This chapter provides an overview of recent return‑migration dynamics to Greece, drawing on the Greek census to examine the scale and composition of return. The chapter initially reviews the balance between emigration and return and further explores the demographic and educational profile of returnees, their origins abroad, and their settlement patterns within Greece. The chapter also outlines key labour market indicators, including participation, employment and occupational structure, and explores the motivations that may shape return decisions.
A Review of Greek Emigrants
Abstract
Return migration to Greece has increased in recent years, with estimated inflows now exceeding outflows. In 2023, 46 000 Greek citizens returned to Greece, exceeding the 37 000 who left that year. This marks a shift from the prolonged net outflows following the 2010 economic crisis and suggests a gradual rebalancing of Greece’s human‑capital flows.
Returnees are predominantly young and highly educated, offering an important opportunity to reinforce Greece’s skills base. More than half (54%) of those who returned between 2016 and 2021 were aged 20‑39 and three in five held a tertiary degree, compared with just 23% among their peers in Greece who never emigrated.
The majority of recently arrived returnees came from other European countries, particularly Germany and the United Kingdom. About 83% of returnees previously resided elsewhere in Europe, and 56% in EU countries. Germany and the United Kingdom account for a combined 43% of all returnees, reflecting strong circular mobility within the EU.
Return migration is concentrated in Greece’s major urban centres: 42% of returnees settle in Attica (Athens) and 18% in Central Macedonia (Thessaloniki). Four in five returnees returned to their region of origin, with higher rates in Northern and Central Greece, and lower rates in the Attica region.
Repatriation remains the dominant driver of return, but economic motivations are also prominent. Over half of returnees cite repatriation as their main reason, while 18‑22% return for employment, depending on the period of their return.
Labour market outcomes among return migrants vary by time since return and region, with lower employment rates observed among more recent return cohorts. Among return migrants captured in the 2021 census, the employment rate was considerably higher among returnees that had spent 5 years in the country (at 72%) compared to those who just returned (at 46%). This indicates that labour market reintegration upon return might take time.
Educational attainment plays a central role in labour market outcomes among return migrants. Unemployment remains comparatively low for those with higher qualifications, at 12% among doctoral-degree holders and 15% among those with a master’s degree, underscoring the strong employment advantages associated with tertiary education.
Entrepreneurship remains modest among returnees and is somewhat more common among those who never emigrated. Only 4‑7% of returnees are self-employed with personnel, and 13‑17% without personnel, compared with slightly higher rates among non-migrants.
Return migrants are heavily concentrated in professional and high-skilled occupations. Nearly half (47%) work as professionals, far exceeding the share among non-migrants (18%). Returnees are especially represented in health, science and engineering, and ICT.
Survey evidence shows that while many Greek emigrants maintain strong emotional ties to the country, their short-term intention to return remains limited, particularly among the young. Concerns about limited professional prospects, institutional effectiveness, and meritocracy are the main deterrents, whereas potential incentives for return include more competitive pay, targeted tax relief, and improved work – life balance.
Return migration plays a central role in shaping the long‑term impact of emigration on a country’s labour force, skills base and economic performance. Its effects depend not only on how many people leave, but also on how many ultimately come back, and with what skills, experience and aspirations. Returnees often bring enhanced professional competences and workplace practices acquired abroad, which can support productivity growth and organisational upgrading (Wahba, 2025[1]). In addition, return migrants may act as channels for knowledge transfer and innovation, drawing on savings, international networks and exposure to foreign business environments to start firms or strengthen the international orientation of domestic SMEs (Gittins and Fink, 2015[2]).
Against this backdrop, this chapter examines the prospects, patterns and motivations underpinning return migration to Greece. The analysis draws on multiple data sources, summarised in Box 4.1, which shed light on different aspects of return behaviour. A crucial distinction in this chapter is between return flows and return stocks, each capturing a different dimension of return migration. Return flows measure the number of individuals arriving in Greece in a given year, providing insight into the pace and timing of return movements. They highlight how emigration can be temporary, circular or onward‑oriented. By contrast, return stocks, derived from census data, capture all those who returned in the years preceding the census and remained in Greece up to the reference date. Because they exclude individuals who returned and subsequently re‑emigrated, stock measures do not necessarily move in parallel with annual flows. Using both sources together provides a more complete picture of return migration dynamics, including both the immediacy of new returns and the longer‑term patterns of settlement.
Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT) Population and Housing Censuses (2011, 2021)
The Population and Housing Censuses conducted by ELSTAT in 2011 and 2021 constitute the most comprehensive demographic data sources available for Greece. Both are full enumerations of the resident population, collecting harmonised information on demographic characteristics, education, labour market status and previous place of residence.
Return migrants are identified through a combination of questions on country of previous residence, year of settlement in Greece, and reason for settlement. In this report, returnees are defined as Greek citizens (including dual citizens) born in Greece who reported having previously lived abroad and who arrived in Greece during the five years preceding the census reference date. Non-migrants are defined as Greek‑born Greek citizens who reported never having lived abroad at the time of the census. These individuals serve as the baseline population for comparing characteristics of return migrants such as education, labour market outcomes and regional settlement patterns.
Because the census is a cross-sectional instrument, it captures returnees who remained in Greece until the census date. As a result, it does not include individuals who may have returned and subsequently re‑emigrated within the five years prior to the census date, nor does it observe any returns that occurred outside the census reference periods (i.e. between 2011‑2016). Census-based indicators therefore measure stocks of return migrants, not the annual pace of return movements, limiting insights into the timing, duration and sequencing of migration cycles. In addition, census information on migration histories is necessarily partial: it records previous country of residence but does not document the year of departure from the country of origin, the length of time spent abroad, or internal mobility prior to emigration. As a result, while census data allow for robust analysis of the socio‑demographic characteristics and settlement patterns of returnees, they do not permit a full reconstruction of individual migration trajectories or of the dynamic processes underlying return and onward mobility.
