This chapter provides an overview of the scale, composition, and geographic distribution of the Greek-born population residing in OECD countries. Drawing primarily on the OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries alongside complementary national and international sources, it documents the evolution of Greek emigration stocks over the past two decades, identifies the principal destination countries and regions, and examines shifts in age and gender structures. The chapter situates contemporary patterns within their historical context, highlighting how successive migration waves and the economic crisis of the late 2000s have shaped today’s diaspora. It further reviews evidence on citizenship acquisition, regional settlement patterns in key host countries, and outcomes of second-generation Greeks abroad.
A Review of Greek Emigrants
Abstract
More than 800 000 Greek‑born individuals lived in OECD countries in 2020/21. Following a modest decline between 2000 and 2005, the size of the Greek emigrant population in OECD countries grew steadily, with the sharpest increases during and after the global financial crisis.
Greece’s emigration rate is high compared with most European OECD countries. With an emigration rate of around 7% in 2020/21, Greece compares to Switzerland and is well above larger European economies such as Germany, Italy and France.
The Greek emigrant population is highly concentrated, with 12 countries hosting 93% of all Greek emigrants to OECD countries. Germany, the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom and Canada remain the primary destinations, reflecting long‑standing ties and established migration channels. At the same time, notable growth in destinations such as the Netherlands and Switzerland points to the emergence of more diversified mobility corridors within Europe.
The age structure of the Greek‑born population abroad points to an ageing but evolving diaspora. Individuals aged 65 and over represent a substantial and growing share of emigrants, particularly in traditional settlement countries such as Australia, the United States and Canada. Yet the increase in the shares of 15‑24 year‑olds in 2020/21 also suggests renewed education‑related and early-career mobility among younger Greeks.
Destination patterns have shifted toward intra‑European mobility over the past decade. While historical Greek communities in Australia, Canada and the United States continue to be sizeable, and the United Kingdom and Germany remain leading destination countries, growth since 2010/11 has been strongest in Northern and Western Europe, including the Netherlands, Norway, Luxembourg and Ireland, highlighting a reorientation of Greek mobility towards EU and neighbouring labour markets.
Across major destination countries, Greek-origin populations have become well-established and increasingly multigenerational. Germany and Sweden host substantial first and second-generation communities, Canada’s second generation now exceeds the Greek-born population, and the United States and Australia each contain large ancestry-based diasporas of more than 1 million and 425 000 persons respectively, reflecting historical settlement.
Regional settlement within major destination countries is highly concentrated, often centred around long‑standing hubs. Greek communities cluster in major metropolitan areas, such as Stockholm in Sweden, Ontario and Quebec in Canada, Victoria and New South Wales in Australia, and New York, California and Illinois in the United States. These geographic patterns reflect the combined effects of historic settlement, labour market opportunities and local diasporic networks.
Citizenship acquisition rates vary widely across destination countries, reflecting different migration histories and institutional contexts. In non‑EU countries with long‑established Greek communities, such as Australia, Canada and the United States, between 80% and 95% of Greek emigrants hold the citizenship of their host country. By contrast, in EU destinations, acquisition rates remain far lower, suggesting that free movement diminishes the need for naturalisation among Greek nationals.
This chapter provides an overview of the Greek-born population residing in OECD countries, offering a snapshot of the scale, geographic reach and demographic profile of Greece’s diaspora today. By focussing on migrant stocks, it captures the cumulative outcome of emigration over time, reflecting both long-standing migration corridors and more recent waves linked to economic and institutional developments.
The chapter identifies the main destination countries of Greek emigrants and examines how their age and gender compositions have evolved, highlighting changes in both the size and geographic distribution of the Greek-born population between 2000/01 and 2020/21.1 The chapter also includes a section on destination regions, as well as a section on second-generation Greeks living abroad, with a particular focus on main destination countries with available data. Finally, the chapter draws on available evidence to shed light on patterns of citizenship acquisition. See Box 1.1 for more information on the data sources used.
By establishing the migration patterns and profiles of the Greek diaspora and outlining the main data sources used in the report, this chapter provides the foundation for the subsequent analysis of emigration flows and labour market outcomes of Greek emigrants in OECD countries that follows in Chapters 2 and 3.
