated as uncertain about their occupational plans.

Figure 3.14. Boys tend to be more uncertain than girls about their occupational plans across OECD countries
Copy link to Figure 3.14. Boys tend to be more uncertain than girls about their occupational plans across OECD countries

Percentage of students in PISA 2018 who have no clear idea about their future job, by gender

Figure 3.15. Even when controlling for socioeconomic status, migrant background, reading score and VET, boys are more likely than girls to be uncertain about their occupational plans
Copy link to Figure 3.15. Even when controlling for socioeconomic status, migrant background, reading score and VET, boys are more likely than girls to be uncertain about their occupational plans

Probability of boys to be uncertain about their careers at age 30 in reference to girls

Career ambition by gender

Longitudinal analyses also commonly find significant relationships between what are categorised as higher levels of teenage career ambition and ultimate employment success (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]). Even when boys and girls demonstrate similar levels of proficiency in the PISA academic assessments, their career expectations differ markedly. In all OECD countries, among high performers, more girls expect to work in managerial or professional level careers (classified as ISCO major categories 1 and 2) than boys (Figure 3.16, Panel A). On average across OECD countries, 11 pp and 7 pp more high-performing girls expect to be professionals or managers than boys. When controlling for SES, migrant status, type of school, programme orientation (vocational v. general education) and reading scores, girls are still more likely to expect to work in high-skilled occupations. This is the case for all OECD countries, except Hungary. On average across the OECD, girls are two times more likely than boys to be categorised as expressing high levels of ambition in their future work expectations.

Figure 3.16. Among high performing students, girls are more likely to expect to become managers or professionals (ISCO major categories 1 and 2)
Copy link to Figure 3.16. Among high performing students, girls are more likely to expect to become managers or professionals (ISCO major categories 1 and 2)

The overall share of students who expect managerial or professional careers in 2018 has increased compared to 2000 among both high-performing and low-performing boys and especially girls. Among 31 OECD countries with available data, only 5 countries saw a higher increase among high-performing boys than comparable girls: France, Hungary, Italy, Latvia and Poland.

Drawing on PISA 2018 data, girls are also on average 1.6 times more likely than boys across OECD countries to expect to complete tertiary education (Figure 3.17), even after controlling for SES, migrant status, type of school, programme orientation (vocational v. general education) and reading scores. This is the case for all OECD countries, except Israel, the Netherlands, France, Germany and Switzerland.

Figure 3.17. Girls are more likely to expect to complete tertiary education, even after controlling for other factors
Copy link to Figure 3.17. Girls are more likely to expect to complete tertiary education, even after controlling for other factors

Probability of girls expecting to complete tertiary education in reference to boys

Career misalignment by gender

When students anticipate working in a profession that typically requires a university-level qualification, but do not expect to proceed to tertiary education, they are designated by analysts to be misaligned in their ambitions, a phenomenon that is commonly associated with worse adult employment outcomes than would otherwise be expected (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]). PISA data show that boys are more likely to be categorised as exhibiting career misalignment compared to similarly performing girls. This variation is greater among low performers than high performers. Among high performers, on average across OECD countries with available data, boys are 4 pp more likely than girls to be misaligned. Among low performers, boys are 8 pp more likely than girls to be misaligned (Figure 3.18). Over 40% of low performing boys can be categorised as misaligned, in that they anticipate working in a career that commonly requires a post-secondary qualification, but do not expect to attend tertiary education.

Figure 3.18. Boys are more likely to express career misalignment compared to girls, even among similarly performing students
Copy link to Figure 3.18. Boys are more likely to express career misalignment compared to girls, even among similarly performing students

Percentage of students whose education and career expectations are not aligned

Controlling for VET and other characteristics (SES, migrant status, school type, reading score), boys are 1.6 times more likely than girls to be misaligned in their occupational and educational expectations. Only in the Netherlands and Germany is there no evidence of boys being more likely than girls to be misaligned, while in other countries boys are more likely to be so. Exceptionally, in Switzerland boys are less likely to be misaligned than girls (Figure 3.19).