ELSTAT Migration Inflow and Outflow Estimates (annual)
ELSTAT produces annual estimates of immigration and emigration flows as part of the official population‑balance statistics. These estimates are not derived from a population register; instead, they are calculated through post‑censal demographic methods. ELSTAT uses regression‑based statistical models, together with annual vital statistics and census benchmarks, to estimate the number of people entering and leaving Greece each year. These estimates capture the annual pace of return and emigration, providing an indication of how mobility patterns evolve over time. Because they reflect flows, they include individuals who may subsequently leave again, and therefore offer insights into temporary, circular or short-term migration dynamics. They complement the census‑based stock measures, which only capture returnees who remained in Greece until the census date.
Note: More information related to ELSTAT estimations of migration flows are available in a number of methodological notes on the ELSTAT website https://www.statistics.gr/.
This section provides an overview of how return migration to Greece has evolved over recent decades, drawing on ELSTAT’s annual estimates of migration inflows and outflows.
A brief overview of return migration in the post-war period
Return migration has been a defining feature of Greece’s modern migration history. After Greece recorded a net outflow of over 600 000 Greek citizens between 1951 and 1970, the following decade was characterised by a growing inflow of return migrants. Over 625 000 returnees settled back in Greece between 1971 and 1986 (Vergeti, 2003[3]; Triandafyllidou and Maroufof, 2008[4]) (see Figure 4.1).
Greece’s accession to the European Union (1981) and establishment of free movement (1988) facilitate emigration towards other EU countries, but also return to Greece, leading to more circular migration patterns (Haas, Vezzoli and Villares-Varela, 2019[5]). This makes it more difficult to identify and enumerate return migrants, not only because few EU countries adequately track exits, but also because return migrants are less likely to be captured in surveys if they stay in their country of origin for only a short time before moving again.
Net migration of Greek citizens from Greece, 1951-2000
Source: Triandafyllidou and Maroufof (2008[4]), “Immigration towards Greece at the Eve of the 21st Century: A Critical Assessment”, https://www.eliamep.gr/wp-content/uploads/en/2009/02/immigration-towards-greece-at-the-eve-of-the-21st-century-a-critical-assessment.pdf, based on National Statistical Service of Greece data.
Inflows of Greek citizens exceeded outflows in 2023
Since 2010, Greece has experienced significant net emigration of its citizens. According to Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT) estimates, annual outflows of Greek citizens consistently exceeded inflows throughout the 2010s. While outflows have gradually declined since 2012, return migration remained steady, with annual inflows of Greek citizens increasing slightly, and reaching just under 31 000 in 2019 (see Figure 4.2). In 2020, both outflows and inflows of Greek citizens declined markedly, likely reflecting the broader mobility constraints associated with the COVID‑19 pandemic. Inflows fell from around 34 000 in 2019 to just under 21 000 in 2020.
Since 2021, inflows have consistently increased while outflows have declined. In 2023, inflows of Greek citizens surpassed outflows, with about 46 000 entries compared with roughly 37 000 departures. Although cumulative outflows since 2010 still far exceed inflows, this recent net positive balance points to a gradual rebalancing of Greece’s human‑capital flows. The faster growth of inflows measured by citizenship relative to country of birth may indicate that recent returns increasingly include Greek citizens born abroad, pointing to a potentially growing role of second‑generation and diaspora‑linked mobility alongside traditional return migration. This gap widened further in 2024, with almost 52 000 entries and about 32 000 departures. The rise in return migration also coincides with a period in which Greece expanded programmes to reconnect with its diaspora, such as targeted tax incentives and recognition reforms, indicating that current return patterns are unfolding within a policy environment increasingly oriented toward supporting skilled mobility (see Chapter 6 for more information).
Estimated annual inflows of Greeks by citizenship and country of birth and outflows of Greeks by citizenship, Greece, 2010‑2024
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT).
The analysis in the following section draws on data from the Greek Population and Housing Censuses to examine the characteristics of return migration to Greece. The main reference point is the most recent census conducted in 2021, which provides detailed information on returnees who had settled in Greece during the five years preceding the census date. These data are complemented by comparison with equivalent information from the 2011 census, allowing the chapter to assess how patterns of return migration have evolved over time (see Figure 4.3). As census data are cross‑sectional, they capture only individuals present in Greece at the time of enumeration and therefore do not reflect returns that have occurred since 2021.
Resident population with Greek citizenship (dual citizenship is included) and Greece as country of birth who settled down in Greece from abroad during the last five years before the Census 2011 reference date and the Census 2021 reference date
Note: The bars for 2006, 2011, 2016, and 2021 are shown in grey because they do not represent full calendar years. In the 2011 Census, the reference window includes only arrivals from 10 May–31 December 2006 and 1 January–9 May 2011, while in the 2021 Census it covers 23 October–31 December 2016 and 1 January–22 October 2021. As a result, these years capture only partial periods of return migration and should be interpreted with caution, particularly 2016, which reflects only about two months of arrivals.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2011 and 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Return migration is concentrated among younger adults
According to the 2021 Population and Housing Census, approximately 64 350 Greek‑born citizens returned from abroad during the five years prior to the census reference date. Among those recorded in the 2021 census, 54% were men and 46% were women (see Figure 4.4). This gender composition is broadly in line with the gender profile of Greek emigration overall as reported in Chapter 1, where men account for a slight majority of all emigrants in OECD countries (52%). During the earlier period of 2006‑2011, as captured in the 2011 census, an estimated 94 774 Greek‑born citizens returned to Greece, with men again representing a slightly higher share of returnees (55%). Age patterns were broadly similar in the 2011 census. A comparison across the 2011 and 2021 census rounds shows that return migration to Greece has consistently been concentrated among younger working‑age adults, but with a clear strengthening of returns among individuals aged 20‑39 in the more recent period (Figure 4.4).
Greek return migrants by age and gender, 2021 and 2011 census
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2011 and 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
The concentration of return migrants in the age group 20‑39 captured in the 2021 data is largely driven by returns reported as having occurred in the years immediately preceding enumeration, with especially strong representation of those aged 20‑29. This marks a sharper concentration of recent return among younger cohorts than observed in the 2011 census, where returns were still centred on younger adults but displayed a relatively larger presence of older age groups (Figure 4.5).