The first three chapters of this report draw primarily on two OECD data sources for its analysis of emigrant populations: the OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC) and the OECD International Migration Database. To complement these sources, the report also incorporates data from ELSTAT, as well as other national statistical sources, in order to reflect country‑specific trends where relevant.
OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2000/01, 2005/06, 2010/11, 2015/16, 2020/21
The Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC) covers the OECD destination countries for which data were collected both in 2000/01, 2005/06, 2010/11, 2015/16, and 2020/21. The main sources of DIOC data are national administrative registers and population censuses. In the censuses carried out in 2000/01, almost all OECD countries collected information on the country of origin of emigrants, so that it became possible to have a comprehensive overview of the numbers of migrants in OECD countries. Where census data was not available or incomplete, labour force surveys were used as a substitute (for more general information on DIOC, see (OECD, 2025[1]).
DIOC contains information on populations from more than 200 countries of origin residing in OECD destinations. The main variables are country of residence, country of birth, gender and level of education. Other variables – age, duration of stay, labour force status and occupation – can be cross-tabulated with the core variables but not always with each other. Data on employment and occupation are available for the population aged 15 years or older. For analytical purposes, references to OECD countries may also encompass OECD candidate countries (Bulgaria and Romania), reflecting their significance for Greece.
OECD International Migration Database
The OECD International Migration Database covers annual flows of legal migration. The annual flows of the foreign population (inflows and outflows by nationality) are estimated on the basis of national population registers, residence and/or work permits, and specific national surveys. This database is largely based on the individual contributions of national correspondents (the OECD Expert Group on Migration) and covers most OECD countries as well as the Baltic countries, Bulgaria and Romania. The data has not necessarily been harmonised internationally and should therefore be interpreted with caution. For example, flows to the United States only include permanent migrants, while other countries also include temporary migrants such as seasonal workers, students or refugees. In addition, the registration criteria and the conditions for obtaining a residence permit vary across countries, which has important repercussions on the measurements obtained. Finally, irregular migration is only partially covered, so it is important to note that actual migration flows are likely to be higher than legal migration flows.
Greek communities were established abroad long before the 21st century, but this review focusses primarily on the country’s more recent emigration while recognising that current patterns have historical roots. Throughout this period, Greek emigration has remained predominantly oriented towards OECD countries, reflecting long-standing migration corridors and institutional ties that continue to shape the geographic distribution of the diaspora today.
Contemporary mobility builds on deep‑rooted historical migration pathways
Two major waves of mass emigration followed the formation of the modern Greek state in the early 1830s. The first, between the late 19th and early 20th centuries, was largely driven by an economic crisis in 1893. From 1890‑1924, nearly one‑sixth of the population emigrated. This period also strengthened the sense of “Hellenism” abroad, giving rise to the concept of a global Greek diaspora (Kassimi and Kasimis, 2004[2]; Kasimis, 2013[3]).
The second wave, spanning from the 1950s to 1970s, saw over 1 million Greeks leave, motivated by economic opportunities as well as the aftermath of the 1946‑1949 civil war and the 1967‑1974 military junta. Germany, Australia, the United States and Canada were the principal destinations. The oil crises of the 1970s, along with restrictive immigration policies in receiving countries, reduced these flows and ultimately encouraged return migration. By the mid‑1980s, a substantial share of the post-war emigrants had returned, aided by Greece’s restored democracy in 1974 and the economic prospects that followed its accession to the European Economic Community in 1981 (Kassimi and Kasimis, 2004[2]; Kasimis, 2013[3]).
In 1988, remaining restrictions on the free movement of Greek workers within the European Community were lifted, expanding opportunities for mobility of Greek citizens, although this did not initially translate into large‑scale emigration. Mobility during this period was limited and primarily concerned specific groups, including minority populations and students or professionals seeking opportunities abroad (Labrianidis and Pratsinakis, 2016[4]).
Although outward mobility remained relatively moderate in the early 2000s, the global financial crisis of 2008, and Greece’s subsequent sovereign debt crisis, triggered a sharp rise in emigration. The rapid increase in unemployment, combined with prolonged economic uncertainty and fiscal adjustment programmes, prompted many young and highly educated Greeks to relocate (Cavounidis, 2015[5]).