Figure 3.19. Even when controlling for VET and other characteristics, boys are more likely than girls to be misaligned in their career expectation
Copy link to Figure 3.19. Even when controlling for VET and other characteristics, boys are more likely than girls to be misaligned in their career expectation

Probability of boys being misaligned in their career expectation in reference to girls

Career concentration by gender

The high level of student interest in ISCO major categories 1 (Managers) and 2 (Professionals) speak to a narrowness of career aspirations. Such concentration of ambitions indicates a poor reflection of actual patterns of labour market demand and has been associated in a small number of longitudinal studies with poorer ultimate employment outcomes, it being theorised that lower levels of originality in occupational expectations may reflect shallower levels of career exploration by students (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]). On average across the OECD, more girls than boys expect to work in one of ten most popular jobs named by peers of their gender by the age of 30. In the 2018 PISA, 56% of high-performing boys and 60% of high-performing girls from 31 OECD countries chose one of the 10 most popular choices by their fellow boys or girls within their expected job at the age of 30. In the Czechia and Switzerland, high-performing girls are 13 pp more likely than similarly performing boys to expect to work in such popular occupations (Figure 3.20) The gap is larger than among low performers: girls are 7 pp more concentrated than boys in 10 popular occupations.

Figure 3.20. Girls have more concentrated career expectations than similarly performing boys
Copy link to Figure 3.20. Girls have more concentrated career expectations than similarly performing boys

Percentage of high performers expecting to work in the 10 most popular occupations in their country

Career expectation is highly concentrated in professional occupations (ISCO 2), especially among girls. This occupational category includes scientists, engineers, architects, designers, veterinarians, doctors, nurses and other health professionals, teachers, academics, accountants, ICT professionals, lawyers, authors and artists. On average, 66% of girls in OECD countries (who expressed an occupational expectation) expect to work in professional occupations at the age 30 compared to 48% of boys. In Canada, Mexico and Türkiye more than 80% of girls plan on working as a professional. In Iceland, the gap between girls and boys is largest at 33 percentage points (Figure 3.21).

Figure 3.21. Girls’ occupational expectation is highly concentrated in professional occupations
Copy link to Figure 3.21. Girls’ occupational expectation is highly concentrated in professional occupations

Percentage of girls and boys who expect to work in professional occupations (ISCO 2) at the age 30

Girls are less likely to expect to work in STEM occupations

Even among top performers in science or mathematics, girls are less likely to anticipate working as science and engineering professionals than boys (Figure 3.22). Fewer girls expect to pursue STEM careers, such as becoming an engineer or a computer scientist, but more girls expect work in health or as teaching professionals.

Figure 3.22. Top-performing girls in science or math are less likely to expect to work as science and engineering professionals but more likely as health professionals than top-performing boys
Copy link to Figure 3.22. Top-performing girls in science or math are less likely to expect to work as science and engineering professionals but more likely as health professionals than top-performing boys

Percentage of top performers in science or mathematics who expect to work as professionals when they are 30

Girls less commonly expect to work in skilled trades

Across the OECD, comparatively few girls expect to work in skilled and semi-skilled occupations (ISCO major categories 6, 7 and 8), typically entered through vocational education and training programmes, such as skilled agricultural and fishery workers, craft and related trades workers, or plant and machine operators and assemblers. Girls tend to be less likely than boys to anticipate working in these occupations. Across OECD countries, by 14 percentage points boys are more likely than girls to expect to work in the skilled trades. Czechia shows a 32 percentage point difference, followed by Finland (26 pp), Norway/Germany (23 pp), Lithuania/Australia (22), Slovak Republic/ Switzerland (21 pp). Looking at only craft and related trades (ISCO 7), the picture remains the same. Boys are considerably more likely than girls to expect to work in these occupations (Figure 3.23).