The 2021 data also point to a slight shift in the gender profile of younger returnees. Among individuals aged 20‑29 who reported returning most recently, women slightly outnumber men, a pattern not observed in the 2011 census, when men accounted for a higher share of returnees across most age groups, including among younger adults. Gender differences remain more limited in the 30‑39 age group, while men continue to represent a larger share of returnees at older working ages. Taken together, the evidence suggests that recent return migration captured in the 2021 census is increasingly shaped by younger, and in the youngest cohort, more female, return flows, alongside continuing male predominance at later career stages. The concentration of recent return migrants in the 20‑39 age group also broadly mirrors the patterns seen in Chapter 1, with recent years showing a growing share of young cohorts among Greek emigrants.
Greek return migrants by age and gender, by years since return, 2011 (top) and 2021 (bottom) census data
Note: Years since return reflect the reported year of return to Greece, captured retrospectively in the 2011 and 2021 censuses.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2011 and 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Three in five return migrants have completed tertiary education
Return migrants tend to be highly educated, with three in five (60%) having completed tertiary education (see Figure 4.6). This share exceeds that observed among Greek emigrants currently abroad: among recent emigrants, defined as those who arrived in the destination country less than five years ago, around half (50%) hold tertiary qualifications, while the share is lower among earlier cohorts, at about 46% among those who emigrated five to ten years ago. The educational profile of return migrants therefore reflects a positively selected group relative to the broader emigrant population.
The share of tertiary‑educated returnees is also considerably higher than among those who never emigrated, of whom 23% have completed tertiary education. Among non‑migrants, 23% completed at most primary education and 54% completed at most post‑secondary non‑tertiary education, shares that are significantly higher than among those who have lived abroad, of whom just 11% completed at most primary education and 29% at most post‑secondary non‑tertiary education.
Greek return migrants and those who never left Greece by highest level of education attained, ages 15 and above, 2021 census
Note: Primary education includes those who have started primary education but not completed it (ISCED 0‑1). Similarly, secondary education includes those who have started secondary education but not completed it, as well as those who have completed post-secondary non-tertiary education (ISCED 2‑4). For the purposes of this analysis, non-migrants are defined as Greek‑born Greek citizens who reported never having lived abroad at the time of the census.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Return migrants to Greece in the 2021 census were more highly educated than those arriving in earlier periods and captured in the 2011 census. Around 60% of returnees in the 2021 census held tertiary level degree, compared to around 45% among return migrants in the 2011 census. The shift towards higher educated return migrants over time is largely driven by rising shares of returnees with master’s and doctoral qualifications (see Figure 4.7). A more detailed analysis of the return of Greek doctoral holders is provided in Chapter 5. Within the group of tertiary educated return migrants in the 2021 census, those arriving more recently tend to be slightly more likely to have a bachelor’s degree than a master’s degree compared to those that settled in the years before, the differences are small.
By contrast, in the 2011 census results, return migration was more concentrated among individuals with lower levels of education: those with primary or secondary education accounted for roughly 50% (among those arriving 3‑5 years before the census enumeration) to 56% (among those who arrived just before the census enumeration) of all returnees, while the combined share of individuals holding a tertiary education degrees was substantially lower than among return migrants in the 2021 census. These shifts indicate an increase in the education level of return migrants after 2011, with more recent returnees bringing significantly higher levels of tertiary and postgraduate training than those who returned a decade earlier.
As outlined in Chapter 6, recent reforms aim to improve conditions for skilled professionals and strengthen incentives for highly qualified Greeks abroad to return. The census evidence presented here shows that such policies have the potential to reinforce an already substantial inflow of tertiary‑educated workers, provided that reintegration pathways and labour market absorption continue to improve.
Educational attainment of Greek return migrants, ages 15 and above, by years since return, 2011 census and 2021 census
Note: Primary education includes those who have started primary education but not completed it (ISCED 0‑1). Similarly, secondary education includes those who have started secondary education but not completed it, as well as those who have completed post-secondary non-tertiary education (ISCED 2‑4). As the census collection began in October 2016, the year 2016 is not included in this figure. Years since returned is captured retrospectively in the 2011 and 2021 population censuses.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Over four in five returning Greek emigrants previously lived in Europe
Among Greek emigrants returning between 2016 and 2021, as captured in the 2021 census, the vast majority had previously lived elsewhere in Europe, which accounted for 83% of all returns. More than half of returnees (56%) came back from EU member states, underlining the continued importance of intra‑EU mobility for Greek migrants (see Figure 4.8). A further 9% returned from North America, while the remaining 8% came from a wide range of other destinations across Asia, Oceania, Africa, and the Caribbean, Central and South America.
Region of previous residence of Greek return migrants, by years since return, 2021 census
Note: The 2021 census period covers 23 October–31 December 2016 and 1 January–22 October 2021. As a result, 2016 is not included in this figure and 2021 (corresponding to 0 years since return) should be interpreted with caution. While the census allows returnees to be classified by specific country of previous residence, it does not permit the analysis of country of previous residence in combination with duration of return within the reference period.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Looking more closely at countries of previous residence, Germany and the United Kingdom remain the two main origin countries, together accounting for just over two‑fifths of all returnees. However, the relative importance of these destinations differs across return cohorts captured in the two most recent census rounds. Germany’s share declined markedly, falling from 31% among return migrants recorded in the 2011 census to 22% among those recorded in the 2021 census, while returns from the United Kingdom remained broadly stable at around 20% (see Figure 4.9).
At the same time, returns from several neighbouring or traditionally close destinations increased. Cyprus stands out, with its share doubling from 5% to 10%, while smaller but notable increases are observed for Bulgaria, the Netherlands and Switzerland. By contrast, returns from major long‑distance destinations declined, including a reduction in the share returning from the United States, from 9% to 6%.
Country of previous residence of Greek return migrants, 2011 census and 2021 census
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Three in five return migrants settled in the regions of Attica and Central Macedonia
In both the 2011 and 2021 censuses, more than half of all return migrants resettled in Attica and Central Macedonia, home to Greece’s two major urban centres, the Athens metropolitan area and Thessaloniki. Returns to Attica increased markedly over time, rising from 35% in 2011 to 42% in 2021, indicating a growing concentration of returnees in the country’s largest and most economically dynamic metropolitan region. By contrast, the shares settling in Central Macedonia and Eastern Macedonia and Thrace declined slightly, from 20% to 18% and 10% to 8%, respectively (see Table 4.1). Because information on the regional distribution of emigrants prior to departure is not available, it is not possible to directly compare these return patterns with the geography of outflows from Greece. What can be assessed, however, is the extent to which return migrants resettle in their region of birth, a pattern examined in Figure 4.11.
