This chapter examines the international mobility of Greek students and researchers, highlighting its potential role in shaping Greece’s human capital, research capacity, and engagement in the global knowledge economy. It analyses student mobility, focussing on the numbers, destinations, and motivations of young Greeks studying abroad. The chapter also explores the mobility of Greek researchers, mapping their presence in foreign scientific networks and assessing their contributions to international collaboration and innovation. Finally, it considers patterns of return migration and the implications for Greece’s higher education and research systems, underscoring both the opportunities and challenges posed by academic outflows for national capacity and innovation.
A Review of Greek Emigrants
Abstract
International mobility is a structural feature of Greece’s higher‑education and research system, shaping both domestic capacity and global knowledge linkages. Large‑scale international mobility has enabled Greek students and researchers to integrate into leading education and research environments abroad, strengthen international networks and acquire advanced skills. At the same time, sustained outflows raise challenges about Greece’s teaching, research and innovation capacity.
Greece combines high tertiary enrolment with comparatively weak graduate labour outcomes, contributing to sustained student outflows. Over half of Greeks aged 20‑24 are enrolled in higher education, one of the highest rates in the OECD, yet unemployment among tertiary‑educated youth remains the highest in the OECD (13% vs. 5% OECD average). Overqualification also affects 37% of tertiary‑educated youth, which is well above the EU‑27 average of 22%, signalling persistent labour‑market mismatch.
Outbound student mobility remains above EU and OECD averages, though Greece has seen a slight decline in recent years. Around 4% of Greek tertiary students were enrolled abroad in 2023, consistently above the OECD averages. However, international mobility dipped between 2020 and 2022, contrasting with increases elsewhere in Europe.
Destination patterns for international students are shifting, with the United Kingdom declining post-Brexit and Bulgaria, Germany and the Netherlands gaining prominence. UK enrolments fell notably from around 10 000 annually to just over 7 000 in 2022 following changes in tuition and visa rules for EU students. Meanwhile, However, the United Kingdom remains the number one destination for Greek international students, especially for Bachelor and PhD studies. Master’s enrolment, however, is concentrated in Bulgaria (20%), the Netherlands (15%) and Germany (13%), reflecting divergent linguistic, financial and programme‑specific considerations.
More than 17 000 Greek doctorate holders live abroad, forming a significant share of the country’s potential research pipeline. OECD data show large concentrations in the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, Switzerland and France.
Return among Greek PhD holders is concentrated in Europe, with comparatively limited return from the United States despite its prominence as a destination for Greeks with a doctoral degree. When benchmarked against the distribution of Greek PhD holders abroad, doctoral return appears more closely linked to European research systems that support circular mobility, while Greek PhD holders based in the United States are less likely to return.
A substantial and high‑performing Greek‑origin scientific diaspora, covering both Greek‑born scientists and later‑generation scientists of Greek origin, exists, with most top‑impact researchers located abroad. Of roughly 64 000 Greek‑origin scientists mapped in 2021, 44% are affiliated abroad; among the most highly cited, 80% of the global top 1% and 86% of the top 0.1% work outside Greece.
Greek academics abroad express interest in returning – especially those without permanent positions, but remain concerned about salaries, research funding and institutional governance. While 59% would consider an academic post in Greece, concerns include low pay, limited research funding, bureaucracy and weak meritocracy. Higher salaries, increased research resources and governance reforms emerge as key conditions for incentivising return.
The international mobility of students and researchers is a defining feature of today’s knowledge economy and a critical dimension of Greece’s engagement with global human capital and innovation systems. Greece has experienced notable outflows of academically trained talent, driven by a combination of economic pressures, limited domestic opportunities, and international career aspirations (Labrianidis and Sykas, 2023[1]; Labrianidis and Sykas, 2015[2]). While mobility can enrich national capabilities through knowledge exchange and collaboration, sustained emigration at scale raises concerns about capacity in research, teaching and innovation.
Recent research has attempted to quantify some of these effects. Analyses of Greek PhD holders show that the large‑scale departure of highly educated scientists has reduced Greece’s scientific output, particularly citations and patenting, thus constraining the pool of knowledge producers during and after a prolonged economic crisis (Labrianidis and Sykas, 2023[1]). At the same time, mobility redirects research networks toward host countries: highly skilled Greek researchers are disproportionately drawn to innovation-intensive systems, and their presence abroad contributes measurably to those countries’ knowledge and technology outputs. These dynamics underscore a dual challenge for Greece: mitigating the domestic performance impacts of emigration while engaging with the diaspora and/or facilitating‑ effective return.
This chapter examines mobility across two related lenses. It first considers students, outlining domestic push factors and shifts in destinations. Recognising that no single dataset fully captures Greek researchers at home and abroad, the chapter then uses PhD holders as a proxy for the research pipeline in two complementary ways: Greek-born PhD holders living in OECD countries (to locate potential talent abroad) and the census of new PhD graduates from Greek universities (to gauge emerging supply and mobility intentions). The analysis subsequently turns to author-based evidence, drawing on publication affiliation data and mappings of Greek-origin scientists, to characterise the distribution, performance and collaboration patterns of Greek researchers abroad. The chapter concludes with return dynamics, combining quantitative indicators and survey evidence to assess the scale and constraints of return, and to discuss policy levers for retaining, engaging and reattracting highly skilled researchers. For more information on the data sources and population definitions used in this chapter, please see Box 5.1 and Annex Table 5.A.1 in the Annex 5.A.
The insights developed here provide the analytical foundation for Chapter 6, which examines the policy framework in detail and considers how Greece can strengthen retention, engage its scientific diaspora and support the return of highly skilled researchers.
This chapter draws on a wide range of data sources. In addition to the datasets used throughout the report, including the OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), the 2021 Greek Population and Housing Census (ELSTAT), the analysis also incorporates several additional sources described below.
OECD – Education at a Glance Database
Data on international student mobility come from the OECD Education at a Glance database, based on the joint UIS/OECD/Eurostat data collection. They are compiled from administrative enrolment records reported by destination countries. International students are identified using available information on residence or prior education. The data measure students enrolled abroad at a given point in time, providing a snapshot of student mobility rather than migration flows. For more information please see the Education at a Glance 2025 Sources Methodologies, and Technical Notes (OECD, 2025[3]).
EKT Database on PhD holders graduating from Greek universities
The annual data from the National Documentation Centre’s (EKT) series “Statistics on PhD holders graduating from Greek universities” for 2021‑2024 is compiled from the mandatory registration of all new doctorates in the National Archive of Doctoral Theses (EADD). Because EADD registration is required for official recognition of a PhD, the series provides full population coverage of recent PhD graduates from Greek higher education institutions, capturing both Greek and foreign citizens (with Greek citizens accounting for about 98% of graduates in 2022 and little change thereafter).