Figure 3.23. Girls tend to be less interested in the skilled trades than boys
Copy link to Figure 3.23. Girls tend to be less interested in the skilled trades than boys

Percentage of 15-year-old students who expect to work in skilled trades (ISCO 6, 7 and 8)

3.3. How career guidance can address inequalities by gender, sexuality and gender identity

Copy link to 3.3. How career guidance can address inequalities by gender, sexuality and gender identity

At the start of this chapter, PIAAC data were reviewed to explore patterns of employment success that link with the gender of young adults. Having taken into account academic achievement, SES and other characteristics, the analysis highlights a range of disadvantages that are commonly (if with some country exceptions) experienced by young women in relation to comparable qualified male peers. These included the fact that in comparison to young men, young women are:

More likely to be not in education, employment, or training (NEET);
Concentrated in differently occupational areas, including being less likely to be in some higher paying sectors such as STEM;
More likely to earn less; and,
Less likely to work full-time.

Overall, they can be seen to be less successful than male peers in activating their academic abilities and achievements within the labour market. Such disadvantage stems from a range of factors over which guidance systems have varying potential influence: strong historic patterns of gender-based segregation in post-secondary education and training and labour market participation; greater vulnerability to precarious employment; gendered expectations in child rearing and national and organisational maternity and paternity policies; discrimination (Bimrose, 2008[37]; Das and Kotikula, 2019[38]; Hegewisch and Gornick, 2012[39]; Stamarski and Son Hing, 2015[40]). Such challenges provide an important context for other associated issues, such as gendered aspirations and career interests (Hur, Andrzejewski and Marghitu, 2017[41]; Mann et al., 2020[42]; Wong and Kemp, 2018[43]). Of particular importance to this paper are gendered patterns of labour market segmentation which relate in part to career choice (Schoon and Eccles, 2014[44]). For example, the UK Millennium Cohort Study of 7 700 teenagers aged 14 found that in general girls aspire to work in professions which pay on average 27% less than those aspired to by boys in spite of the fact that girls express a greater expectation of continuing to higher education (Centre for Longitudinal Studies, 2018[45]).

The chapter has also presented research and data on the impact of sexuality and gender identity on career development. While the evidence is much more emergent than the comparable evidence that exists around the gender and the labour market, there is nonetheless, good evidence suggesting that sexuality and gender identity interact with labour market and career success in a variety of ways (Prince, 2012[46]; Waite, Ecker and Ross, 2019[21]) As with gender, sexuality and gender identity impact on young people’s career development in ways that are simultaneously structural and psychological. While gender and sexuality raise different issues and therefore call for different kinds of responses from career guidance, there are strong overlaps and similarities between them. Therefore, while this section will focus primarily on gender, it will also address the role of career guidance in supporting young LGBTQI+ people to build successful careers. It is a strong implication of this review that both sexuality and the intersection between sexuality and gender are areas that would merit further research in the future. No PISA data on the experiences and attitudes of LGBTQI+ students is currently available.

Data from PISA 2018 does highlight several ways in which gender relates to career guidance. Looking at data across a range of OECD countries shows that:

girls are more likely than boys to participate in a range of school-based or home-based career exploration activities;
boys are more likely than girls to take part in career development activities that involve first-hand interaction with people in work, both in and out of school;
girls are more likely to demonstrate narrower career expectations, focusing strongly on possible future careers in the professions (ISCO 2); they are less likely to express interest in STEM profession or skilled employment than boys; and.
Boys are more likely to demonstrate uncertainty and confusion (as shown in patterns of career misalignment) than girls; they also express lower levels of occupational and educational ambition.

There is a wide range of research and practice that has explored how career guidance can help to address gender and, to a much less extent sexuality or gender-identity based inequalities. Indeed, governments often look to career guidance as a key element in addressing gender inequalities in the education system and labour market (Schulstok and Wikstrand, 2020[47]). In some cases, such work is about targeting additional services to girls and women and to LGBTQI+ people, but in others gender inequality is addressed with broader interventions which are targeted towards the whole cohort. The argument for such broader interventions is twofold, firstly gender and sexuality are characteristics that are possessed by all people. In light of this, it is important for people to consider how their gender and sexuality can either benefit or impede them in the labour market. They should also reflect on how this awareness can be expected to influence their interactions with others, including their willingness to challenge sexism and homophobia, even if it does not directly impact them. Secondly, the fact that gender and sexuality structure contemporary careers is not just a problem for women, gay and trans people, occupational segregation and stereotyping also channel men and heterosexual people into some careers and away from others. All of these social and cultural structures mitigate against both individuals finding occupations that best reflect their interests and abilities and against the fair and efficient distribution of human resources in society and the economy.

