This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the educational attainment, labour market integration, occupational profiles, and remittance patterns of Greek emigrants living in OECD countries. It highlights the strong educational selectivity of recent emigrant cohorts, the varied employment and unemployment outcomes across host countries, and the roles Greek emigrants play in both high-skilled and lower-skilled segments of foreign labour markets. The chapter also examines overqualification risks, gender gaps in labour market integration, and the mobility of Greek-trained medical doctors, concluding with an analysis of remittance flows sent to Greece.
A Review of Greek Emigrants
Abstract
Most Greek emigrants in OECD countries have medium or high levels of educational attainment, with recent cohorts displaying particularly strong qualifications. Destinations such as Germany and Italy continue to host a sizeable share of Greek migrants with low or medium education. In contrast, countries such as Switzerland, France and the United Kingdom exhibit highly skilled Greek-born populations, with more than six in ten migrants holding tertiary degrees.
Greek emigrants in OECD countries exhibit slightly higher labour force participation than the native‑born population in the host countries, with comparable employment rates across groups. Participation gaps by gender are similar among both Greek‑born and native‑born individuals, as men show higher participation and employment than women, while overall outcomes for Greek-born workers closely mirror those of their native‑born peers.
Education is a major determinant of employment outcomes for Greek-born migrants, with higher qualifications consistently linked to stronger labour market performance. However, returns on education vary widely across destination countries: employment rates among those with low or medium education differ substantially – from relatively strong outcomes in countries such as the United Kingdom, Germany, Switzerland and the United States, to much lower rates in Italy and France. By contrast, highly educated Greek-born workers achieve consistently high employment rates across nearly all major destinations.
Greek emigrants are concentrated in medium‑ and high‑skilled occupations, often in line with their qualifications but pockets of overqualification remain. Overqualification rates among Greek emigrants vary widely across OECD destinations. In countries such as Australia and Switzerland, Greek‑born workers show levels of overqualification similar to native‑born and foreign‑born populations, whereas in Belgium and Italy their rates are broadly comparable to natives and below foreign‑born averages. In Switzerland and France, Greek‑born workers are even less likely to be overqualified than the native‑born population.
Gender differences in occupational outcomes are pronounced. Greek-born women are more likely to work in higher-skilled non-manual occupations such as professional, clerical, and service roles. By contrast, Greek-born men are more concentrated in craft, machine operation, and technical positions. These differences reflect broader gendered labour market patterns but also suggest potential segmentation in occupational pathways for emigrants.
Emigration of Greek medical doctors raises important challenges for the long‑term sustainability of Greece’s health‑care workforce. Greece also records the highest share of native‑born foreign-trained doctors in the OECD, reflecting substantial outflows of students pursuing medical degrees abroad. At the same time, the number of Greek-born doctors practising in other OECD countries has tripled since 2000/01. Greece is a net sender of medical doctors to several EU/EEA countries as well as the United States and the United Kingdom.
Remittance flows to Greece remain modest relative to GDP, yet they reflect enduring diaspora ties. Despite Greece’s long-standing emigration history, remittances represent only around 0.2% of GDP, far below levels observed in neighbouring countries. Remittances peaked during the financial crisis and continue to originate primarily from OECD destinations, especially the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany.
This chapter examines education attainment and the labour market integration of Greek emigrants across OECD destination countries. Understanding labour force participation, employment, and unemployment patterns among Greek nationals abroad provides insights into how effectively emigrants can use their skills and qualifications in foreign labour markets. The chapter highlights where and in which contexts emigrants might experience barriers to integration, and sheds light on gender and sectoral disparities.
The chapter presents key indicators of labour market participation, employment, and unemployment for Greek nationals abroad, with results disaggregated by gender and country of residence. It also examines the sectoral and occupational distribution of Greek emigrants, with particular attention to overqualification in the workplace. Finally, the chapter concludes with a case study on the emigration of Greek doctors, illustrating both the opportunities and challenges faced by professionals in one of the most internationally mobile sectors. The focus on doctors is particularly timely given the recent Greek legislation aimed at simplifying the recognition of medical qualifications obtained abroad, notably Law 5 099/2024, which seeks to ease return pathways for foreign‑trained physicians and address persistent shortages in the domestic health‑care system (see Chapter 6 for more details).
Most Greek emigrants have medium or high educational attainment
The educational profile of Greek-born migrants varies substantially across destination countries, reflecting both the selectivity of migration flows and the characteristics of host-country labour markets. It is important to note that across all destinations, data do not distinguish whether educational qualifications were attained in the country of origin, the country of residence, or elsewhere.