The consequences of recent emigration waves are wide‑ranging and continue to shape Greece’s social and economic landscape. Emigration can, at once, lead to transnational networks; facilitate the transfer of knowledge, skills and professional practices; strengthen links to global labour markets; and support innovation and entrepreneurial activity. At the same time, sustained outflows also have long-term implications. In Greece, particular attention is paid to the continued loss of skilled workers which can affect the country’s future demographic and economic development. As such, this publication examines the composition and characteristics of the Greek diaspora, highlighting the key demographic patterns and defining features of Greece’s emigrant population.
The majority of Greek emigrants are located in OECD countries
The distribution of Greek emigrants across destination regions has remained highly concentrated in OECD countries over the past three decades. According to UNDESA data, OECD destinations have consistently hosted the vast majority of Greek-born migrants, accounting for around 90% of the total stock in 1990. This share declined only slightly over time, reaching 88% by 2024 (Figure 1.1). Outside the OECD, Greek-born populations are primarily located in neighbouring countries, particularly Albania and Cyprus, followed by Bulgaria and Romania.
Share of Greek-born emigrants in OECD destination countries, 1990-2024
Source: UN DESA, Population Division – International Migrant Stock (IMS), 2024 revision.
This report focusses primarily on Greek emigration to, and the presence of Greek-born migrants in OECD countries. This section outlines the overall size and long-term evolution of the Greek emigrant population in OECD countries, drawing on data from the OECD’s Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries, to understand changes in the total number of Greek‑born individuals living abroad.
Over 800 000 Greek emigrants were residing in OECD countries in 2020/21
Several estimates for the total number of Greeks residing abroad have been advanced in recent years, and the figure depends on who is counted as a Greek abroad. In this review, the term “Greek emigrants” is largely reserved for persons who were born in Greece but reside abroad (see Box 1.2). Censuses conducted across OECD countries establish that just under 750 000 Greek emigrants aged 15 and above resided in OECD countries in 2020/21 (see Box 1.1 for more about the data sources). When including Greek-born children aged below 15, the total number of Greek emigrants abroad reaches just over 810 000.
There is no single definition that captures all those who might reasonably be regarded as Greeks abroad. The definition most frequently used in the context of emigration identifies “Greeks abroad” as persons who were born in Greece but reside abroad. The main alternative is to identify “Greeks abroad” as Greek citizens who reside abroad.
Both definitions have advantages and disadvantages. The group of Greek-born persons does not include individuals who were born elsewhere but hold Greek citizenship, such as children of Greek citizens born abroad or persons who acquired Greek citizenship but do not live in Greece. This definition does include persons who were born in Greece to foreign parents and who reside abroad nor does it include those who either never obtained Greek citizenship or later gave it up. In the case of Greece, a country with a long history of emigration, the definition based on citizenship could possibly be more relevant than that based on country of birth because the former would allow coverage of the descendants of emigrants. Due to reasons of data availability, this review employs the definition based on country of birth but also presents certain results for Greek citizens.
“Diaspora” is a broader concept that also lacks a single definition. Unlike definitions based strictly on birthplace or citizenship, “diaspora” refers to populations that maintain real or perceived connections to a country of origin across multiple generations. This includes first‑generation emigrants as well as their descendants, regardless of whether they hold the country’s citizenship or were born there. Diaspora communities are typically understood through shared elements such as heritage, identity, cultural affinity, or ongoing social, economic, or professional ties to the ancestral homeland. This definition captures a wider circle of people of Greek origin who may meaningfully engage with Greece, even when they fall outside formal statistical categories based on birthplace or citizenship.
Overall, the number of Greek emigrants residing in the OECD has shown a sustained upward trend over the past two decades, rising from just under 700 000 in the early 2000s to just over 811 000 by 2020 (see Figure 1.2). More specifically, the stock of Greek emigrants in OECD countries declined slightly between 2000 and 2005, before increasing steadily thereafter. The onset of the Greek financial crisis in 2008‑2009 and the deep recession that followed marked the period with the highest growth in emigration from Greece: the number of emigrants abroad jumped from 707 000 in 2010 to 782 000 in 2015.
Stock of Greek-born emigrants in OECD destination countries, all ages, 2000/01 to 2020/21
Note: For analytical purposes, besides OECD Member countries, destination countries here also encompass OECD candidate countries Bulgaria and Romania, reflecting their significance for emigration from Greece in recent years.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2000/01‑2020/21.