These regional shifts are also reflected in patterns of previous residence abroad among returnees. In the 2021 census, returns from EU countries dominated in much of mainland Greece: EU origins accounted for 77% of returns to Western Greece, 76% to Epirus, 74% to Thessaly, 72% to Eastern Macedonia and Thrace, and 71% to Central Macedonia (see Figure 4.10).
Attica, however, stands out for its more globally diversified profile: only 45% of returnees had previously lived in EU member states, while a comparatively large share (36%) came from non‑EU European countries (likely a large share of whom are coming from the United Kingdom). A number of other regions, including the Ionian Islands (27%), Crete (27%), Western Macedonia (25%), and Eastern Macedonia and Thrace (24%), also display sizeable non‑EU European return channels.
Long‑distance return linkages are concentrated in coastal and island regions. Returns from North America are most common to the Peloponnese (28%), the Ionian Islands (23%), and the South and North Aegean (20% and 19%). Notably, these are three regions with the lowest rates of return from EU countries. Oceania-linked return flows are especially visible in the South Aegean (15%) and present in the North Aegean (8%), the Ionian Islands (6%), and Western Macedonia (6%), reflecting longer‑standing migration networks with Australia.
Geographic distribution of Greek return migrants, 2011 census and 2021 census
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Taken together, these findings highlight how return migration to Greece reflects both metropolitan concentration and diverse regional linkages. The growing share of returnees settling in the Athens metropolitan area suggests a strengthening pull toward the country’s principal economic, educational and administrative centre, while Thessaloniki continues to play an important role as the second major urban destination. At the same time, settlement patterns across the rest of the country reveal distinct return corridors: EU‑centred return flows dominate much of the northern and western mainland, whereas island and coastal regions attract returnees from long-standing and long-distance destinations, particularly North America and Oceania.
Geographic distribution by region of previous residence of Greek return migrants, 2021 census
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Return migrants in Greece overwhelmingly tend to resettle in the region in which they were born, and this tendency is more pronounced among more recently settled return migrants across all regions. Nationwide in 2021, the share of returnees living in their region of origin was 77% among those who returned 3‑5 years prior to the census enumeration in 2021 compared to 80% among those who returned less than 3 years before the census enumeration, a pattern that may reflect a heightened propensity to return to familiar environments during the COVID‑19 pandemic (see Figure 4.11). Resettlement back to the place of origin is particularly pronounced in Northern Greece, where the share of return migrants that returned to their birth region was between 82% (for those that returned 3‑5 years earlier) and 84% (for those who spent less than three years since return), and in Central Greece, where the respective shares were77% and 81%. Even in regions traditionally associated with higher mobility, such as Attica, the Aegean Islands and Crete, the proportion of returnees resettling in their region of birth was slightly higher among more recent return migrants. These patterns suggest a strong preference among return migrants to reestablish themselves in familiar local contexts, where family networks, housing ties and social support remain particularly strong.
Share of Greek return migrants whose current region of residence is the same as their place of birth, by years since return, 2021 census
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Understanding why Greek emigrants choose to return can help with interpreting broader mobility patterns and designing policies that effectively support reintegration. Return decisions often reflect a combination of personal, economic, and family considerations, and shifts in these motivations can signal changing conditions both abroad and in Greece.
Repatriation is the dominant reason for return, followed by return for work
Reasons for return among Greek emigrants show broad stability across return cohorts, with repatriation consistently the main driver (see Figure 4.12). Across all cohorts captured in the 2011 and 2021 censuses, more than four in ten returnees cite repatriation as their primary reason, rising among the most recent returnees. Work‑related motives are the second most common, accounting for roughly 15‑22% of returns depending on the cohort, while family reunification remains stable at around 13‑15% and study‑related returns are limited (6‑7%). A clear pattern is that employment‑related motives are less prominent among cohorts whose return coincided with periods of heightened economic or global uncertainty, including the sovereign‑debt crisis and the onset of the COVID‑19 pandemic, when repatriation considerations played a relatively larger role.
Greek return migrants by reason for return and years since return, 2011 census and 2021 census
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Across different regions of previous residence, the motivations for return reveal distinct patterns. Repatriation remains the predominant driver everywhere, but it is especially pronounced among returnees from Oceania (66%) and North America (65%), where long-distance separation and the fact that these migrant cohorts are older likely play a stronger role in prompting a return for repatriation rather than work or study (see Figure 4.13).
By contrast, returnees from European countries outside the EU report a more varied set of reasons: while nearly half (47%) return for repatriation, a comparatively high share cite work-related motives (23%) or studies (8%). Return migrants from the EU, Africa, and Asia display broadly similar profiles, with repatriation accounting for just over half of returns (52‑53%) and work emerging as the second most common reason (20%). Meanwhile, those returning from the Caribbean, Central and South America show the most balanced distribution of motives, combining relatively high shares of repatriation (49%), work (21%), and family reunification (19%).
Greek return migrants by reason for return migration and region of previous residence, 2021 census
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Reasons for return vary systematically with age. Among 20‑29 year‑olds, studies (16%) are a distinctive driver alongside work (19%), while repatriation (44%) remains the most common motive (see Figure 4.14). In 30‑39 and 40‑49, work peaks (29% and 28%, respectively) as career reintegration becomes central, yet repatriation still accounts for roughly half of returns (49‑50%), with family reunification steady at 13‑14% and studies fading to marginal shares (4‑1%). From 50‑59 onward, return is increasingly anchored in repatriation (52% at 50‑59, 70% at 60‑69, 76% at 70+), while work recedes and family reunification remains broadly stable (12‑16%). The 2011 census data show very similar patterns.