Career guidance offers a mechanism which can be used to encourage individuals to reflect on these issues and provide feedback into sexist and homophobic systems. As has already been argued in this paper, access to career guidance and to some kinds of career guidance activities, such as work experience placements, are not equally distributed, but as with the discussion in the previous chapter, it is important not simply to argue in this context that more career guidance is sufficient, but to develop forms of career guidance that actively address forms of gender- and sexuality-based inequalities.

In the previous chapter on how career guidance can respond to inequalities linked to the socio-economic status of young people, four main approaches were introduced: provide more intensive support; develop professional capacity and provide dedicated resources; build social capital; and develop a critical understanding of personal relationships with the labour market. These categories are drawn on again to group the range of interventions that have been identified to support young people to deal with inequalities based on gender or sexuality.

3.3.1. Providing more intense support

As discussed elsewhere in this paper, providing greater levels of career development to both girls and boys can be expected to be of value to students. For boys, a strong pattern in the PISA data relates to the higher level of uncertainty and confusion in career plans and how education provision can enable them. Analysis of PISA 2018 reveals statistically significant relationships between a range of guidance activities (speaking with career advisors, speaking to someone about a job of interest, completing career questionnaires, using the interest to research careers, participating in job fairs, job shadowing, internships, part-time working and volunteering) linked to exploration and experience of labour markets and clearer career thinking (Covacevich et al., 2021[31]). Greater levels of guidance provision can be expected to enhance the critical engagement of all young people with career thinking with the greatest benefits to be anticipated by boys. (See Chapter two for greater discussion of guidance interventions to enhance the career thinking of young people).

Another important strategy is providing young people with access to real experiences which give them insights into possible futures. As discussed in the previous chapter on socio-economic status, there are potential dangers with any experiential learning as it runs the risk of channelling students into careers which align with societal expectations rather than deep personal reflection, which can result in social reproduction. However, it is possible to organise experiences of work in ways that challenge social reproduction and encourage people to encounter careers that they may not have considered.

In the USA the Computer Science for all Girls programme was designed to engage young women in computing (Hur, Andrzejewski and Marghitu, 2017[41]). The programme was run by a university and recruited middle- and high-school girls with an interest in computer science to attend a one-week summer school. The aim of the programme was to encourage young women to pursue their interest in computer science into higher education and a career. The summer school consisted of a series of experiential learning activities designed to give participants insights into computer science. This was then supplemented by talks from female computer scientists who discussed their career and work in computer science. The evaluation found that the summer school increased students’ knowledge about computer science and interest in related careers, but that alone it was unlikely to be sufficient to change career trajectories. Consequently, it was recommended that schools increase the intensity of this kind of experiential learning for girls.

In Germany the girls’ days and boys’ days initiatives encourage young people (between the ages of 10 and 18) to try out careers that are usually associated with the opposite gender (OECD, 2023[48]). The initiative is funded by the federal government and delivered by a non-governmental organisation which works with schools, employers, trade unions and other labour market organisations. Schools begin the process by encouraging students to look at different careers and discuss gendered stereotypes associated with each of them. The students then choose to access a short placement (usually one day) to investigate a possible apprenticeship or occupational area. The connection with employers is brokered through a website which helps to match students with willing employers. Universities have also engaged with the programme and encourage students to consider atypical higher education pathways as well. The key to the job shadowing day is that it encourages mutual learning with both young people and employers potentially having some of their assumptions challenged. The evaluation of Girls’ Day held in 2018 showed that 38% of participating enterprises received internship or apprenticeship enquiries from under-represented individuals immediately following the event. Additionally, for more than one in five employers, Girls’ Day led to the employment of a female candidate. The programme which has now been adopted across many other countries, fits into a broader framework of mentoring and awareness raising initiatives funded by the German Federal Ministry for Education and Research called GO MINT which focus on engaging young women in science, engineering and mathematics related careers (Hutchinson, 2014[49]; OECD, 2015[2]).