Educational attainment is classified according to the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED 2011), which provides a harmonised framework for comparing education levels across countries. ISCED distinguishes eight levels of education, ranging from early childhood education (ISCED 0) to doctoral or equivalent programmes (ISCED 8). Lower levels correspond to primary and lower secondary education (ISCED 1 and 2), while upper secondary and post-secondary non-tertiary education are classified under ISCED 3 and 4. Tertiary education comprises short-cycle tertiary programmes (ISCED 5), bachelor’s or equivalent degrees (ISCED 6), master’s or equivalent degrees (ISCED 7), and doctoral or equivalent degrees (ISCED 8). For analytical purposes, educational attainment is grouped into three categories: low educational attainment (ISCED 0‑2), medium educational attainment (ISCED 3‑4), and high educational attainment (ISCED 5‑8).
Germany and Italy emerge as key destination countries where Greek-born migrants are disproportionately concentrated in the low- and medium-educated groups. In Germany, about four in five Greek‑born residents have attained at most a medium level of education, a pattern that likely reflects Germany’s long‑standing role as an attractive destination for Greek factory and manual workers. The corresponding share in Italy reaches 67% (see Figure 3.1). In parallel, only around one‑fifth of Greek-born migrants in Germany hold a tertiary degree (high educational attainment). These patterns are consistent with broader evidence across several European countries, where immigrant populations tend to be overrepresented in lower educational attainment groups. This may be partially attributed to the fact that certain countries with long-standing, labour-driven migration histories, often facilitated by free movement within Europe, can be characterised by limited skills-based selection mechanisms. By contrast, in countries such as Switzerland, the United Kingdom and France, the majority of Greek-born migrants hold tertiary qualifications, with high educational attainment reaching 63% in Switzerland, 68% in the United Kingdom, and 72% in France.
Educational attainment of Greek-born emigrants in selected OECD countries, ages 15‑64, 2020/21
Note: For Belgium, Australia, the United Kingdom, Sweden and the United States, educational attainment is not fully available, as a non-negligible share of the population is classified as having unknown educational attainment. As a result, those who are unknown have been removed from the distribution and estimates for these countries should be interpreted with caution. Due to data limitations for the Netherlands and Türkiye, these countries are not included.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
A larger share of Greek-born emigrants has achieved high educational attainment in most destination countries when compared with the native‑born populations
In Germany, Belgium, Sweden, Canada and Australia, Greek-born adults are more likely than the native born to have low educational attainment. Nonetheless, gaps are small across most major destination countries, aside from Germany where 50% of Greeks are low educated compared with 17% of the native born (see Figure 3.2). In most destination countries, the share of Greek-born adults with medium educational attainment is substantially lower than among the native born. The differences exceed 20 percentage points (p.p.) in Germany (30% versus 53%), Switzerland (23% versus 47%), Sweden (26% versus 51%), France (18% versus 44%), and the United Kingdom (16% versus 41%). Australia, Italy and Canada, show much smaller gaps.
When considering high educational attainment, Greek-born adults are strongly represented in several destinations. In France, 72% of Greek-born adults are highly educated, compared with 35% of the native born. Large positive gaps are also observed in the United Kingdom (72% versus 36%), Switzerland (63% versus 39%), the United States (52% versus 38%), Sweden (50% versus 33%) and Italy (33% versus 20%). In Canada, the share of highly educated Greek-born adults (45%) is close to that of native‑born adults (47%). By contrast, the share of highly educated Greek-born adults remains below that of the native born in Australia (33% versus 36%), and Germany (21% versus 30%).
Educational attainment of Greek-born and native‑born populations in selected OECD countries, ages 15‑64, 2020/21
Note: For Belgium, Australia, the United Kingdom, Sweden and the United States, educational attainment is not fully available, as a non-negligible share of the population is classified as having unknown educational attainment. As a result, those who are unknown have been removed from the distribution and estimates for these countries should be interpreted with caution.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Across OECD countries, Greek-born women and men display broadly similar levels of educational attainment. Shares with low education are identical for both groups (28%). Men are slightly overrepresented at medium levels of education, while women hold a modest advantage among the highly educated, exceeding men by around 3 p.p. (see Figure 3.3).
Educational attainment of Greek-born emigrants in OECD destination countries by gender, ages 15‑64, 2020/21
Note: For Belgium, Australia, the United Kingdom, Sweden and the United States, educational attainment is not fully available, as a non-negligible share of the population is classified as having unknown educational attainment. As a result, those who are unknown have been removed from the distribution and estimates for these countries should be interpreted with caution.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
The educational profile of Greek‑born migrants in OECD countries varies markedly by time of arrival, reflecting cohort differences and pointing to ongoing signs of brain drain since the early economic crisis‑driven emigration waves. Recently arrived Greek-born migrants display a clear concentration at the upper end of the educational distribution. Among Greek emigrants residing in an OECD country for fewer than five years, the highly educated constitute the dominant group (49%), while just over one in four has low educational attainment (see Figure 3.4). These patterns persist among migrants with five to ten years of residence, with 30% reporting low educational attainment, 24% reporting medium educational attainment and 46% reporting high educational attainment. In contrast, Greek-born migrants who have lived in the host country for more than a decade are substantially more represented at lower (44%) and medium (31%) levels of education, while the share of the highly educated drops sharply (25%). Differences across duration-of-stay reflect changes in the educational selectivity of Greek emigration over time and possibly a legacy of earlier, less-educated migration waves.