Collected at the point of graduation via a standardised electronic questionnaire, the data offer consistent information on fields of study and immediate postgraduation plans. The data enable analysis of future mobility intentions among new PhD holders as a practical proxy for the potential scale and characteristics of forthcoming outflows of Greek researchers, complementing other sources that track actual researcher movements or diaspora stocks. While intentions are not equivalent to realised moves and the series does not follow earlier cohorts or Greeks who earned PhDs abroad, its comprehensive, census-style coverage of all recent PhD graduates in Greece makes it uniquely valuable for anticipating mobility dynamics of early-career Greek researchers.
Comprehensive mapping of local and diaspora scientists of Greek (first- and later generation) origin
In this academic publication, the authors identified scientists of Greek origin, covering both Greek‑born and second- and later generation scientists of Greek origin, using Scopus, a major bibliometric database that provides standardised author profiles, publications, citations, and affiliations. Scientists were included if they had at least five indexed publications and were of Greek origin, whether born in Greece or abroad. The approach combined Greek-specific surname and first name lists, developed through manual screening of Scopus-affiliated names in Greece and from existing lists of highly cited scientists, with targeted retrieval of all matching Scopus author IDs. Each profile was then manually reviewed to verify Greek origin. Several validation exercises, including checks against Google Scholar profiles and diaspora scientist lists, confirmed high overall sensitivity and specificity. The final dataset contains 63 951 validated author IDs with associated publication and citation information. For more information about the methodology, please see the full report by Ioannidis et al. (2021[4]).
Deon Policy Institute Greek Academic Diaspora survey
The survey and associated report Greek Academic Diaspora, Is Brain Regain in Greek Academia Possible, is based on an online survey with individuals of Greek descent (either citizens or Greek ancestry, or both) currently working as academics at a university based outside of Greece. The survey generated 494 valid responses (based on a sampling frame of 3 879) of Greek academics based in 106 different universities in 19 countries. Respondents were primarily based in English-speaking countries (69%), led by the United States (30%) and the United Kingdom (26%), followed by Australia (8%) and Canada (5%). The remaining 30% were concentrated in continental Europe, particularly Sweden (7%) and Germany (7%). Most respondents were early- or mid-career researchers (51% aged 26‑45), and the majority held Greek citizenship (84%). A non-probability sampling method was used. For more information, please see the full report by Deon Policy Institute (2025[5]).
This section analyses the international mobility of Greek students mapping their primary destinations and examining the factors driving their decisions to move abroad. It begins by outlining the domestic context of higher education and graduate employment in Greece, before tracing the evolution of student outflows.
The domestic context: Greeks experience high educational attainment but limited labour market opportunities
Greece combines one of the highest rates of tertiary education enrolment in the OECD with persistently challenging labour market outcomes for graduates. High unemployment among tertiary-educated youth indicate that educational enrolment and attainment do not consistently translate into stable, high-quality employment. This structural mismatch, compounded by long-term effects of the sovereign debt crisis, reduces domestic opportunities for highly skilled graduates. As a result, many Greek students may view studying abroad as a pathway to accessing better employment prospects and developing skills that are better aligned with labour market needs in their own country or abroad.
Greece exhibits one of the highest rates of higher education enrolment among OECD and EU countries. More than half (51%) of young adults aged 20 to 24 in Greece are enrolled in tertiary education programmes, a figure significantly above the OECD average of just over one‑third (see Figure 5.1). While high enrolment rates in tertiary education can be a major achievement in human capital development, they can also lead to a structural challenge when it comes to ensuring that graduates can translate educational attainment into meaningful employment opportunities.
In this context, it is worth noting that although Greece experiences high enrolment rates in tertiary education, a 2022 study by the Hellenic Authority for Higher Education indicates that graduation rates in the country remain relatively low when compared with the EU‑25 average and OECD average, which stand at 44% and 43%, respectively (Hellenic Authority for Higher Education, 2022[6]; OECD, 2025[7]).1
Enrolment rate of 20‑24 year‑olds in tertiary education (%), 2023
Source: OECD, Enrolment rate by age, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/41k.
The European sovereign debt crisis (from late 2009) had lasting consequences for the education-to‑employment trajectories of young people in Greece. By 2013, youth unemployment (ages 15‑24) had peaked at almost 60%. More recently, unemployment among graduates ages 25‑34 in 2024 stood at 12%, which is significantly higher than the OECD average (5%) (see Figure 5.2).
Beyond persistently high unemployment rates, Greece faces a pronounced and enduring mismatch between graduate skills and labour market needs, a challenge that was likely exacerbated by the economic crisis. The phenomenon of overqualification, often referred to as “brain waste,” occurs when highly educated individuals are employed in positions that do not utilise their skills, which can lead to reduced productivity, wage stagnation, and diminished job satisfaction. Among tertiary educated aged 20‑34, the overqualification rate has followed a rising trend since 2010, before showing signs of decline and stabilisation in recent years, although still significantly surpassing the stable EU 27 average. In 2024, 37% of highly educated Greek citizens in the age group 20‑34 was overqualified for their job, compared with an average of 22% across the EU (Figure 5.2, Panel B).
Unemployment rate (Panel A) and overqualification among young tertiary educated (Panel B) (%), Greece and EU 27, 2024
Note: Unemployment rates are for 2024 except for Iceland (2023). Over-qualified employed people are defined as persons with tertiary level educational attainment working in low- or medium-skilled occupations. Note that the age groups across Panel A and Panel B are not the same.
Source: OECD, Unemployment rates of adults, by educational attainment, age group and gender, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/41l and Eurostat.
Greek students’ enrolment in higher education abroad is above the OECD average
When it comes to international student mobility, data show that among all tertiary students from Greece, the share of Greek students enrolled in higher education abroad has consistently remained above the OECD average and slightly above the EU averaged over the past decade. Just under one in 20 Greek students was enrolled in a higher education programme abroad in 2023. Between 2020 and 2023, however, Greece recorded a slight decline in the number of students studying abroad, in contrast with a modest increase observed across the European Union as a whole.
Greece also consistently exhibits a relatively high share of national tertiary students enrolled abroad compared with other Southern European OECD countries. In 2022, 3.9% of Greek students pursued higher education abroad, a figure surpassed by Portugal (4.7%) but higher than Italy and Spain (see Figure 5.3).
Share of national tertiary students enrolled in tertiary education abroad (%), 2015-2023
Source: OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
The United Kingdom remains the leading destination country for Greek students, but other European countries are becoming increasingly attractive.
Over the last decade, the United Kingdom has stood as the principal destination for Greek students studying abroad, reflecting its globally recognised universities, the dominance of English-language instruction, and, until recently, its accessible position within the European Union. Behind the United Kingdom, Germany and Bulgaria followed, each attracting around 4 400 Greek students (see Figure 5.4). The Netherlands emerged as a major destination with a little over 3 800 students, pointing to its growing appeal across Europe for English-taught programmes. Türkiye (around 2 600), France (around 2 500) and the United States (around 2 200) also played notable roles in attracting Greek students. Italy and Romania accounted for more modest shares, with about 1 700 and 1 000 Greek international students respectively.