Girls’ and Boys’ days are especially important models of intervention because they offer young people the chance to see for themselves whether they could imagine themselves working in a field which is not a social norm and which may be perceived as a hostile environment for someone of their gender. Further international studies suggest opportunities for students to engage in such critical exploration are commonly modest. A review of 10 256 work placements in the UK by Francis et al. (2005[50]) found that very few girls participated in placements related to engineering, IT and plumbing and very few boys undertook placements in childcare. However, when a sample of 520 students from 20 schools were asked whether they would have liked to try a non-traditional work experience placement, 36% of girls said yes and a further 33% were undecided; 14% boys also said yes and 38% were undecided. Further studies suggest such levels of interest are not unusual. A 2017 UK study of 1 740 young adults aged 19-24 found comparable levels of interest in non-traditional placements: 16% of young men and 25% of young women agreed that they would have welcomed more help from their secondary school in understanding “how common it is to do a job which people of your gender don’t normally do” (Mann et al., 2016[51]). An OECD study of career development in Virginia found similar results: 44% of 1 100 young adults aged 19-26 (40% of young men and 49% of young women) agreed that they would have welcomed a lot more help from their school in understanding “how to get a job which people of your gender or background don't normally do” (OECD, 2023[52]). While interest is clear in experiencing professions in which their gender is under-represented, students found it difficult to turn interest into reality. This may relate to the strength of social assumptions, the unwillingness of employers to accept atypical students and/or the risk aversion of students who typically are presented with a single opportunity to gain first-hand experience of work while still in education. Such barriers are addressed in programmes discussed below.

Career guidance interventions should actively seek to build the confidence and self-efficacy of young women by helping them to see that they have the capacity to manage and develop their careers (Bimrose, 2020[53]). Indeed, Borgonovi argues that differential levels of self-efficacy explain a great deal of the difference in outcomes in traditionally male dominated subjects like mathematics (2014[54]). In other words, it is not enough to improve the academic performance of young women in male dominated subjects. There is also a need to improve their self-efficacy in these subjects. Closely linked to this are perceptions about the attractiveness and viability of various career paths, particularly those associated with male dominated school subjects such as science and mathematics (Hutchinson, 2014[49]).

In the USA, a nine-week STEM and career decision-making self-efficacy intervention was trialled with high school girls (Falco and Summers, 2017[55]). The intervention consisted of nine 50-min group career counselling sessions designed to improve career decision self-efficacy and STEM self-efficacy. These included a mix of didactic and experiential activities and discussions as well as discussion of the sociocultural issues that facilitate and hinder girls from engaging in STEM careers. Sessions focused on raising awareness of STEM careers and discussing the issues that women might experience in these careers, developing a growth mindset, exploring their own experiences of achieving mastery, dealing with anxiety, identifying role models, affirming strengths and developing goals and plans. The intervention was robustly evaluated and found to lead to a significant improvement in career decision self-efficacy and STEM self-efficacy after three months, in comparison with a control group.

3.3.2. Developing professional capacity and providing dedicated resources

To deliver meaningful career guidance interventions to challenge sexism and homophobia, there is a need to build the capabilities of careers professionals. This includes helping professionals to understand the issues experienced by people because of their gender, sexual orientation or gender identity and develop new ethical approaches which address these issues and consider how this will be operationalised in practice (Bimrose, 2004[56]). In general, these issues are dealt with briefly at best in training and often viewed as a special case, rather than as the experience of more than half of the population (Schulstok and Wikstrand, 2020[47]).

A joint Estonia/Iceland/Lithuania project has developed a handbook for career guidance counsellors to help them to address gender stereotypes (Kinkar et al., 2019[57]). The BREAK! project was funded by the European Union and focuses on how career guidance counsellors can disrupt gendered career outcomes by building young people’s career management skills and engaging them in discussion about the character of the labour market. The handbook makes use of relevant media, for example TV shows to provide relatable scenarios that students can discuss and reflect on. It then provides a series of practical ideas, activities and discussions for career guidance counsellors to run with groups of students to help them to reflect on the issues. The BREAK! programme encourages and enables students to reflect critically on how gender shapes labour market participation, providing a theoretical overview of the nature of gender stereotypes as well as practical support to students.