Educational attainment of Greek-born emigrants by duration of stay in OECD destination countries, ages 15 and above, 2020/21
Note: For Belgium, Australia, the United Kingdom, Sweden and the United States, educational attainment is not fully available, as a non-negligible share of the population is classified as having unknown educational attainment. As a result, those who are unknown have been removed from the distribution and estimates for these countries should be interpreted with caution.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
This section examines the labour market integration of working-age Greek-born emigrants in OECD destination countries. Employment rates of the Greek-born population are compared with those of native‑born and other foreign-born populations in the ten OECD countries hosting the largest concentrations of Greek-born individuals in working age in 2020/21, based on OECD DIOC data. The analysis further disaggregates employment outcomes by gender and level of educational attainment to highlight key differences in labour market integration across population subgroups.
Greek emigrants exhibit similar or slightly higher labour market participation than the native‑born population in OECD countries
Greek emigrants show higher labour market participation than the native‑born population in OECD countries, although their employment rates are only slightly higher. According to the available data, 75% of individuals born in Greece and living in OECD countries participate in the labour market, compared with 72% among the native‑born population (see Figure 3.5).
This pattern holds for both men and women. Among men, participation rates reach 80% for those born in Greece and 78% among the native‑born population. Among women, participation stands at 69% for the Greek-born population, compared with 67% among native‑born women. As a result, the gender gap in labour market participation is similar between the two groups.
Employment rates follow a broadly comparable pattern, though with narrower differences. Among all individuals aged 15‑64, 69% of Greek-born persons in OECD countries are employed, compared with 68% of the native‑born persons. Among men, the employment rate is 74% for the Greek-born population and 73% for the native‑born population. For women, employment rates are equal across the two groups, with 63% employed in both cases. These figures suggest that Greek emigrants are highly active in the labour market and achieve employment outcomes that closely mirror those of the native‑born population.
Labour market participation and employment rates by country of birth and gender, ages 15‑64, OECD, 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Figure 3.6 compares labour market participation and employment rates by gender and country of birth in the four OECD countries hosting the largest populations of Greek‑born individuals aged 15‑64. Across destination countries, labour market outcomes for Greek‑born migrants show clear and sometimes contrasting patterns, often with notable gender differences.
In Germany and Australia, Greek-born migrants, especially women, tend to have weaker labour market outcomes than the native‑born populations. In both contexts, Greek-born men participate actively in the labour market yet are still below those of native‑born men. For women, the gaps are more substantial: in Germany, Greek-born women participate at about 68%, well below native‑born women, and in Australia the participation shortfall is even larger, around a 16‑p.p. gap, the widest observed in the countries analysed.
In contrast, the United Kingdom stands out as a case where Greek-born migrants perform strongly relative to the native‑born. Both men and women born in Greece have higher or comparable participation and employment rates, with Greek-born men participating at around 86%, considerably above native‑born men. Women also show stronger or similar outcomes, making the United Kingdom unusual in offering a context where Greek-born migrants outperform the native‑born populations across genders.
The United States presents a mixed picture that combines elements from both groups. Greek-born men show high labour market participation, over 80%, similar to Germany and higher than among US-born men and show similarly high employment rates. Among women, participation levels and employment rates are close to the native‑born benchmark.
Labour market participation and employment rates by country of birth, gender, and country of residence, ages 15‑64, 2020/21
Note: LMP denotes labour market participation.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Across major destination countries, employment rates for Greek‑born migrants increased between 2010/11 and 2015/16 in nearly all cases. The largest improvements occurred in the United Kingdom, where employment rose from 62% in 2010/11 to 79% in 2015/16, and in the United States, where it increased from 55% to 72%. Sweden also recorded notable gains, rising from 51% to 60%, while Australia saw employment increase from 55% to 60% over the same period (see Figure 3.7). Activity rates also recorded modest increases across most major destination countries, broadly mirroring trends observed in employment rates.
Labour market participation and employment rates of Greek-born emigrants by country of residence, ages 15‑64, 2010/11 and 2015/16
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Higher levels of educational attainment are associated with stronger employment outcomes among Greek-born migrants
Across major destination countries, employment rates among Greek‑born individuals vary markedly by educational attainment, though the overall pattern is clear: higher education is strongly associated with better labour market outcomes. Employment levels among those with low education are generally modest and show wide cross‑country differences. Rates range from the mid-thirties in Italy (36%) and Australia (37%) to substantially higher levels in the United Kingdom (62%) and Germany (60%), with countries such as the United States (51%) and Switzerland (47%) positioned in between (see Figure 3.8.).