Number of mobile students of Greek origin enrolled in tertiary education abroad, 2022
Source: OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
However, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU has contributed to a structural shift in Greek student mobility patterns. While total enrolments remained relatively stable between 2014 and 2018, at around 10 000 Greek students per year, a gradual decline began in 2019, preceding the formal introduction of international‑fee status for EU students in 2021. This modest but consistent reduction suggests that Greek students may have started adjusting their destination choices in anticipation of Brexit‑related changes, as uncertainty about future fee levels, visa conditions and overall study prospects in the United Kingdom increased following the 2016 referendum. The decline intensified sharply in 2022, when enrolments fell to around 7 000 (Figure 5.5). Across the EU, Brexit led to a significant contraction in student inflows to the United Kingdom, driven by the loss of home‑fee status, access to UK student loans and free‑movement rights. Between 2020/21 and 2023/24, new EU enrolments fell by 57%, one of the steepest declines in decades. Although the largest reductions were recorded among Romanian and Polish students, Greece also experienced a substantial fall in enrolments, consistent with broader post‑Brexit trends (Migration Observatory, 2025[8]).
Number of mobile students of Greek origin enrolled in tertiary education in the United Kingdom, 2014-2022
Source: OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
Enrolment of Greek students in tertiary education in Italy has also declined sharply over the past decade, falling to around half of its 2014 level by 2022. (Figure 5.6). In contrast, both Bulgaria and the Netherlands have experienced substantial and sustained increases, with Greek student numbers nearly doubling since 2014. Bulgaria’s rise has been steady and uninterrupted, placing it alongside Germany as a leading destination by 2022, while the Netherlands has accelerated particularly after 2019, approaching the levels of the top destinations. Germany has also seen notable step‑increases, especially in 2018 and 2020, reinforcing its position as a major hub for Greek students. Meanwhile, enrolments in the United States have remained relatively stable over the period.
According to the National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria (2024[9]), Greece was the leading country of origin among foreign students in Bulgarian higher education in the 2023/24 academic year, accounting for 21% of all international students, with most enrolled in health‑related fields and nearly half studying medicine. Greek doctoral candidates also represent a sizeable share of Bulgaria’s foreign PhD population (17%), second only to China. Together, these developments point to a broader rebalancing of Greek student mobility away from long‑standing destinations like Italy and toward a cluster of countries, particularly Bulgaria, Germany and the Netherlands, that offer attractive academic pathways, including the expansion of English‑taught programmes in Germany and the Netherlands and well‑established, affordable medical and health‑related study options in Bulgaria.
Number of Greek international students studying in selected destination countries, 2014-2022
Note: Five of the ten most common destination countries for Greek students completing tertiary education abroad were selected for analysis, with particular attention given to countries exhibiting notable trends or shifts in student mobility patterns.
Source: OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
Enrolment abroad by degree type has remained stable over time
Between 2013 and 2022, the number of Greek students enrolled in higher education abroad evolved differently across degree types. Bachelor’s enrolments grew steadily from 11 399 in 2013 to a peak of 14 654 in 2021, before easing slightly in 2022 (Figure 5.7). PhD enrolments followed a similar upward trajectory, rising from 3 193 in 2013 to 4 461 in 2021, with a modest decline thereafter. Master’s programmes continued to attract the largest number of Greek students abroad throughout the period, although overall enrolments remained relatively stable, fluctuating only marginally from year to year.
Greek students’ enrolment abroad by degree type, 2013-2022
Source: OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
At the bachelor’s level, the United Kingdom dominates as the primary destination, hosting nearly one in three Greek undergraduates abroad (32%), followed by Türkiye (12%) and the Netherlands (10%) (see Figure 5.8). For master’s programmes, the pattern becomes more diversified: Bulgaria (20%) and the Netherlands (15%) attract substantial shares, and Germany (13%) and the United Kingdom (10%) remain important destinations as well. At the doctoral level, the United Kingdom again leads (25%), with France (9%) emerging as significant hosts for advanced research training. These variations suggest that Greek students’ choices are shaped by both linguistic and institutional factors, favouring English-speaking systems for undergraduate and doctoral study, and a wider range of European destinations for postgraduate education.
Greek tertiary students studying abroad, by destination and degree type, as a share of all Greek outbound students by degree type, 2022
Note: Data is not available regarding doctoral enrolment for the Netherlands, Germany and the United States.
Source: OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
Over the past decade, the destination choices of Greek bachelor students abroad have undergone notable shifts in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. While remaining a top destination, the share of those studying in the United Kingdom declined steadily from 42% in 2013 to 32% in 2022 (see Figure 5.9). In contrast, the Netherlands has emerged as an increasingly attractive destination, with its share rising more than threefold, from 3% to 10% over the same period. This trend is likely driven in part by the expansion of English-taught programmes in Dutch institutions, and changing cost and access dynamics in the United Kingdom following Brexit as discussed above.
Share of Greek bachelor students enrolled in the Netherlands (left) and the United Kingdom (right) among all Greek students enrolled in bachelor studies abroad, 2013-2022
Source: OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
The sharp decline in the number of Greek students in the United Kingdom is even more pronounced among master’s students, dropping from one in four Greek master’s students abroad in 2013 to one in ten in 2022 (see Figure 5.10). Over the same period, Bulgaria consolidated its position as a key destination, with enrolment shares doubling from 10% to 20%, while the Netherlands also gained prominence, increasing from 9% to 15%. Italy, once a notable destination, experienced a substantial decrease, falling from 14% in 2013 to under 6% in 2022.
Share of Greek master students enrolled in selected destination countries among all Greek students enrolled in master studies abroad, 2013-2022
Note: Among the most common destination countries for Greek students completing tertiary education abroad, these were selected for analysis, with particular attention given to countries exhibiting notable trends or shifts in student mobility patterns.
Source: OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
In the absence of a single dataset that comprehensively tracks Greek researchers abroad and at home, this section first uses PhD holders as a proxy for the research workforce, focussing on two complementary populations: (i) Greek‑born PhD holders currently residing in other OECD countries, based on OECD DIOC data, and (ii) all newly graduated PhD holders from Greek universities (a group composed overwhelmingly of Greek citizens) based on a compulsory survey for all PhD graduates graduating from Greek universities (see Box 5.1). Although not all doctorate holders pursue academic careers, PhD graduates form the principal pipeline into research‑intensive occupations, and their international distribution closely mirrors the opportunities and pathways that shape later research mobility. Mapping where Greek‑born PhD holders live abroad indicates the size and location of the potential research talent pool outside Greece, while trends among new PhD graduates in Greece illuminate emerging supply and mobility intentions at home. Together, these perspectives complement the following section, which identifies Greek researchers abroad primarily through author‑based (publication‑affiliation) data.