Greek return migrants by age and reason for return, ages 20 and above, 2021 census
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Return migrants often arrive with valuable international experience and skills, yet their contribution depends on whether they can transition smoothly into suitable jobs, navigate recognition of qualifications, and access the incentives designed to attract them back. Examining labour market outcomes therefore provides a critical lens on the effectiveness of existing measures and helps identify where additional support may be needed to ensure that Greeks return and can fully deploy their skills.
Labour market reintegration is uneven across regions, with Attica showing the strongest outcomes
Return migrants who arrived more recently are less likely to be economically active than those who returned earlier. Those who returned in 2016 show the highest level of labour force participation, at 70%, while labour force participation falls with year since return: 64% for those returning in 2019; 61% in 2020 and 54% in 2021 (see Figure 4.15). A similar timing‑related gradient appears across all regions: more recently arrived return migrants are less likely to be active in the labour market. In Northern Greece, labour force participation ranges from 63% among those who returned in 2016 to 46% among those arriving in 2021. The pattern is comparable in Central Greece (from 67% to 51%), while Attica consistently records the highest activity levels (from 77% to 65%), suggesting that returnees entering the capital region may transition into employment or job‑seeking somewhat more rapidly. The Aegean Islands and Crete follow the same timing‑driven pattern, with labour force participation falling from 65% to 49% across the period.
These differences are best interpreted as features of the reintegration process. Returning to Greece typically involves a series of steps, such as updating administrative documentation, securing housing, re‑establishing local networks and searching for suitable employment, all of which take time. Return migrants who arrived only shortly before the census had less opportunity to complete this transition and are therefore more likely to appear temporarily outside the labour force. Seen in this light, the regional differences also offer insight into where reintegration may be faster: Attica’s smaller decline across cohorts suggests that its larger and more diversified labour market provides more immediate entry points into employment. For a more detailed breakdown by region, see Annex Table 4.A.2 in the Annex 4.A.
Economic activity of Greek return migrants by region, all ages, by year since return, 2021 census
Note: Years since return to Greece is captured retrospectively in the 2011 and 2021 censuses.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Unemployment was most pronounced during the economic crisis
Employment outcomes among Greek return migrants display clear cohort patterns that reflect both broader economic conditions and the time required for reintegration into the labour market. Earlier cohorts take time to reintegrate, beginning at 60% for returnees who settled in 2006 and falling progressively to 57% for those who settled in 2007, 54% for those returning in 2008, and 51% for the 2009 cohort. The sharpest drops appear for those returning during the most acute phase of the economic crisis, with employment rates decreasing to 39% for the 2010 cohort and reaching a low of 27% among individuals who returned in 2011 (see Figure 4.16).
More recent cohorts exhibit a similar trajectory, though starting from significantly higher initial employment levels. Returnees arriving in 2016 recorded the strongest outcomes, with 72% employed. This is followed by 69% for 2017 returnees, 66% for 2018, 61% for 2019, and 57% for those returning in 2020. The most recent group, returnees from 2021, essentially only including individuals returning with a job offer, shows an employment rate of 46%.
Employment rates of Greek return migrants by years since return, ages 15‑69, 2011 and 2021 census
Note: Year since return to Greece is captured retrospectively in the 2011 and 2021 censuses.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Comparing return migrants with non‑migrants provides important insight into how effectively returnees re‑enter the Greek labour market and how this process evolves across the life course. The data show that return migrants are slightly more likely to be employed than non‑migrants at younger ages (50% vs. 48% among those aged 20‑29) (see Figure 4.17). However, this pattern reverses from age 30 onwards. Non‑migrants maintain higher employment levels through mid‑career stages, reaching 76% in both the 30‑39 and 40‑49 age groups, compared with 74% and 71% among return migrants. The gap widens further at older ages: among individuals aged 50‑59, employment among returnees falls to 56%, 9 percentage points (p.p.) lower than among non‑migrants (65%).
This divergence becomes especially pronounced in the 60‑69 age group, where only 16% of return migrants are employed, compared with 23% of non‑migrants. At these ages, lower employment among return migrants is likely to reflect, at least in part, earlier or more frequent transitions into retirement following return, alongside reduced incentives or opportunities to re‑engage in paid employment late in the working life. Taken together, the patterns suggest that while younger returnees tend to reintegrate relatively well, labour‑market participation among older return migrants is shaped both by reintegration challenges and by life‑course factors related to retirement.
Employment rates of Greek return migrants and those who never left Greece by age, ages 20‑69, 2021 census
Note: For the purposes of this analysis, non-migrants are defined as Greek‑born Greek citizens who reported never having lived abroad at the time of the census.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Educational attainment is a key determinant of labour market integration for Greek return migrants
Unemployment rates among return migrants in 2021 were higher for return cohorts observed closer to the census date, consistent with the time needed to re‑enter local labour markets and with broader macroeconomic conditions. Among those who returned less than three years prior to the census enumeration, unemployment stood at 25%, above the 16% observed for who had returned 3‑5 years prior to the census enumeration, suggesting many recent returnees were still in transition at the time of enumeration (see Figure 4.18). In the 2011 census, unemployment reached 32% for recently returned migrants, compared with 21% among those who had returned 3‑5 years prior to the census enumeration, likely also reflecting the severe labour market stress during Greece’s economic crisis. Taken together, these patterns indicate that both reintegration timing and contextual shocks, i.e. the economic crisis in the late 2000s and the COVID‑19 pandemic in 2020‑2021, contributed to higher unemployment among the most recently returned cohorts.
Unemployment rates of Greek return migrants, ages 15 and above, by years since return, 2011 census and 2021 census
Note: Year since return to Greece is captured retrospectively in the 2011 and 2021 censuses.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Upon a closer look at all returnees captured in the 2021 census, educational differentials are also evident across the broader population of economically active return migrants. Only 12% of those with doctoral degrees and 15% of those with master’s degrees are unemployed, levels that are at or below Greece’s overall 2021 unemployment rate of 14.8% (see Figure 4.19). In contrast, nearly 40% of returnees with at most primary education and approximately one‑third of those with lower or upper secondary education are unemployed. Among individuals with post-secondary non-tertiary, short-cycle tertiary, or bachelor’s education, roughly one in four is unemployed, with the largest reduction in unemployment observed between bachelor’s and master’s degrees (an 8‑p.p. decline). These disparities highlight that higher qualifications remain a critical buffer against unemployment, though even skilled returnees have experienced increasing vulnerability in recent years.