Among individuals with medium educational attainment, employment rises considerably across nearly all countries. Levels reach the low seventies in Germany and Switzerland (both 73%), sit in the high sixties in the United States (68%) and Canada (67%), and remain noticeably lower in Italy (51%) and France (47%). For the highly educated, employment outcomes are consistently strong across all destinations. Rates exceed 80% in several countries: Switzerland (86%), the United Kingdom (85%), the United States (82%) and Germany (82%). The only country with rates below 70% is Italy, with a rate of 68% among the highly educated. Taken together, the evidence points to a pronounced and consistent gradient across destination countries: higher educational attainment is associated with significantly higher employment rates for Greek‑born migrants, with the strongest and most uniform outcomes observed among the highly educated.
Employment rates of Greek-born emigrants in selected OECD countries by educational attainment, ages 15‑64, 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Greek-born women faced higher unemployment rates than both Greek-born men and native‑born women and men
Examining unemployment rates among migrants is essential for assessing their economic integration in host countries. Employment outcomes capture not only the extent to which migrants are able to translate their skills and qualifications into work but also the inclusiveness and functioning of labour markets for foreign-born populations. While employment rates provide insight into how effectively OECD labour markets integrate Greek emigrants, unemployment rates indicate how efficiently these markets absorb those actively seeking work.
As shown in Figure 3.9, the unemployment rate of Greek-born individuals in 2020/21 varied across OECD destination countries and, in every case aside from the United States, exceeded that of the native‑born population in 2020/21. On average, unemployment among Greek-born migrants aged 15‑64 ranged from 4% in the United States to 16% in Canada, compared with 3‑11% among native‑born populations in the same countries (see Figure 3.9). In Canada, Italy and France, Greek-born individuals faced the largest gaps, with unemployment rates 5‑6 p.p. higher than those of native‑born workers.
In some destination countries, Greek-born migrants exhibited unemployment outcomes comparable to or slightly lower than those of the native‑born population. In Australia, unemployment was identical for both groups, at 5%, while in the United States, Greek-born migrants had a slightly lower unemployment rate than the native‑born population (4% vs. 6%). These outcomes should be interpreted in the context of overall labour market conditions, as both the United States and Australia recorded the lowest unemployment rates among the main destination countries for Greek emigrants in 2020/21.
Unemployment rates of Greek-born and native‑born persons in selected OECD countries, ages 15‑64, 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
The labour market outcomes of Greek-born migrants were generally more reflective of the native‑born population or the foreign-born population in 2020/21. Among men, unemployment rates in 2020/21 for Greek-born individuals were generally closer to those of native‑born men than to the wider foreign-born population. For example, in France, Sweden and Belgium, foreign-born men faced substantially higher unemployment rates than Greek and native‑born men (see Figure 3.10).
Among women, unemployment outcomes for Greek‑born emigrants in 2020/21 varied markedly across destination countries and did not follow a uniform pattern relative to native‑born and foreign‑born women. In several European destinations, unemployment among Greek‑born women tended to lie closer to that of the foreign‑born female population than to the significantly lower rates observed among native‑born women. This was the case in Germany, where the unemployment rate among Greek‑born women stood at 10%, compared with 12% among foreign‑born women and just 5% among native‑born women, and in Switzerland, where unemployment among Greek‑born women (10%) exceeded that of foreign‑born women (8%) but remained well above the very low rate recorded among native‑born women (3%). In other countries, Greek‑born women faced particularly high unemployment rates. In Canada, unemployment among Greek‑born women reached 17%, substantially higher than among both native‑born (10%) and foreign‑born women (12%). By contrast, in other long standing destination countries such as the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia, unemployment rates among Greek‑born women were relatively low and closely aligned with those of native‑born women.
Unemployment rate of Greek-born and native‑born persons in selected OECD countries by gender, ages 15‑64, 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
This section examines the occupational distribution of Greek-born emigrants, considering both skill levels and detailed occupations classified according to ISCO codes. It compares outcomes with those of native‑born and broader foreign-born populations and includes a focussed analysis of Greek-trained medical doctors residing abroad.
Greek emigrants tend to be concentrated in medium- and high-skilled jobs
Job quality is a central dimension of integration, as it shapes earnings prospects, career progression, job stability, and overall well-being. Across the OECD, Greek-born workers are predominantly employed in medium-skilled occupations, which account for just over half of total employment (see Figure 3.11). Highly skilled jobs represent around one‑third of employment among Greek-born migrants, while low-skilled occupations account for a smaller share, at around 8% on average; for approximately 4% of Greek-born individuals in the OECD aged 15‑64, the skill level of employment is unknown.