The United States, the United Kingdom and Germany are the top destinations of Greek doctoral holders
Based on DIOC 2020/21, more than 17 200 Greek doctorate holders were identified across OECD countries, not including the United Kingdom, for which a comparable educational breakdown is unavailable in that year. The geographical distribution of Greek doctorate holders is concentrated in a small number of OECD countries, with the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany standing out as the principal destinations. In 2020/21, the United States hosted by far the largest number, close to 7 000 Greek PhD holders, followed by Germany with around 3 000. For the United Kingdom, detailed educational breakdowns are not available for 2020/21; however, earlier data (2015/16) indicate that the United Kingdom hosted more than 3 000 Greek doctorate holders, consistent with its historical role as a major hub. Complementing this picture, national UK statistics show that Greek nationals are among the top nationalities employed by UK universities, with 3 910 academic staff of Greek nationality in 2022/23, the seventh‑largest international group (Universities UK, n.d.[10]). Beyond these leaders, other continental European countries, including Switzerland, France and Sweden, each hosted between 500 and 1 500 Greek doctorate holders, with numbers dropping off sharply outside the top five (see Figure 5.11).
Greek doctorate holders also account for a sizable share of the overall Greek emigrant population in several destinations. In Ireland, Switzerland, Denmark and Sweden, between 8% and 15% of Greek emigrants hold a doctoral degree, pointing to a selective emigration pattern in which highly educated Greeks are over‑represented in countries with strong research systems and high demand for advanced skills. Taken together, these patterns suggest that Greek PhD holders are both numerous and geographically concentrated in robust research and innovation ecosystems.
The number of Greek PhD holders and the share of PhD holders as percentage (%) of total emigrants in destination countries hosting more than 150 Greek PhD holders, 2020/21
Note: The graph shows destination countries hosting at least 150 Greek PhD holders in 2020/21. Detailed breakdowns for Great Britain are not available in the 2020/21 data, and the share of doctorate holders as percentage of all emigrants in the United Kingdom is based on 2015/16 data.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21 and 2015/16.
The age distribution of Greek PhD‑holder emigrants shows a broad spread across the life course, but with a clear concentration in mid‑career. Individuals aged 35‑44 account for nearly one in three (32%), making this group the single largest segment (see Figure 5.12). The remaining age groups are more evenly distributed: 15% are aged 25‑34, 20% are 45‑54, 14% fall within 55‑64, and 19% are aged 65 or over. The high concentration of PhD‑educated emigrants aged 35‑44 represents a potentially significant pool of mid‑career researchers who could contribute to Greece’s brain‑regain efforts.
Age distribution of Greek emigrants who are PhD holders, ages 25‑65+, OECD countries, 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
International mobility intentions are strongest among recent PhD graduates in science and technology
According to an EKT survey conducted with all recent PhD holders graduating from Greek universities, Greece awarded 2 042 doctoral degrees in 2024 (National Documentation Center (EKT), 2022[11]). In the same year, 15% of graduates indicated an intention to relocate abroad in the near future. This number has been relatively consistent across recent years (2021 – 2024), with about one in seven new Greek PhD holders intending to settle abroad (see Figure 5.13).
Percentage distribution of new PhD holders based on their intention to settle abroad, 2021-2024 (as percentage of responses), Greece, 2021-2024
Source: National Documentation Centre (2022[11]).
Among PhD holders considering permanent settlement abroad, the largest shares are found among those with degrees in natural sciences and engineering and technology, suggesting strong international mobility potential in science and technology fields (see Figure 5.14). The data further shows a steady increase in the share of PhD holders in the natural science fields intending to move abroad, from 29% in 2021 to 35% in 2024. Medical and health sciences degree holders remained the second-largest group intending to move abroad, with shares fluctuating between 21% and 27% over the same period. In contrast, engineering and technology degree holders showed lower intentions to move abroad over time (between 19% and 23%), while those with degrees in social sciences and humanities displayed lower interest in moving abroad overall, and more marked year-to-year volatility in intentions. These trends highlight the predominance of scientific and technical disciplines among prospective emigrant PhD holders from Greece, in line with broader international mobility patterns of highly skilled researchers.
Percentage distribution of new PhD holders by intention to settle abroad and scientific field of dissertation (as a percentage of those intending to settle abroad), Greece, 2021-2024
Source: National Documentation Centre (2022[11]).
Among new PhD holders from Greece intending to settle permanently abroad, the continuation of research activity remains the primary motivation, though its relative importance decreased sharply in 2024 (see Figure 5.15). Between 2021 and 2023, this reason accounted for over 40% of prospective emigrants, peaking at 46% in 2023, before declining to 36% in 2024. The share citing academic career opportunities rose from 21% in 2021 to 25% in 2024, indicating a sustained link between international mobility and career advancement in higher education and research. Meanwhile, intentions driven by other professional employment outside research remained stable, representing roughly one‑quarter of respondents. Family or personal reasons and other factors continued to play a comparatively minor role.
Percentage distribution of new PhD holders by reason for intending permanent settlement abroad (as a percentage of those intending to settle abroad), Greece, 2021-2024
Source: National Documentation Centre (2022[11]).
Among new PhD holders expressing an intention to settle abroad, the distribution by destination shows notable variation over the 2021‑2024 period. Other EU member states consistently account for the largest share, increasing from 31% in 2021 to 33% in 2024 (see Figure 5.16). The proportion of graduates uncertain about their future destination rose sharply from 16% in 2021 to 28% in 2023 before declining to 22% in 2024. The United States and the United Kingdom remain key destinations, though both show fluctuations: the share moving to the United States decreased from 15% in 2021 to 8% in 2023 before rebounding slightly to 11% in 2024, while the United Kingdom declined from 15% to 9% over 2021‑2023 and recovered to 13% in 2024. Germany maintained a relatively stable share around 9‑10%.
Percentage distribution of new PhD holders by country of potential permanent settlement (as percentage of those intending to settle abroad)
Source: National Documentation Centre (2022[11]).
Among new PhD holders planning to move abroad, the balance between those with secured employment and those still seeking opportunities has changed between 2021 and 2024. In 2021, just over half (51%) of intending movers had already obtained a job abroad. However, the proportion of graduates with confirmed positions abroad declined to 40% in 2023, before increasing to 44% in 2024. Taken together with rising rates of individuals uncertain about their destination abroad (although still intending to move abroad), these patterns may indicate that an increasing number of new PhD holders are considering international mobility prior to securing employment. This underscores a sustained interest in the global labour market, even in the absence of a confirmed job offer.
This section examines return migration among Greek PhD holders, whose mobility and reintegration patterns may differ from those of return migrants overall. Doctoral graduates follow highly specialised academic and professional career paths and face distinct constraints related to research funding, institutional opportunities and international competition.