Between 2010/11 and 2020/21, most European countries recorded an increase in the size of their emigrant populations, although the magnitude of this growth differed considerably across origins. Poland and Spain saw the fastest expansions among the selected countries, with their emigrant populations rising by 41% and 44%, respectively (see Figure 1.3). France also experienced substantial growth of 26%, while Italy recorded a more moderate increase of 11%. In contrast, Germany and the United Kingdom registered comparatively modest changes (both 5%), and Denmark showed almost no change (1%), indicating relatively stable levels of outward mobility over the decade.
Greece’s emigrant population in OECD countries increased from about 707 000 nationals in 2010/11 to 811 000 in 2020/21, a rise of 15%. This places Greece in the mid‑range of European countries: the growth is significantly lower than in countries such as Poland and Spain, but more pronounced than in countries like Germany and the United Kingdom. Greece’s evolution reflects steady outward mobility over the decade, substantial enough to indicate continued emigration, but not on the same scale as the diaspora expansion observed in several other European countries.
Stock of emigrant population from selected OECD countries (left scale), growth 2010/11 to 2020/21 in percentages (right scale), all ages
Note: The growth rate is the difference between the levels in 2010/11 and 2020/21, as a percentage of the level in 2010/11.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2010/11‑2020/21.
While Greece has a relatively small Greek‑born population in OECD countries in absolute numbers, its rate of emigration is high relative to many other OECD countries. Ireland, New Zealand and Poland stand out among the comparison countries as exhibiting particularly high emigration rates in 2020/21, at 14.9%, 13.2% and 12.8% respectively, with Poland’s rate almost doubling compared with 2000/01 (see Figure 1.4). Greece follows among the higher‑emigration countries, with an emigration rate of 7.2% in 2020/21, a level comparable to that observed in Switzerland (7.3%) and the United Kingdom (6.6%). Greece’s position contrasts with that of several large Western European economies, which host much larger emigrant populations in absolute terms but display more moderate emigration rates, including Germany (4.9%), Italy (4.4%) and France (3.0%).
Emigration rates from selected origin countries in the OECD, ages 15 and above, 2000/01 to 2020/21
Note: The emigration rate corresponds to the share of persons born in a country who reside abroad, relative to the total number of persons born in that country, regardless of their current place of residence.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2000/01‑2020/21.
This section presents key socio‑demographic characteristics of the Greek-born emigrants in OECD countries, focussing on patterns by age, gender, and marital status. These indicators offer an overview of the population structure of Greeks abroad. For detailed information on educational attainment and labour market integration, readers are referred to Chapter 3.
More than half of Greek emigrants are of working age
Among Greek emigrants in the OECD area in 2020/21, men (approximately 419 000 or 52%) slightly outnumbered women (approximately 392 000 or 48%) (see Figure 1.5). This gender pattern was already present in 2000/01, when there were about 366 000 male emigrants compared with 331 000 female emigrants. The gender gap remained unchanged over the two decades: the female share remained 48% in 2000/01 and in 2020/21. In 2020, the fact that men outnumber women among Greek emigrants mirrors the pattern observed in the United Kingdom, but contrasts with some of the other comparison countries, such as Austria, Switzerland, and Germany where women constitute a larger share of the emigrant population.
When compared with the age and gender composition of all those living in Greece, the gender composition of those in Greece swings the other direction. According to 2020/21 DIOC data, among Greeks in Greece, 49% of individuals are men while 51% are women.
Stock of Greek emigrants by gender, OECD countries, 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
In 2020/21, individuals of working age made up nearly 59% of all Greek emigrants in the OECD area: 8% were aged 15‑24, while 51% were between 25 and 64 years old (see Figure 1.6). Greek emigrants aged 0‑14 represented 8%, and those aged 65 and over made up a notably large share, at 34%, highlighting the sizable presence of older Greek nationals who remained abroad.
Overall, the age structure of Greeks residing in Greece is younger than that of Greeks living abroad. According to the 2020/21 DIOC data, children and young people account for a larger share of the Greek-born population in Greece, with 13% aged 0‑14 and 10% aged 15‑24. By contrast, the working-age population (25‑64) represents 54% of the resident population, while individuals aged 65 and over account for 23%. Taken together, these figures point to a slightly younger age profile among Greeks living in Greece compared with those residing abroad, which likely reflects past emigration waves dominated by working-age adults who have remained abroad over time.