In Australia, careers practitioners have developed a workshop for fellow career counsellors. The workshop is designed to delve deeper into gender considerations and to explore how gender is addressed within the field of career counselling, fostering a deeper understanding of how gender is integrated into career practice (Franklin and Gilpatrick, 2022[58]). Participating practitioners are invited to reflect on how gender has shaped their experience, provided with an introduction to key terms such as ‘gender’ and ‘identity’, introduced to key statistics, research, data and theories which explore how career and gender interact and provided with examples of how these issues have addressed in practice. The aim of the workshop is to demystify what may be perceived as a challenging issue and to provide career practitioners with a range of tools to address this in practice.

In the USA, an intervention to prepare school counsellors to support LGBTQI+ youth was developed and tested (Kull, Kosciw and Greytak, 2016[59]). Research suggested that very few counsellors had received any training in supporting LGBTQI+ young people. The training provided information and insights for school counsellors on LGBTQI+ issues and experiences and offered practical strategies to deal with these. The evaluation of the intervention found that it had led to significant improvements in counsellors’ confidence in dealing with these issues and likelihood of reporting LGTB support practices.

3.3.3. Building social capital with families and the world of work

Career guidance has an important role to play in connecting young people with employers and other key informants and sources of career support (Cedefop, 2021[60]). Providing young people with new social capital can have indirect effects. For example, it can provide access to new and useful information, while also building confidence and understanding over time. New social capital can also lead to more direct effects, such as enabling access to work placements or ultimate employment (Jones, Mann and Morris, 2016[61]; Stanley and Mann, 2014[62]).

In some countries, programmes are in place to make it easier for students to interact directly with people whose gender is under-represented in their profession. This is an objective of the programme of career talks at Colegio Legamar (OECD, 2013[63]) and career talks by video within the Empresas que inspiran programme overseen by the Bertelsmann Foundation (Bertelsmann[64]) both in Spain. The Inspiring Women programme in the UK makes it easy for primary and secondary schools to connect with thousands of women who are willing to share their work-related experiences with students through classroom presentations (Inspiring the Future, 2023[65]). Within such initiatives, a primary aim is to help young people consider non-traditional occupations as ‘thinkable’ for someone like them. As Williams et al. argues (2019[66]), following a review of male progression into the nursing profession, interest in nursing as a career will be “guided by common, public perceptions and stereotypes of nursing unless more direct experience or personal knowledge is readily available to the individual.”

In Spain a group mentoring initiative led by a female STEM role model was established to address concerns about girls disengaging from science at a young age (Guenaga et al., 2022[67]). The intervention was provided to students between the ages of 10 and 12 years old and comprised of six sessions. The evaluation suggests that the programme had an impact on the students’ attitudes towards technology, increased the number of female STEM references they knew, and improved their opinions of vocations and professions related to science and technology. The impact was greater among girls, although in aspects such as attitudes towards technology, the female participants still demonstrated lower values than boys. However, the programme did not improve the stereotypes that the young participants had about mathematical self-efficacy, leading the evaluators to conclude that addressing these issues needs to start earlier and include multiple interventions.

3.3.4. Developing critical understanding of personal relationships to the labour market

Career guidance can act on the dispositions, understandings, and expectations of the individual (Schulstok and Wikstrand, 2020[47]). From the earliest years (OECD, 2021[68]), gender is an important factor in career decision making, and as they grow older, young people internalise ideas about the labour market that are infused with the gendered nature of society (Gottfredson, 2005[69]). Historically, the provision of career information has often reinforced career stereotypes, for example by providing pictures that implicitly communicate how occupations are segregated by gender (Kinkar et al., 2019[57]). Such dispositions or assumptions can be conceived as forms of cultural capital which serve to shape the economic and social progression of individuals (Archer, 2015[70]). Given this therefore, career guidance has an important role to play in challenging these assumptions and internalised stereotypes, by helping young people to see other possibilities and to subject their assumptions to greater scrutiny.