Return among Greek PhD holders is concentrated among mid‑career professionals returning from Europe
According to the 2021 Greek Population Census, just over 3 000 Greek‑born doctoral graduates returned to Greece in the five years preceding the census. The age profile of returnees shows a strong concentration in yearly to mid‑career groups: nearly half were aged 30‑39 (46%), followed by 34% aged 40‑49 (see Figure 5.17). Younger doctoral holders (20‑29) represented 6% of returns, while those aged 50‑59 accounted for 8%, and smaller shares were observed among older cohorts (4% aged 60‑69). This pattern suggests that return migration among doctoral graduates is primarily driven by individuals in the early- to mid‑career stages. While return migrants overall are predominantly in the 20‑39 age range (as shown in Chapter 4, Figure 4.4), doctoral degree holders form a comparatively older return cohort reflecting the fact that highly educated emigrants tend to come back later in their careers, particularly given that many PhD students studying abroad are less likely to complete their studies before age 30.
A similar number of PhD holders returned in the period 2006 and 2011. Returning PhD holders in this period were somewhat younger: 13% were aged 20‑29 and 57% were aged 30‑39, while only 18% fell into the 40‑49 group. Smaller shares were observed among those aged 50‑59 (6%), 60‑69 (4%), and 70‑79 (1%). This earlier period therefore shows a more concentrated return flow among those under 40, in contrast to the more recent 2016‑2021 trend, in which a larger share of doctoral returnees are in their 40s. Taken together, the two periods suggest that highly educated emigrants may now be spending longer time abroad before returning, either due to extended doctoral and postdoctoral trajectories, or evolving labour market and career conditions that shape when return becomes feasible or attractive.
Distribution of Greek citizens born in Greece who returned to Greece with doctoral degrees in the five years prior to the census by age, ages 20‑69, 2021 and 2011 census
Note: Due to the fact that the reference population is comprised of persons settled down in Greece from abroad during the last five years before the Census 2021 reference date, 2021 covers the period 1.1.2021‑2022.10.2021, whereas 2016 cover the period 23.10.2016‑2031.12.2016. Return migrants include Greek citizens previously abroad who returned in the five years prior to data collection.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2011 and 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Return among Greek PhD holders is overwhelmingly concentrated in European countries. Just over four in ten returned from European countries outside the EU (43%), making this the single largest group, followed closely by returnees from EU countries (41%) (see Figure 5.18). The high share originating from non‑EU European countries likely reflects post‑Brexit shifts in mobility patterns as the United Kingdom is hosting an important share of highly educated Greek emigrants. This pattern aligns closely with the distribution of Greek PhD holders abroad documented earlier in this chapter, where Europe, particularly countries such as Germany and the United Kingdom, hosts a substantial share of Greece’s doctoral‑level emigrant population. The prominence of European origins among returnees underscores the importance of intra‑EU academic mobility corridors, where institutional compatibility, geographic proximity and established research networks appear to facilitate return at the doctoral level.
At the same time, returns from the North America are comparatively limited when benchmarked against the strong presence of Greek PhD holders in the region, and particularly in US research institutions. While the United States represents one of the largest destinations for Greek doctoral‑level emigration and hosts a significant share of Greek PhD holders abroad (Figure 5.11), a relatively limited proportion of returning PhD holders (11%) report prior residence in North America. This divergence suggests that doctoral‑level emigration to the United States and Canada is more likely to translate into longer‑term or permanent settlement.
Returns from other world regions were comparatively limited: 3% came from countries in Asia, 1% from Africa, and 1% from the Caribbean, Central, and South America, while returns from Oceania accounted for virtually none.
In 2006‑2011, as captured in the 2011 census, returns were overwhelmingly concentrated among doctoral graduates coming from EU countries (77%) (which at the time included the United Kingdom), with only a very small share returning from European countries outside the EU (3%). Returns from North America (17%), Asia (2%), and Africa (1%) were limited but present, while virtually no returns came from the Caribbean, South and Central America, or Oceania.
Distribution of Greek citizens born in Greece who returned to Greece with doctoral degrees in the five years prior to the census by region of previous residence, 2021 and 2011 census
Note: Due to the fact that the reference population is comprised of persons settled down in Greece from abroad during the last five years before the Census 2021 reference date, 2021 covers the period 1.1.2021‑2022.10.2021, whereas 2016 cover the period 23.10.2016‑2031.12.2016. Return migrants include Greek citizens previously abroad who returned in the five years prior to data collection. In the 2021 census, the United Kingdom is classified as a non‑EU European country following Brexit. As a result, part of the observed increase in returns from non‑EU European countries over time reflects changes in country classification rather than a shift in destination patterns.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2011 and 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Among returning emigrants in 2021 with doctoral degrees, repatriation emerges as the predominant driver of return, accounting for 47% of all cases (see Figure 5.19). A further 29% cited work‑related reasons, indicating that professional opportunities in Greece continue to draw back a substantial share of highly educated individuals. Family reunification played a meaningful (though smaller) role, motivating 13% of returns. Other motivations were less common: 6% returned for reasons classified as “other,” and 4% cited studies as their primary reason for coming back.
Distribution of Greek citizens born in Greece who returned to Greece with doctoral degrees in the five years prior to the census by reason for return, 2021 and 2011 census
Note: Due to the fact that the reference population is comprised of persons settled down in Greece from abroad during the last five years before the Census 2021 reference date, 2021 covers the period 1 January 2021 to 22 October 2021, whereas 2016 cover the period 23 October 2016 to 31 December 2016. Return migrants include Greek citizens previously abroad who returned in the five years prior to data collection.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2011 and 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Interest in the Greek scientific diaspora has intensified in recent years, reflecting concerns about the scale, location and implications of scientific talent working outside Greece. Building on the preceding proxy analysis based on PhD holders, this section turns to researcher‑centred evidence to examine where Greek and Greek‑origin scientists are located and how they move across research systems.
The analysis draws on two complementary sources. First, the OECD Scientific Author Mobility Database provides internationally comparable indicators of inflows, outflows and returnees based on publication affiliations, offering insight into institution‑to‑institution mobility connected to Greece. As detailed in Box 5.2, these indicators are affiliation‑based and should not be interpreted as direct measures of emigration or return of Greek‑born or Greek‑origin researchers. Second, the Comprehensive Mapping of Local and Diaspora Scientists database applies a broader diaspora definition than applied elsewhere in the chapter, identifying roughly 64 000 scientists of Greek origin, including both Greek‑born researchers and second‑ and later‑generation diaspora scientists, regardless of nationality or place of birth, and documents their geographic distribution, fields and citation impact.
Together, these sources move beyond a doctorate‑holder perspective to focus on actively publishing and collaborating scientists, while clearly distinguishing between migration‑based, affiliation‑based and ancestry‑based concepts of mobility. By combining these approaches, with different scopes and limitations, the section provides a complementary view of the size, location and mobility patterns of Greek‑affiliated and Greek‑origin scientific talent, with particular attention to high‑impact researchers and the role of the diaspora.