Unemployment rates of economically active Greek return migrants by educational attainment, ages 15 and above, 2021 census
Note: The reference line represents the average employment rate in 2021, which stood at 14.8%. Those in the categories “Illiterate” and ISCED level 0 are not included due to small sample size.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens. OECD, Unemployment rates.
Across all years, highly educated returnees show faster and more stable reintegration, with the lowest unemployment among doctoral degree holders, ranging from 7‑9% among those who returned 3‑5 years before the 2021 census enumeration to 14% among those who returned 1 year before the census enumeration and 17% among those returning the same year as the census. This likely reflects that many recent return migrants were still in transition phase and had not yet fully settled (see Figure 4.20). Master’s degree holders follow a similar trajectory: unemployment remained relatively contained for those who spent longer duration in the country since return (9‑11% among those who returned 3‑5 years ago) and for cohorts observed closer to the census date reaches 17% in 2020 and 22% in 2021. Bachelor’s level returnees exhibit the steepest gradient, from 11% for those who spent 5 years in the country to 33% for those who just returned, indicating that individuals with undergraduate qualifications may experience a longer adjustment period, particularly in years marked by broader labour market disruptions such as the COVID‑19 pandemic.
Taken together, these patterns underscore two central dynamics. First, unemployment rates are higher for returnees who arrived close to the census year, as many have not yet completed the reintegration process. Second, while higher education consistently facilitates a quicker and more stable return to employment, the transition is not immediate, even for the highly skilled. The comparative resilience of doctoral and master’s level returnees highlights the value of advanced qualifications in smoothing re‑entry into the labour market, while the more gradual integration of bachelor’s degree‑holders points to structural constraints and varying levels of labour market absorption across skill tiers.
Unemployment rates of economically active Greek tertiary educated return migrants, ages 15 and above, by educational attainment and years since return
Note: Year since return to Greece is captured retrospectively in the 2011 and 2021 censuses.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Nearly half of all returnees work as professionals, while fewer than one in five non-migrants occupy professional roles
Nearly half of all returnees work as professionals (47%), far exceeding the share among non-migrants (18%), reflecting the strong tertiary-educated composition of the returnee population and their tendency to re‑enter high-skilled roles (see Figure 4.21). In contrast, non-migrants are far more concentrated in mid and lower-skilled occupations: service and sales workers (25%), skilled agricultural and fishery workers (8%), and elementary occupations (8%), compared with much smaller shares among return migrants (17%, 2%, and 3% respectively). Managerial, clerical, and technical roles show broadly similar levels across the two groups, with 4% of both groups working as managers and around 9‑11% as clerical support workers and technicians and associate professionals. Overall, the distribution suggests that return migrants are substantially more likely to reintegrate into high-skilled roles, particularly as professionals, while non-migrants remain more heavily represented in routine, service sector, and manual occupations.
Occupational distribution of Greek return migrants and non-migrants, ages 15 and above, 2021 census
Note: For the purposes of this analysis, non-migrants are defined as Greek‑born Greek citizens who reported never having lived abroad at the time of the census.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
The occupational profile of return migrants observed in the 2021 census is largely stable across return cohorts, with little variation by time since return. Regardless of whether return occurred three to five years prior to enumeration or more recently, around half of returnees work as professionals, and the distribution across other occupational groups remains broadly unchanged. This suggests that occupational reintegration does not substantially evolve with time spent back in Greece, at least as observed at the point of the 2021 census.
Almost half of return migrants in professional occupations are working in health, science, and engineering
Among those employed in professional roles, return migrants are particularly concentrated in science and engineering (22%) and health professions (23%). By contrast, non‑migrants are much more heavily represented in teaching professions (37% compared with 17% among return migrants) (see Figure 4.22). Return migrants also account for a comparatively larger share of ICT professionals (9% versus 5%). In other professional fields – such as business and administration as well as legal, social and cultural professions – the occupational distributions of return migrants and non‑migrants are broadly similar.
Occupational distribution of Greek return migrants and those who never left Greece, ages 15 and above, 2021 census
Note: For the purposes of this analysis, non-migrants are defined as Greek‑born Greek citizens who reported never having lived abroad at the time of the census.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Among return migrants recorded in the 2021 census and employed in professional occupations, the occupational distribution varies somewhat by time since return (see Figure 4.23). Science and engineering professionals consistently represent one of the largest groups across all return cohorts. By contrast, health professionals are relatively less represented among the most recent return cohorts, a pattern likely linked to pandemic‑related disruptions affecting mobility and labour‑market conditions at the time of return. It should be noted that legislative reforms introduced in 2025 to enable the automatic recognition of qualifications of medical professionals trained abroad are not reflected in the census data and their effects, if any, will only be observable in future data (see Chapter 6). Teaching professionals, by contrast, account for a larger share among more recent return cohorts, while ICT and business‑related professions are also more prevalent among recent returnees. Legal, social and cultural professions display little variation across cohorts, indicating a broadly stable occupational presence.
Occupational distribution (ISCO 21‑26) of economically active Greek return migrants in professional occupations (ISCO 2), ages 15 and above, by years since return, 2021 census
Note: Years of return to Greece are captured retrospectively in the 2011 and 2021 censuses.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Self-employment remains more prevalent among Greeks who never migrated
Among Greek returnees recorded in the 2021 census, self‑employment remains a relatively limited mode of labour‑market engagement (see Figure 4.24). Return migrants who had been back in Greece for 3 to 5 years are more likely to be self‑employed with personnel (around 7%) than those who returned more recently (around 4%), while self‑employment without personnel shows only modest variation across cohorts, remaining broadly within the 13‑17% range.
These differences are best interpreted as reflecting reintegration timing rather than shifts in entrepreneurial behaviour. Establishing a business, particularly one employing others, typically requires time, access to capital, and familiarity with local administrative and market conditions. As a result, return migrants who arrived closer to the census enumeration are less likely to appear as self‑employed, especially with personnel. Overall, the evidence suggests that while some returnees do transition into entrepreneurship over time, self‑employment is not a dominant immediate pathway upon return, and business creation tends to emerge gradually rather than at the point of re‑entry.