In the UK and New Zealand, a strong focus of the Primary Futures campaign (OECD, 2021[71]) has been to provide primary age children with the opportunity to meet with women working in professions where their gender is historically under-represented. Captured in a short video, Redraw the Balance, which has been viewed millions of time online and remade in many different countries, the programme encourages schools to ask children to draw people who would work in professions such as a fire fighter, police officer, surgeon and fighter pilot. The children, commonly in the first years of education, are then asked if they would like to meet these people and find that, in contrast to their pictures which predominantly describe men working in such roles, it is women who are working in these roles and who have come to their schools to speak about their working lives. This intervention at a young age presents children with evidence that is difficult to ignore that will challenge societal assumptions about labour market segmentation. For girls in particular, the intervention challenges processes of circumscription which can lead them to rule out potential careers from a young age (Gottfredson, 2005[69]).

As noted earlier, the BREAK! programme (Estonia/Iceland/Lithuania) is designed to develop older students’ critical understanding of labour market segmentation. Here, the focus is more on the realities of how gender shapes the working world, encouraging a thoughtful consideration of why such structures exist and their implications for students as individuals. Other countries have also tried to address stereotypes by running large scale public information campaigns which seek to raise awareness about occupations whilst tackling gendered assumptions. A good example is the Women building Australia campaign (Australia, 2023[72]). This campaign is jointly run by the Master Builders Association and the Australian government and aims to attract and support women to succeed in the building and construction industry. In addition to a website and other publicity and information resources, the programme also includes a strong focus on engaging young women through careers fairs and then mentoring and supporting them during their early career.

There are also a wide range of similar public information campaigns targeted at young men to encourage them to consider gender atypical careers (Mann, Denis and Percy, 2020[36]). In the USA, there is the Are you man enough to be a nurse? campaign (Minority Nurse, 2023[73]). The campaign used pictures of male nurses, disseminated through posters and social media, to encourage young men to consider going into a historically female profession. This was supported through dedicated training scholarships and action with employers to change the assumptions which inform recruitment practice. It was further supported through the provision of resources and information for guidance counsellors. A similar campaign was also run in the Republic of Ireland to encourage Males into primary teaching (Primary Education Committee, 2006[74]). The role of guidance counsellors was singled out in policy commentary on this campaign, amidst concern that guidance counsellors were disproportionately directing high achieving young men away from employment opportunities in primary education and the career guidance professional association was tasked with addressing this.

In Sweden, legislation on gender equality gives schools a responsibility to provide career guidance for pupils and to make sure that children’s vocational and educational choices are not affected by ‘gender, social background or culture’ (Schulstok and Wikstrand, 2020[47]). This has led to the development of norm criticism as an approach which encourages young people to take a critical perspective on what is taken for granted in their day-to-day life. Norm criticism is an approach to the development of critical consciousness and is particularly focused on identifying and questioning social norms. In Sweden, it has been found to be a helpful framework for encouraging teachers, career guidance professionals and students to re-examine their assumptions in relation to both gender and sexuality (Wikstrand, 2019[75]). Through norm criticism, participants are encouraged to challenge what is taken for granted, see themselves in context, become aware of norms and reflect on their own position in relation to norms as part of considering what can be changed. For example, this might include questioning their own assumptions about what constitutes a ‘good’ career, how work and family life can be combined as well as challenging the gender segregation of the labour market.

Similar approaches have also been used to engage LGBTQI+ people in careers (Baker, 2022[76]). For example, the British Army ran its This is belonging campaign targeted at a range of non-traditional groups. This included handing out ‘rainbow camo cream’ at London Pride, the creation of a video entitled ‘can I be gay in the army?’ along with associated social media and careers materials. The campaign was designed to tackle deep seated concerns within the gay community as to whether the military offered a viable environment for LGBTQI+ people to develop their careers. The aim was to send out a clear message that the army was inclusive and supportive to a wide range of different (non-traditional) recruits. Also in the UK, the campaigning group Stonewall has established Stonewall Young Futures a careers information hub for young LGBTQI+ people (Stonewall, 2023[77]).

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