This box presents evidence on the international mobility of scientific authors based on OECD indicators derived from publication affiliations. These data provide a complementary perspective to the analyses elsewhere in this chapter, which focus on Greek‑born PhD holders and researchers of Greek origin identified through census, bibliometric and demographic approaches.
Unlike migration‑based indicators, the OECD scientific author mobility database tracks changes in the institutional affiliation reported in scientific publications, rather than researchers’ country of birth, nationality, or ancestry. Mobility episodes are identified when an author’s main recorded affiliation changes from one country to another between publication periods. As a result, these indicators capture institutional mobility linked to research employment, not population movements of researchers themselves.
This methodological distinction is important. Affiliation‑based indicators:
Do not identify all Greek researchers abroad, as they exclude scientists who do not publish during the observation window;
Do not measure inflows or outflows of Greek‑born or Greek‑origin researchers;
May miss mobility that does not immediately result in a change in publication affiliation; and
May understate movements in contexts where researchers retain foreign affiliations or hold multiple affiliations simultaneously.
The latter is particularly relevant for Greece, where reforms introduced after 2019 expanded the possibility for researchers to maintain foreign affiliations while being employed domestically, including dual or visiting appointments. As a result, affiliation‑based indicators may not fully capture return movements that occur without a corresponding shift in publication records.
Within these constraints, the indicators nonetheless provide useful insights into the direction and relative intensity of institution‑to‑institution mobility flows connected to Greece. According to the OECD database on scientific author mobility, Greece recorded relatively low inflows of scientific authors in 2021. Less than 2% (1.96%) of Greek‑affiliated authors were classified as newly inflowing, while 2.21% were identified as returnees (see Figure 5.20). Despite modest inflows overall, Greece stands out for its comparatively high share of returning scientific authors, exceeding the OECD average and surpassing several large research systems such as Germany, France and the United States. Within the OECD, only a small number of countries, notably Iceland, Costa Rica and Israel, reported higher returnee shares in that year.
At the same time, outflows from Greece reached 5.02% in 2021, resulting in a negative net flow of −0.85 percentage points (p.p.). This places Greece among a group of OECD countries where more affiliated scientific authors left than arrived or returned, indicating ongoing net losses in affiliation‑based scientific mobility. These patterns should be interpreted as reflecting institutional affiliation dynamics, rather than definitive evidence on the scale or composition of Greek researcher emigration or return.
Note: This dataset identifies the international mobility of scientific authors using Scopus Author IDs, focussing on authors with two or more publications. Mobility episodes are defined when an author’s affiliation in 2021 differs from their prior recorded affiliation in a different country.
Source: OECD (2025), OECD Scientific Author Mobility Database, https://www.oecd.org/en/topics/research-careers-and-mobility.html.
Over two in five scientists of Greek origin are located abroad
This section draws on the bibliometric study and database developed by Ioannidis et al. (2021[4]), which applies a broad and inclusive definition of the Greek scientific diaspora. In contrast to most other parts of this chapter, which focus on Greek‑born PhD holders or migration‑based indicators, this approach identifies scientists of Greek origin regardless of country of birth, nationality or generation, including both Greek‑born researchers and second‑ and later‑generation diaspora scientists (see Box 5.1 for more information about the definition of Greek-origin scientists). The objective is to capture the full global footprint of Greek‑origin scientific talent actively engaged in research and publishing.
Using this broad definition, Ioannidis et al. (2021[4]) assemble a comprehensive inventory of 63 951 scientists of Greek origin who meet a minimum productivity threshold based on Scopus publication records. Of these, 35 116 scientists (56%) are affiliated with institutions in Greece, while 28 058 (44%) are affiliated with institutions abroad, forming a sizeable Greek‑origin scientific diaspora. The authors further estimate that the true number of Greek‑origin scientists satisfying the productivity criteria may lie between 80 000 and 100 000, suggesting that, if fully captured, diaspora‑based scientists could constitute the majority of high‑productivity researchers of Greek origin worldwide.
Among scientists of Greek origin affiliated abroad, the United States emerges as the principal destination, hosting approximately 9 500 researchers, equivalent to 33% of the measured Greek‑origin scientific diaspora (see Table 5.1). The United Kingdom follows with 22%, and Germany with 7%, underscoring the strong presence of Greek‑origin scientists in leading English‑speaking and European research systems. Other important destination countries include Switzerland, France, Canada and Australia, each accounting for roughly 3% of the diaspora captured in the study. This distribution mirrors broader patterns of Greek international mobility, with concentration in countries offering established research infrastructures, linguistic accessibility, and strong academic and professional opportunities.
In absolute terms, of the 28 058 Greek‑origin scientists affiliated outside Greece, the largest numbers are found in the United States (9 339), the United Kingdom (6 165) and Germany (2 083). Smaller but still notable contingents are located in Cyprus (1 688), Australia (1 155), France (1 141), Canada (1 110) and Switzerland (994). Overall, the evidence points to a highly internationalised and globally dispersed Greek‑origin scientific community, with strong representation across major research hubs in North America, Europe and Oceania.
Distribution of the Greek-origin scientists by top countries of affiliation, 2021
Note: This table includes countries with over 100 affiliated Greek-origin scientific authors. Greek-origin scientific authors include both Greek-born scientists and second‑ and later‑generation diaspora scientists.
Source: Ioannidis (2021[4]), “Comprehensive Mapping of Local and Diaspora Scientists”, https://doi.org/10.1162/qss_a_00136.
One in three Greek-origin scientists abroad works in biomedical research
Greek-origin scientists show some variation in their fields of work depending on whether they are based in Greece or abroad, although the overall disciplinary distribution remains broadly similar. Biomedical research is the most common field in both groups, but it accounts for a larger share among scientists affiliated in Greece (41%) than among those abroad (32%) (Figure 5.21).
By contrast, fields such as mathematics and statistics, economics and business, historical studies and engineering are more strongly represented among Greek-origin scientists abroad. This pattern suggests that international academic systems may provide more opportunities or more competitive research environments in these disciplines. Conversely, areas such as clinical medicine, ICT and earth and environmental sciences have a higher concentration of scientists working in Greece. Smaller fields, including psychology, communications and theology, constitute only a modest share of Greek-origin scientists overall but display slightly higher representation among those abroad.
Overall, these patterns indicate that while biomedical research remains dominant both domestically and abroad, Greek-origin scientists abroad are distributed across a wider range of scientific and scholarly fields. This reflects both the diversity of opportunities available internationally and the selective nature of outward mobility among Greek-origin academics.
Distribution of Greek-origin scientists by field (%), affiliated in Greece and abroad, 2021
Note: Greek-origin scientific authors include both Greek-born scientists and second‑ and later‑generation diaspora scientists.
Source: Ioannidis (2021[4]), “Comprehensive Mapping of Local and Diaspora Scientists”, https://doi.org/10.1162/qss_a_00136.