Country-level patterns reveal heterogeneity. In Germany and Australia, medium-skilled occupations dominate, accounting for around half of employment among Greek-born workers, reflecting patterns in the OECD broadly. In Italy and Sweden, over 40% of Greek-born workers are in highly skilled occupations, alongside sizable shares in medium- and low-skilled jobs. By contrast, in Belgium, Switzerland, and particularly France, Greek-born migrants are predominantly concentrated in highly skilled occupations. Highly skilled employment accounts for 57% of Greek-born workers in Belgium, 65% in Switzerland, and over three‑quarters in France, while low-skilled employment is comparatively limited in these countries. Taken together with evidence on educational attainment, these patterns suggest that occupational outcomes for Greek-born migrants generally appear to reflect educational attainment.
Distribution of Greek-born workers in employment by occupation, ages 15 and above, OECD and selected destination countries, 2020/21
Note: Among the top ten destination countries for Greek emigrants in the OECD, only those with available data are included. Similarly, the OECD-wide analysis is restricted to countries with available data.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
A comparison of the occupational skill distribution of Greek-born emigrants in 2010/11 and 2015/16 reveals broad stability in major destination countries, while revealing some notable shifts. At the OECD level, the share of Greek-born workers in highly skilled occupations rose markedly, from 17% in 2010/11 to 30% in 2015/16, while medium-skilled employment remained broadly stable (53% to 55%) and low-skilled employment declined substantially (28% to 15%) (see Figure 3.12). This upward shift in skill intensity is also visible in several destination countries. In Sweden, for example, the share of highly skilled Greek-born workers doubled between 2010/11 and 2015/16 (17% to 34%), reflecting a movement away from medium-skilled jobs. Germany, by contrast, saw a rise in medium-skilled employment (56% to 62%) accompanied by a decline in the highly skilled share (23% to 16%).
Distribution of Greek-born workers by occupation, ages 15 and above, OECD, 2015/16 and 2010/11
Note: Among the top ten destination countries for Greek emigrants in the OECD, only those with available data are included. Similarly, the OECD-wide analysis is restricted to countries with available data.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Across most major destination countries, Greek-born emigrants exhibit notable differences in occupational skill distribution relative to native‑born populations. In Sweden, Greek-born workers are more heavily concentrated in low-skilled occupations (25% versus 12% among natives) than native‑born workers yet are underrepresented in medium-skilled roles (30% versus 43%), while shares in highly skilled occupations are broadly similar (see Figure 3.13). In Germany, low- and medium-skilled roles account for a larger share of Greek-born employment than for native‑born workers, with only 30% of Greek-born migrants in highly skilled occupations compared with 51% of their native‑born counterparts. In Australia, the occupational distribution of Greek-born migrants is closer to that of the native‑born population, with only slightly higher representation in low-skilled jobs (15% versus 10%) and somewhat lower shares in highly skilled roles (37% versus 42%), perhaps reflecting the country’s long-standing history as a destination for Greek migrants.
By contrast, in Belgium, Switzerland and France, Greek-born emigrants are more likely than natives to be employed in highly skilled occupations. In Belgium, 57% of Greek-born workers are in high-skilled roles compared with 47% of native‑born workers, while in Switzerland the gap is even larger (65% versus 54%). In France, the concentration of Greek-born migrants in high-skilled occupations is particularly pronounced, at 76% compared with 48% among their native‑born counterparts.
Distribution of Greek-born and native‑born workers by occupation, ages 15 and above, selected OECD countries, 2020/21
Note: Among the top ten destination countries for Greek emigrants in the OECD, only those with available data are included.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
To examine occupational outcomes in greater detail, employment can be analysed using the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO), which categorises jobs into major groups ranging from ISCO 0 to ISCO 9. These groups distinguish occupations by skill level and specialisation, from highly skilled managerial and professional roles (ISCO 1‑3) to medium-skilled clerical, service, and skilled trade occupations (ISCO 4‑8), and lower-skilled elementary occupations (ISCO 9). Analysing employment using the ISCO classification allows for a more granular assessment of labour market integration, capturing not only whether Greek-born individuals are employed, but also the type and quality of jobs they hold.
In France, Greek-born workers are particularly concentrated in ISCO 2 roles which include professionals, technicians, and associate professionals, which account for over half of all employment (56%) (see Figure 3.14). Similarly, Switzerland, Belgium and Sweden show strong representation in ISCO 2 roles (41% in Switzerland, 36% in Belgium, and 34% in Sweden) as well as medium-skilled ISCO groups. In Australia and Italy, Greek-born migrants are more evenly spread across medium- and lower-skilled ISCO groups, with substantial proportions in ISCO 5, 7, 8, and 9, reflecting employment in service, clerical, and skilled trade sectors. Germany presents a distinct profile, with relatively high shares in lower-skilled ISCO groups (ISCO 8 and 9 together account for over 30%) and smaller shares in high-skilled managerial or professional roles.