Self-employment rates of Greek return migrants, ages 15 and above, by years since return, 2021 census
Note: The share of self employment is calculated as the number of self employed individuals divided by the total number of individuals in employment. The 2021 census period covers 23 October–31 December 2016 and 1 January–22 October 2021. As a result, 2016 and 2021 should be interpreted with caution. Years since return to Greece are captured retrospectively in the 2011 and 2021 censuses.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Self‑employment is more prevalent among individuals who have remained in Greece (25%) than among those who have lived abroad and returned (19%). Regional patterns also differ between return migrants and non‑migrants. Across most regions, self‑employment, both with and without personnel, is more common among the population that has not experienced emigration. An exception is self‑employment without personnel in the Attica region, where return migrants report slightly higher rates. Attica nonetheless records the lowest overall levels of self‑employment for both groups. By contrast, Central Greece exhibits the highest incidence of self‑employment without personnel, reaching 18% among return migrants and 25% among non‑migrants (see Figure 4.25), corresponding to the largest observed gap between the two groups, at seven p.p.
Self-employment rates of Greek return migrants and of those who never left Greece by region, ages 15 and above, 2021 census
Note: The share of self‑employment is calculated as the number of self‑employed individuals divided by the total number of individuals in employment.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Among the inactive, return migrants are more likely to be students than those who never migrated
Economic inactivity among return migrants provides additional insight into how their circumstances differ from those of non‑migrants. Among inactive returnees, students constitute the largest group (40%), compared with 34% among non‑migrants, highlighting the prominence of study‑related transitions among those who have returned from abroad (see Figure 4.26). By contrast, pensioners account for a smaller share of inactive returnees (33%) than among inactive non‑migrants (40%). Return migrants are also slightly more likely to report capital income as their main status (3%, compared with virtually none among non‑migrants), suggesting the presence of financial resources or arrangements maintained outside Greece. In other inactivity categories, such as housekeeping and other statuses, the distributions of returnees and non‑migrants are broadly similar.
Activity status among economically inactive Greek return migrants and those who never left Greece, all ages, 2021 census
Note: For the purposes of this analysis, non-migrants are defined as Greek‑born Greek citizens who reported never having lived abroad at the time of the census.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
While Greek census data provide valuable insights into the outcomes of return migrants to Greece, targeted surveys can capture the motivations behind decisions to stay abroad or return, as well as more about the experiences of those who do return.
Improved professional prospects, tax relief and improved quality of life could incentivise return
A recent online survey of Greeks living in Greece and abroad provides additional insight into return intentions and the institutional conditions shaping return decisions (Metron Analysis, 2025[6]). The survey was conducted in 2025 using a structured online questionnaire and targeted men and women aged 20‑50 residing in Greece and in countries of destination. The final sample comprised 848 respondents, combining visitors to in.gr with participants drawn from an online panel; results were post‑stratified by age and gender. While not based on a fully probabilistic design, the survey was explicitly designed to capture population groups most exposed to emigration and return decisions and is therefore best interpreted as providing indicative evidence on attitudes and intentions rather than population‑level estimates.
In the final sample, 73% of respondents resided in Greece, while 27% lived abroad at the time of the survey. Among emigrants, around half reported having left Greece during the crisis period of 2010‑2018, while a further 38% migrated after 2019, pointing to the persistence of outward mobility beyond the peak crisis years. More recent emigrants were disproportionately represented among younger respondents and women, in line with broader evidence on the evolving profile of post‑crisis emigration.
Intentions to return in the short term appear limited. Overall, 85% of emigrants reported that they were unlikely to return within the next two years, with this share rising to 92% among respondents aged 20‑30, suggesting particularly low short‑term return propensity among younger cohorts. When asked about potential factors that could motivate a return, respondents most frequently cited competitive remuneration packages (52%), followed by tax relief measures to reduce the financial cost of return (36%) and improvements in work – life balance (25%).
The survey also highlights a range of perceived structural barriers to return. Respondents pointed to limited trust in Greek institutions, weak or uncertain professional prospects, concerns about career advancement opportunities, and deficits in meritocracy as key deterrents. Together, these findings suggest that, despite strong emotional, social or cultural attachment to Greece, many emigrants remain sceptical about the country’s capacity to offer stable and rewarding career pathways that would justify a near‑term return.
Nearly half of Greek return migrants report challenges adjusting to life back in Greece
To better understand the characteristics and experiences of return migrants, the National Documentation Centre (EKT) commissioned a survey published in October 2024 (Kapa Research / EKT, 2024[7]). Its aim was to map the socio‑economic profile, motivations, and reintegration experiences of returnees, with particular attention to their potential contribution to Greece’s development. The survey is based on a relatively limited sample of 602 return migrants, defined as individuals aged 18 and above who had lived and worked abroad during 2010‑2019 and are now employed in Greece. The sample was constructed using a multistage stratified design with quotas for key demographic variables (gender, age, and region), aligned with 2021 census benchmarks to support representativeness across Greece’s 13 regions. Data collection followed a mixed-mode approach, combining primarily online questionnaire with a smaller number of telephone interviews to improve coverage. While this design ensures a reasonably balanced sample, it remains partly non-probability-based, particularly due to online recruitment, and may therefore be subject to some selection bias.
According to the survey, returnees are predominantly active in the private sector (50%) or are self‑employed or business owners (26%), while smaller shares work in the public sector (11%) or are unemployed (6%). Notably, 7% work remotely for employers based abroad, reflecting the growing prevalence of hybrid and remote work arrangements. The survey also indicates that self‑employed individuals are somewhat over‑represented relative to census data, a difference that may reflect sample composition or the stronger engagement of entrepreneurial returnees with survey participation.
Employment among returnees is concentrated in construction (11%), ICT (10%), education (10%), consulting (7%), and healthcare (7%), followed by wholesale and retail trade, tourism, and the energy and renewables sector. A strong majority report making active use of their international experience: 74% apply skills acquired abroad in their current role, and 73% believe this experience has enhanced their competitiveness in the Greek labour market.