Top‑impact Greek-origin scientists are predominantly based abroad
The authors also assign each scientist to a “subfield ranking” based on normalised citation counts (or citation impact measures) relative to peers within the same scientific domain. In practice, the procedure involves aggregating a researcher’s citations (or suitably weighted citations) and comparing them against citation percentiles within the researcher’s assigned discipline or subfield. Scientists are then classified into impact tiers such as the top 20%, top 1%, or top 0.1% of their subfield.
According to this method, the distribution of Greek-origin scientists by impact tier reveals a pronounced concentration of top-performing scientists abroad. While 45% of those in the top 20% of their subfields remain in Greece, the majority (55%) are based abroad (see Figure 5.22). This trend becomes substantially more pronounced at higher tiers of scientific achievement: 80% of those in the global top 1% and 86% of those in the top 0.1% are part of the diaspora. Among the top 15 scientists of Greek-origin, an overwhelming 94% are located outside the country. On average, scientists abroad also tend to have more citations and higher rankings across all sciences and within their particular subfields (see Annex Table 5.A.2 in the Annex 5.A).
Comparative distribution of high-impact Greek-origin scientists affiliated in Greece and abroad, 2021
Note: Greek-origin scientific authors include both Greek-born scientists and second‑ and later‑generation diaspora scientists.
Source: Ioannidis (2021[4]), “Comprehensive Mapping of Local and Diaspora Scientists”, https://doi.org/10.1162/qss_a_00136.
Building on the analysis of student and researcher outward mobility in the preceding sections, this final part of the chapter examines the dynamics of return among Greek researchers and the factors that shape their decisions. Return migration has the potential to mitigate some of the pressures created by sustained emigration of highly skilled Greeks, and evidence shows that returning scientists can make a positive, albeit limited, contribution to domestic research and innovation performance (Labrianidis and Sykas, 2023[1]). While the inflow of highly skilled returnees can strengthen the national research base, these gains have not yet offset the broader losses associated with the departure of top talent.
Decisions to return are influenced by a distinctive set of incentives and constraints, including income levels, research funding and infrastructure, administrative burdens, and perceptions of meritocracy. Understanding these factors is essential for assessing the prospects of return and the potential for future engagement with the Greek-origin scientific diaspora.
Against this backdrop, this section reviews recent patterns of return among researchers and explores the motivations and barriers for the potential return of Greek-origin researchers abroad.
Interest in return among Greek academics abroad is often shaped by academic position
While Census‑based evidence captures realised return, survey data help identify the motivations and constraints shaping future return among Greek academics currently abroad. The remainder of the chapter examines the return prospects of Greek‑origin academics currently employed abroad. It draws on findings from an online survey conducted by the Deon Policy Institute (2025[5]), which collected information on the profiles, career paths and return intentions of nearly 500 Greek‑origin academics working in higher education institutions outside Greece (see Box 5.1). The survey targeted individuals of Greek ancestry, citizenship or both. While the sample is not nationally representative, the results provide useful indicative evidence on the motivations behind emigration and factors that could support return.
According to the survey, 28% of respondents rated the situation in Greece as “fair,” while the remainder were almost evenly split between more positive and more negative evaluations (Figure 5.23). Only around one in ten respondents viewed conditions as either “very poor” or “very good.”
Perceptions of the higher education sector, however, were considerably less favourable. Close to half of respondents (48%) assessed the situation in Greek universities as poor or very poor, whereas only 16% expressed a positive view, describing conditions as good or very good. These findings highlight persistent concerns regarding the quality and functioning of higher education institutions in Greece.
Respondents’ aggregate perceptions of Greece and of Greek universities, 2024
Source: Deon Policy Institute (2025[5]).
Despite the concerns about the quality of the higher education sector in Greece, a majority of respondents (59%) would consider working at a university in Greece in the next five years. Respondents in medicine (78%), arts (71%), and business (66%) were most likely to consider return. Willingness to relocate declined as research budgets of respondents increased, suggesting that those facing tighter funding conditions abroad may view a potential return to Greece more positively. Women and older academics (aged 46‑75) expressed slightly greater willingness to return.
Interest in returning varies markedly across destination countries. Respondents in Canada exhibited the highest willingness to return (72%) (see Figure 5.24). This group largely consisted of individuals having completed undergraduate studies in Greece (50%) and postgraduate education in North America (72%). Most held tenure‑track positions (78%), particularly in life sciences (33%) and engineering/technology (17%). A similar profile was observed in Australia, where 67% expressed interest in academic return. Most had not lived in Greece (73%) and held stable academic positions, with 50% in tenure‑track and 35% lecturers across diverse fields, including management and business (15%), education and social work (15%), health sciences (12%), and law (12%). Notably, despite strong interest, respondents in both countries had limited personal or professional experience in Greece, having completed most of their studies abroad.
In contrast, respondents in Switzerland reported the lowest inclination to return, with 68% responding negatively. This group differed sharply: most completed undergraduate studies in Greece (87%) and postgraduate studies in Greece or elsewhere in Europe (80%), were primarily PhD students (47%), and predominantly male (66%). Similar trends were observed in the Netherlands (52% negative to return) and Sweden (only 52% willing to return, below the survey average). Negative responses were concentrated among PhD candidates who completed undergraduate studies in Greece, particularly in informatics, computer science, and medicine.
Share of survey respondents interested in moving to Greece in the next five years by current country of residence, 2024
Note: The figure shows the share of respondents that answered “yes” to the question: “Would you consider working at a university in Greece in the next five years?”
Source: Deon Policy Institute (2025[5]).
When it comes to academic position, lecturers emerged as the group most interested in relocating to Greece within the next five years, with 80% expressing positive interest in return (see Figure 5.25). This cohort, primarily aged 36‑65 (88%), largely completed undergraduate studies abroad (58%) and is mainly based in the United States (28%), the United Kingdom (25%), and Australia (23%). They span multiple disciplines, notably social sciences (18%), humanities (18%), and life sciences (15%). As lecturers often occupy non-tenure positions and lack independent research funding (50%), they represent a more flexible and mobile segment of the Greek academic diaspora.
Share of respondents interested in moving to Greece in the next five years by current academic position, 2024
Note: The figure shows the share of respondents that answered “yes” to the question: “Would you consider working at a university in Greece in the next five years?”
Source: Deon Policy Institute (2025[5]).
Those in arts report the highest propensity to consider relocating, with 86% expressing interest, followed by law (72%) and humanities (71%) (see Figure 5.26). Business and social sciences show moderate interest, at 66% and 59% respectively, while life sciences, engineering and technology, and natural sciences are relatively less inclined to return, with just over half indicating willingness (57%, 54%, and 53%, respectively).
Share of respondents interested in moving to Greece in the next five years by academic field, 2024
Note: The figure shows the share of respondents that answered “yes” to the question: “Would you consider working at a university in Greece in the next five years?”