Distribution of Greek-born workers by occupation (ISCO 0‑9), ages 15 and above, 2020/21
Note: Among the top ten destination countries for Greek emigrants in the OECD, only those with available data are included. Similarly, the OECD-wide analysis is restricted to countries with available data.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Just under three in four Greek-born women and just under three in five Greek-born men are employed in medium- or high-skilled occupations. More specifically, Greek-born women in the OECD are more strongly represented in higher-skilled non-manual occupations than men, while Greek-born men in the OECD are disproportionately concentrated in manual and technical occupations (see Figure 3.15). In particular, women are more likely than men to work as professionals (ISCO 2), which account for nearly one‑quarter of female employment (25%), compared with one‑fifth among men (20%). Women are also more likely to work as technicians and associate professionals (ISCO 3) clerical workers (ISCO 4) and service and sales professionals (ISCO 5), which together employ 44% of Greek-born women, compared with around 36% of men. By contrast, men are more frequently employed in craft-related and machine‑operating occupations, with 14% working as craft workers (ISCO 7) and a further 14% as plant and machine operators (ISCO 8), compared with only 3% of women in each category.
At the lower end of the occupational distribution, gender gaps are also pronounced. Elementary occupations (ISCO 9) employ one‑fifth of Greek-born women across the OECD, compared with 14% of men. Managerial positions (ISCO 1) remain slightly more male‑dominated, with 8% of Greek-born men employed as managers, compared with just over 5% of women. Agricultural occupations (ISCO 6) play only a marginal role for Greek-born emigrants regardless of gender.
Distribution of Greek-born workers by occupation (ISCO 1‑9) and gender, ages 15 and above, 2020/21
Note: Analysis are restricted to top destination countries with available data.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
A more granular perspective on occupational outcomes can be obtained by examining employment by detailed ISCO occupational sections (often referred to as ISCO 1‑100 categories in analytical work). These finer occupational categories allow for a closer assessment of where migrants are concentrated within broad skill groups and help identify specific segments of the labour market in which foreign-born workers are more or less concentrated relative to the native‑born population. The following analysis focusses on the top 23 sectors employing the largest shares of Greek-born emigrants.
Across OECD countries, Greek‑born workers continue to display a distinctive occupational profile, with a strong presence in personal services, routine service occupations and selected technical and manual jobs, alongside a notable representation in professional roles. The largest single occupational group among Greek‑born workers is personal services workers (8.4%), a share more than twice as high as that observed among the native‑born (3.7%), underscoring the importance of service‑oriented activities in their employment structure (see Figure 3.16). Greek‑born individuals are also markedly over‑represented among cleaners and helpers (6.7% versus 2.1%) and labourers in mining, construction, manufacturing and transport (4.4% versus 2.1%), highlighting a concentration in physically demanding and routine occupations.
In addition, Greek‑born workers show higher shares than the native‑born in food preparation assistants (2.1% compared with 0.5%), hospitality, retail and other services managers (2.4% versus 0.9%), and drivers and mobile plant operators (5.7% versus 3.4%). These patterns point to a strong presence in hospitality‑related activities, transport and operational roles, as well as in certain supervisory positions within the service sector. By contrast, Greek‑born workers are less represented than natives in clerical and administrative support roles overall, including general and keyboard clerks (2.1% versus 3.0%) and business and administration associate professionals (2.9% versus 5.8%).
At the same time, Greek‑born migrants maintain a solid foothold in knowledge‑intensive professions. Their shares exceed those of the native‑born in health professions (3.6% versus 2.7%), ICT professions (2.6% versus 1.6%) and science and engineering professions (3.4% versus 2.8%), suggesting relatively strong integration into high‑skill technical and professional occupations. Overall, this distribution highlights a dual pattern in which Greek-born workers are present both in knowledge‑intensive professions and in lower-skill service and manual roles.
Distribution of Greek-born workers by occupation (ISCO 0‑100), ages 15 and above, 2020/21
Note: Only countries with available data are included. Only occupations representing at least 2% of the Greek‑born population are shown.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21 and https://webapps.ilo.org/ilostat-files/ISCO/newdocs-08-2021/ISCO-08/ISCO-08%20EN%20Vol%201.pdf.
Patterns of overqualification among Greek-born emigrants differ substantially across destination countries
Overqualification occurs when an individual’s level of formal education exceeds the requirements of their occupation. It is measured as the share of tertiary-educated individuals employed in low- or medium-skilled jobs. Among migrants, qualifications, work experience, and language skills acquired in the country of origin are not always fully recognised in the host country. Overqualification may also reflect labour market frictions, imperfect information on job opportunities, institutional barriers to the recognition of foreign credentials, or discrimination.
Figure 3.17 illustrates that Greek-born emigrants exhibit varying levels of overqualification across major OECD destination countries, often differing from both native‑born and foreign-born populations. In Australia and Switzerland, for example, there is little variation in overqualification between the Greek-born, foreign-born, and native‑born populations. In Belgium and Italy, overqualification among Greek-born workers is broadly comparable to the native‑born populations (18% vs. 20% in Belgium; 29% vs. 27% in Italy) and remains lower than the broader foreign-born averages (31% and 57%). In Switzerland and France, Greek-born workers are actually less likely to be overqualified than the native‑born population (16% vs. 21% and 14% vs. 24%), and well below the foreign-born rates of 22% and 32%. These patterns may reflect stronger alignment between Greek qualifications and the skill requirements in particular sectors, differences in occupational composition, or the presence of established Greek communities that facilitate integration into the labour market.