Income levels vary considerably. The largest group earns EUR 1 001‑1 500 per month (29%), followed by those earning EUR 1 501‑3 000 (27%). At the lower end, 22% report monthly earnings below EUR 1 000, while 17% earn more than EUR 3 000. These income levels remain below broader wage benchmarks in Greece, which itself lags behind the OECD average monthly wage of approximately EUR 2 300. Despite these constraints, 40% of returnees report managing financially (31% somewhat easily and 9% very easily), and 44% express being somewhat or very satisfied with their working conditions.
Reintegration nonetheless presents challenges. Nearly half of respondents (46%) report difficulties adjusting to life back in Greece, although a comparable share express optimism about their future. Only 55% view Greece positively or somewhat positively as a place to live. When asked what would encourage return, respondents emphasised more effective institutions, stronger labour‑market meritocracy, and the modernisation of state structures, factors ranked ahead of macroeconomic improvement or sectoral convergence with other European countries (see Figure 4.27).
Finally, 14% of returnees report having benefited from targeted tax incentives, such as the reduced income‑tax regime for return migrants. Given the eligibility criteria associated with these measures (discussed in Chapter 6), this suggests that financial incentives alone are not a dominant driver of return, underscoring the importance of broader institutional and labour‑market conditions.
Greek return migrants’ responses to “What would help encourage the repatriation of more Greeks living abroad?”
Source: Kapa Research/EKT (2024[7]), Mapping the return of highly skilled Greeks: A study of the brain gain phenomenon, https://www.kaparesearch.com/project-items/mapping-the-return-of-highly-skilled-greeks-a-study-of-the-brain-gain-phenomenon/.
Taken together, the two surveys highlight a multifaceted picture of return migration to Greece. While many emigrants retain strong ties to the country, their short-term intention to return remains limited, mainly due to concerns about professional prospects, institutional effectiveness, and meritocracy. Those who do return often bring valuable skills, international experience and professional networks acquired in more competitive labour markets, including exposure to advanced technologies, modern management practices and high‑performance research or business environments. This pattern is consistent with recent Greece‑specific evidence showing that highly skilled returnees accumulate human capital and international linkages while abroad, which they are able to mobilise upon return (Labrianidis and Sykas, 2024[8]; Kapa Research / EKT, 2024[7]). Empirical research further suggests that these attributes can translate into measurable though modest gains in knowledge transfer and innovation. Using census‑scale data on Greek PhD holders, Labrianidis and Sykas (2024[8]) find that highly skilled return migrants have a limited but statistically significant positive effect on patenting activity and scientific citations in Greece, indicating a limited but tangible brain‑gain effect (Labrianidis and Sykas, 2024[8]). This evidence aligns with the broader literature on brain circulation, which shows that return migration and temporary mobility can partially offset the negative innovation effects of skilled emigration by facilitating the diffusion of knowledge, research practices and international collaboration networks (Mayr and Peri, 2008[9]; Batista et al., 2025[10]).
At the same time, the literature also underscores that such benefits are neither automatic nor fully realised in the absence of supportive domestic conditions. As the survey evidence from Greece shows, returnees frequently face adjustment challenges and lower earnings relative to OECD benchmarks. As a result, while financial incentives such as tax relief can facilitate return for some, the findings suggest that improvements in career opportunities, institutional quality, and everyday living conditions are equally central to making return migration more attractive, more sustainable, and more effective in leveraging the potential contributions of returning talent.
Chapter 5 will explore in more detail the specific return barriers faced by Greek researchers, while Chapter 6 will examine the current policy framework to encourage return migration and outline ways in which Greece can further strengthen its approach.
References
[10] Batista, C. et al. (2025), “Brain drain or brain gain? Effects of high-skilled international emigration on origin countries”, Science, Vol. 388/6749, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.adr8861.
[2] Gittins, T. and M. Fink (2015), “Return migration, informal learning, human capital development and SME internationalization in the CEE region: A systematic literature review”, Journal of East European Management Studies, Vol. 20/3, pp. 279-303, https://doi.org/10.5771/0949-6181-2015-3-279.
[5] Haas, H., S. Vezzoli and M. Villares-Varela (2019), Opening the Floodgates: European migration under restrictive and liberal border regimes 1950-2010, https://www.migrationinstitute.org/publications/opening-the-floodgates-european-migration-under-restrictive-and-liberal-border-regimes-1950-2010.
[7] Kapa Research / EKT (2024), Mapping the return of highly skilled Greeks: A study of the brain gain phenomenon, https://www.kaparesearch.com/project-items/mapping-the-return-of-highly-skilled-greeks-a-study-of-the-brain-gain-phenomenon/.
[8] Labrianidis, L. and T. Sykas (2024), “The Impact of Highly Skilled Returning Emigrants on the Origin Country’s Innovation Performance: Evidence from Greece”, in European Studies of Population, Population Studies in the Western Balkans, Springer International Publishing, Cham, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-53088-3_14.
[9] Mayr, K. and G. Peri (2008), Return Migration as a Channel of Brain Gain, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, https://doi.org/10.3386/w14039.
[6] Metron Analysis (2025), Έρευνα Κοινής Γνώμης για το Brain Drain| Brain Drain – Retain & Regain survey, conducted for in.gr.
[4] Triandafyllidou, A. and M. Maroufof (2008), “Immigration towards Greece at the Eve of the 21st Century: A Critical Assessment”, Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), https://www.eliamep.gr/wp-content/uploads/en/2009/02/immigration-towards-greece-at-the-eve-of-the-21st-century-a-critical-assessment.pdf.
[3] Vergeti, M. (2003), Παλιννόστηση και Κοινωνικός Αποκλεισμός’ (Return Migration and Social Exclusion), Thessalonica.
[1] Wahba, J. (2025), Return migration and economic development: opportunities and challenges, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107225.
Percentages, 2021 census, all ages or 15 and above where applicable or 20 and above where applicable
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.
Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT), 2021 Population and Housing Census: Statistical Data on Greece (Greek and Foreign Citizens), Athens.