Source: Deon Policy Institute (2025[5]).
A closer examination of return intentions by location of undergraduate and graduate studies reveals that the proportion of individuals expressing a desire to return to Greece varies according to the country in which their degree was completed: 53% of those who completed their undergraduate studies in Greece, 61% of those who completed their studies in Europe (excluding Greece), 67% of those in the United States, and 74% of those in other countries indicated a willingness to return (Figure 5.27). When considering the location of graduate studies, 44% of those who studied in Greece, 59% in Europe or the United States, and 68% in other countries expressed interest in returning. These patterns across countries of undergraduate and graduate studies suggest that completing academic studies outside Greece is associated with a higher propensity to consider returning.
Share of respondents interested in moving to Greece in the next five years by country of undergraduate (left) and graduate studies (right), 2024
Note: The survey included two questions asking about the country of undergraduate study and the country of graduate study. In cases where respondents completed multiple graduate degrees, the country reported corresponds to that of the most recently completed degree.
Source: Deon Policy Institute (2025[5]).
Reservations about returning to Greece persist and considerations for incentivising return reflect reservations
Among the perceived challenges of living and working in Greece by those considering return, salary-related concerns were the most frequently reported, with 18% highlighting low pay and 11% noting the misalignment of salaries with the cost of living (see Figure 5.28). Salary levels are widely considered to be misaligned with living costs, with housing expenses noted as a particular concern, especially for academics with families. Research funding and grant opportunities are also viewed as limited, with certain respondents characterising the national research support system as inadequate.
Beyond financial considerations, concerns were reported regarding governance and institutional culture: merit-based processes are perceived as limited, while administrative and bureaucratic procedures are seen as potential constraints on academic work. Institutional challenges were also significant: 12% of respondents pointed to limited meritocracy and 8% to bureaucratic obstacles. Broader aspects of work environment and governance were further considerations, with 7% citing work culture, 7% corruption, and 6% the political climate as factors that reduce the attractiveness of returning to Greece. Together, these findings suggest that both economic incentives and structural reforms are critical to addressing hesitations among Greek academics considering repatriation.
Greek academics abroad highlighted very similar areas for improvement if they were to consider returning to Greece. On the financial front, the most frequent recommendation was to increase salaries and wages, with 36% of respondents emphasising the need for compensation that not only covers living costs but also allows for savings. An additional 7% noted competitive compensation packages. Respondents also stressed the importance of increased research funding (19%) and more grant and research opportunities (13%), calling for predictable, recurring funding and, in some cases, a national research funding agency modelled on international standards. Collaboration with private companies and the creation of more joint research projects were also frequently mentioned. Beyond individual salaries and research funding, 7% of respondents advocated for more funding for universities, particularly to reduce bureaucracy and hire additional support staff.
Academics also pointed to governance and institutional issues similar to the findings from Chapter 4. Nearly one‑fifth (18%) recommended addressing issues of meritocracy, while others called for transparent processes (10%) and a reduction of nepotism and political influence (8%) in hiring and promotion. Respondents suggested centralised platforms for posting academic positions, international best-practice standards for promotions, and merit-based allocation of research funding. About 9% also emphasised the need to reduce bureaucracy. Beyond governance, smaller but notable shares of respondents highlighted working culture and conditions (6%), campus safety and security (6%), and modernised facilities and infrastructure (6%), including better research labs and cleaner, safer campuses. Other suggestions included aligning universities with international standards, increasing autonomy from the Ministry of Education, flexible work arrangements, more English-language programmes, and targeted tax incentives.
These findings of who leaves, who returns and under what conditions form the analytical basis for Chapter 6, which examines the policy tools available to Greece to enhance retention, strengthen engagement with the scientific diaspora and encourage the return of highly skilled researchers.
Reservations and recommended changes for Greek universities by academics abroad, 2024
Note: Respondents were allowed to select multiple answers for each question; therefore, the totals across all response categories do not sum to 100%. The question was only applicable to those responding Yes to Working in Greece Question.
Source: Deon Policy Institute (2025[5]).
References
[5] Deon Policy Institute (2025), Greek Academic Diaspora: Is Brain Regain in Greek Academia Possible, https://studyingreece.edu.gr/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Deon-Policy-Institute-Bringing-Back-Greek-Scholars.pdf.
[6] Hellenic Authority for Higher Education (2022), Eurograduate 2022: 2nd Phase of the European Pilot Survey of Higher Education Graduates, https://graduate-tracking.ethaae.gr/images/articles/apotelesmata/2024.12.04_EG_2022_-_Greece_Report.pdf.
[4] Ioannidis, J. et al. (2021), “Comprehensive Mapping of Local and Diaspora Scientists”, Quantitative Science Studies, pp. 733-752, https://doi.org/10.1162/qss_a_00136.
[1] Labrianidis, L. and T. Sykas (2023), “The impact of highly skilled emigrants on the origin country’s innovation performance: the case of Greece”, Emerald Insight, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-53088-3_14.
[2] Labrianidis, L. and T. Sykas (2015), “Why high school students aspire to emigrate: evidence from Greece”, Journal of International Migraton and Integration, pp. 107-130, https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-015-0468-3.
[8] Migration Observatory (2025), EU students in the UK after Brexit., University of Oxford., https://migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/resources/briefings/eu-students-in-the-uk-after-brexit/.
[11] National Documentation Center (EKT) (2022), Στατιστικά στοιχεία για τους διδάκτορες που αποφοίτησαν από τα ελληνικά ΑΕΙ το 2022, https://metrics.ekt.gr/sites/metrics-ekt/files/ekdoseis-pdf/2024/EKT_PhDstatistics_2022_el.pdf.
[9] National Statistical Institute of the Republic of Bulgaria (2024), EDUCATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA, https://www.nsi.bg/sites/default/files/files/pressreleases/Education2023_en_08NKATC.pdf.
[3] OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025 Sources, Methodologies and Technical Notes, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/fcfaf2d1-en.
[7] OECD (2025), Education at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c0d9c79-en.
[10] Universities UK (n.d.), International staff data, https://www.universitiesuk.ac.uk/what-we-do/policy-and-research/publications/features/uk-higher-education-data-international/international-staff-data (accessed on 22 February 2026).
Source: Ioannidis (2021[4]), “Comprehensive Mapping of Local and Diaspora Scientists”, https://doi.org/10.1162/qss_a_00136.
Source: Ioannidis (2021[4]), “Comprehensive Mapping of Local and Diaspora Scientists”, https://doi.org/10.1162/qss_a_00136.
← 1. The OECD’s education division collects data on graduation rates from bachelor’s programmes for member and partner countries. However, Greece did not report data for this indicator. The figure showing this data is entitled Completion rates of new entrants to bachelor’s programmes, by timeframe (2023) from Education at a Glance (OECD, 2025[7]).