Overqualification rates of Greek-born workers by country of destination, ages 15 and above, 2020/21
Note: Analysis are restricted to top destination countries with available data. Overqualification refers to the share of highly skilled individuals who are employed in jobs that are classified as lower or medium skilled.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Many OECD countries turn to foreign-trained doctors to expand their medical workforce quickly and at relatively low cost. In 2023, foreign-trained doctors represent, on average, 20% of the medical workforce across OECD countries. Most of the foreign-trained doctors are practicing in only three destination countries (the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany). In Greece, the share of foreign-trained doctors is 22% (OECD, 2025[1]).
Greece has the highest share of foreign-trained, native‑born doctors in the OECD
However, not all foreign-trained doctors are foreign-born. Many of these are in fact native‑born citizens who obtained their first medical degree abroad before returning home for postgraduate training and practice. Greece stands-out in these statistics, with 80% of the foreign-trained physicians in Greece being Greek-born. This is the highest share among the OECD countries with available statistics (Figure 3.18). Other countries with important shares of native‑born persons among the foreign-trained physicians include Colombia (74%) Norway (57%), Israel (55%) and Sweden (25%). This pattern reflects the internationalisation of medical education and an expanding cross-border market for medical degrees. Greek medical students studying abroad is further discussed in Chapter 5 in the section on international students.
Total number of foreign-trained and number and share of native‑born, foreign-trained doctors in selected OECD countries, 2023
Note: The figure includes countries with available data. Data is from 2023, except for Finland and Sweden (2022) and the United States (2016).
Source: OECD (2025[1]), International Migration Outlook 2025, https://doi.org/10.1787/ae26c893-en, OECD Data Explorer (DF_HEALTH_WFMI).
There is also an important number of Greek-born doctors, whether trained in Greece or abroad, working in other OECD countries. The number of Greek-born migrant doctors has more than threefold since 2000/01, from about 2 900 in 2000/01 to almost 10 000 in 2020/21 (Figure 3.19). The associated emigration rate, defined as the number of Greek‑born migrant doctors relative to the total workforce of Greek doctors in Greece and abroad, reached 13% in 2020/21, placing Greece among the countries with the highest levels of medical‑doctor emigration in the OECD.
Greece is also experiencing net emigration of nursing professionals, although on a more limited scale. The number of Greek‑born nurses working abroad increased from around 1 300 in 2000/01 to just over 3 500 by 2020/21, corresponding to an emigration rate of approximately 8%. While substantially lower than among doctors, this pattern nonetheless points to sustained outward mobility among health‑care professionals more broadly.
Stocks of migrant doctors to the OECD by country of origin and emigration rates, 2000/01 and 2020/21
Note: Emigration rates are calculated as the number of migrant doctors in relation to the total number of doctors in the workforce of the origin country (residing abroad and in the country of origin).
Source: OECD (2025[1]), International Migration Outlook 2025, https://doi.org/10.1787/ae26c893-en, based on DIOC 2020/21.
Intra-OECD migration patterns of doctors are complex. Figure 3.20 illustrates the countries for which Greece is a net sender of at least 500 doctors, these include several EU/EEA countries (Germany, Italy, Sweden and Switzerland) as well as the United States and the United Kingdom. Overall, the United States, Australia and Switzerland are the only three countries that are net gainers in relation to every other OECD country. Other countries, such as France or Austria, both lose doctors to Switzerland but gain from Italy, which in turn is a net recruiter from Greece. Greece, together with Hungary and Poland, only experience net losses of doctors to other OECD countries.
Net migrant stocks above 500 between OECD countries for migrant doctors to and from the OECD, 2020/21
Note: Countries highlighted in blue should show arrows towards the United States. Those with dotted lines should show arrows towards the United Kingdom. Includes countries with available data and net stocks above 500 with another country.
Source: OECD (2025[1]), International Migration Outlook 2025, https://doi.org/10.1787/ae26c893-en, based on DIOC and EU-LFS.
Remittances are financial transfers sent by emigrants to relatives or households in their country of origin. They represent an important channel through which migration can support household incomes, fund education or health expenditures, and contribute to local development. In addition, remittance flows can serve as an indirect indicator of the economic integration of emigrants in host countries, reflecting both their employment outcomes and their capacity to generate disposable income abroad.
For Greece, remittances provide a lens into the economic ties maintained by its diaspora. Despite longstanding emigration, the share of remittances in GDP remains relatively low, suggesting that Greek emigrants contribute only modestly to the domestic economy through financial transfers. Nevertheless, for recipient households, remittances can constitute a meaningful source of support, helping to smooth consumption and buffer economic shocks. Understanding remittance patterns complements other measures of emigrant outcomes providing insights into the financial resources Greek emigrants channel back home.
Remittances sent by Greek emigrants remain modest as a share of the GDP despite long-standing emigration patterns
In 2023, Greece received approximately EUR 500 million in remittances sent by Greek emigrants abroad, corresponding to 0.2% of the 2023 GDP. Despite Greece’s longstanding emigration flows, this share remains low compared with neighbouring countries. For example, remittances equated to around 2.8% of the GDP in Romania, 2.2% in Bulgaria, 2.9% in North Macedonia, and 8.7% in Albania. Remittances to Greece are similar to Italy, where they reached 0.5% of the GDP that same year (World Bank, 1970-2024[2]).
In line with the geographical distribution of the Greek diaspora, according to Eurostat data, over two‑thirds of remittances originated from OECD countries in 2024. Over the past decade, remittances peaked in 2013, reaching EUR 607 million, likely in response to the Euro sovereign debt crisis (see Figure 3.21). Between 2015 and 2018, remittances declined to a low of EUR 355 million. From 2019 through 2022, remittance inflows rose again, although they dropped. At the same time, the gap between remittances from OECD and non-OECD countries widened, reaching 37 p.p. (EUR 210 million) in 2022.
Remittances from Greek emigrants to Greece, OECD and world, EUR millions, 2012‑2023
Note: Remittances include workers remittances and compensation of employees.
Source: Eurostat, balance of payment data.
In 2023, the majority of remittances to Greece from OECD countries continued to originate from the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany. Remittance flows from Germany have remained consistently substantial, ranging from EUR 46.8 million in 2015 to EUR 73.0 million in 2021, before moderating slightly to 59.8 million euros in 2023, reflecting a long-established and stable Greek diaspora (see Figure 3.22). The United Kingdom has contributed smaller but steadily increasing remittances, rising from EUR 24.1 million in 2012 to a peak of EUR 62.4 million in 2018, and stabilizing at EUR 56.5 million in 2024. Remittances from the United States, available in this dataset from 2016 onwards, exhibit greater year-to-year variability, reaching EUR 76.4 million in 2019 and EUR 79.5 million in 2021, before declining to EUR 59.1 million in 2024. Part of this volatility likely reflects exchange‑rate movements between the euro and the US dollar, which can amplify or dampen the euro‑denominated value of remittances even when underlying transfer behaviour remains broadly stable.
In contrast to major OECD destinations such as Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States, where remittance flows to Greece have remained broadly stable since 2016, remittance flows to Greece from Central and Eastern Europe, Central and Southern Africa, and Western Asia saw significant growth beginning around the same time (see Figure 3.23). The most pronounced increase occurred among those in Western Asia, where annual remittance inflows to Greece more than quadrupled, rising from EUR 14.2 million in 2016 to EUR 61.3 million in 2019. Although flows from these regions have stabilised or slightly declined in recent years, the upward trend observed after 2018 signals a growing role played by countries that had not been significant contributors to remittance inflows to Greece in the years prior. Eurostat data do not provide a detailed breakdown of remittance flows by individual sending countries within these regional groupings. However, complementary evidence helps shed light on the likely drivers of this growth. World Bank remittance data for 2021 indicate Türkiye is a relatively important country for remittances to Greece (MPI, 2022[3]). In addition, given that Eurostat’s Western Asia aggregate includes Gulf Co‑operation Council (GCC) countries, remittance inflows from Gulf economies employing smaller but economically active Greek populations, often hired in high‑earning sectors, may also be contributing to the observed trend. Within Central and Eastern Europe, Albania remains the largest single sending country. No country in Central and Southern Africa appears among the top sending countries of remittances to Greece, but remittance inflows are likely driven primarily by South Africa, which hosts the largest concentration of Greek emigrants in the region according to UN‑DESA data.
Remittances to Greece sent from Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States, EUR millions, 2012‑2024
Note: Remittances include workers remittances and compensation of employees. Data for remittances from the United States are shown from 2016 onwards. Earlier years are not included due to methodological revisions and/or reporting inconsistencies in Eurostat’s balance‑of-payments personal transfer series, which can lead to unusually high or non-comparable values.
Source: Eurostat, balance of payment data.
Remittances to Greece sent from Central and Eastern Europe, Central and South Africa, and Western Asia, EUR millions, 2012‑2024
Note: Remittances include workers remittances and compensation of employees.
Source: Eurostat, balance of payment data.
References
[3] MPI (2022), Bilateral Remittance Flows, tabulations of data from the KNOMAD/World Bank Bilateral Remittance Matrix 2021, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/bilateral-remittance-flows.
[1] OECD (2025), International Migration Outlook 2025, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/ae26c893-en.
[2] World Bank (1970-2024), Remittances Recieved (% of GDP), https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BX.TRF.PWKR.DT.GD.ZS.