Stock of Greek emigrants in OECD countries and Greeks in Greece by age, 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
The age composition of Greek emigrants of working age in the OECD area has shifted gradually over the past two decades. In 2000/01, the majority of emigrants were of working age (25‑64), accounting for 70% of the total, while younger adults aged 15‑24 made up only 5%, and those aged 65 and over represented 25% (see Figure 1.7). Over time, the share of prime working-age emigrants declined steadily, falling to 55% by 2020/21. Conversely, the proportion of older emigrants (65+) increased to 37% by 2020/21. The 15‑24 age group, while remaining a relatively small fraction of total emigrants in the early 2000s, increased in 2020/21 to 8%, perhaps reflecting greater youth mobility linked to education, internships, and early-career employment opportunities abroad. Overall, these patterns suggest a gradual ageing of the Greek emigrant population, alongside early signs of emerging mobility among younger adults.
Stock of Greek emigrants in OECD countries by age, ages 15 and above, 2000/01 to 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2000/01‑2020/21.
The marital status profile of Greek emigrants in 2020/21 points to a predominantly partnered population, with married individuals representing the largest share among both men (61%) and women (53%) (see Figure 1.8). A notable gender difference emerges among those who have never married, 26% of men compared with 18% of women, suggesting that male emigrants are, on average, more likely to be single. By contrast, widowed, divorced or separated women account for a much larger share (28%) than men (13%), reflecting both gendered life‑course patterns and perhaps the older age structure observed among Greek‑born women abroad.
Stock of Greek emigrants in OECD countries by marital status, ages 15 and above, 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
According to OECD DIOC data, the stock of Greek emigrants in OECD countries is concentrated in a relatively small number of destination countries. This section examines the main destinations of Greek emigrants, identifies the countries that have experienced the largest increases in Greek migrant stocks, and analyses changes in the geographical distribution of Greek emigration over time.
Twelve countries hosted 93% of Greece’s emigrants in the OECD area in 2020/21
Greek emigrants in the OECD area are highly concentrated in a small number of destination countries. Three in four Greek emigrants are concentrated in five OECD countries: Germany, the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom, and Canada. What is more, 93% of Greek emigrants in the OECD in 2020/21 resided in just 12 countries (see Figure 1.9). Germany was the largest host country, with approximately 237 000 Greek emigrants in 2020/21, followed by the United States (139 000) and Australia (92 000). The United Kingdom, with 87 000 Greek emigrants, is also a significant destination country. Canada hosted 58 000 Greeks, while Türkiye accounted for 31 000. Other countries with substantial Greek communities included the Netherlands (24 000), Sweden (20 000), Belgium (18 000), Switzerland (17 000), Italy (16 000), and France (15 000). For a complete list of destination countries of Greek emigrants, see Annex Table 1.A.1.
From a regional perspective, the data indicate that in 2020/21, two‑thirds of all Greek emigrants (64%) were concentrated within Europe. Among the remaining 36% living outside Europe but in the OECD area, nearly all (99%) were concentrated in three principal destination countries: the United States (47%), Australia (32%), and Canada (20%).
Stock of Greek-born emigrants in the OECD by destination country, 2010/11 – 2020/21
Note: Data for 2020/21 for the Netherlands are based on estimates: the DIOC 2015/16 data were adjusted via raking to be consistent with existing and publicly available data for 2020/21. The European Labour Force Survey (EU LFS) provided updated distributions by aggregated regions of birth for sex, age and education. Eurostat’s Unified Demographic Data Collection (UNIDEMO) provided updated totals by detailed country of birth, sex, and age). DIOC 2015/16 data were first iteratively raked to the control distributions from the EU LFS. The resulting intermediate totals were then iteratively raked to the UNIDEMO totals.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2010/11‑2020/21.
The number of Greek emigrants in Germany has risen over the past two decades
Long-term trends across the five largest destination countries underscore both the persistence of established migration corridors and the gradual reshaping of Greece’s diaspora landscape. Germany has remained the dominant hub throughout the past two decades, with its Greek-born population rising from around 160 000 in 2000/01 to a peak of nearly 282 000 in 2015/16 before easing to 237 000 in 2020/21 – still the largest community by a substantial margin (see Figure 1.10). By contrast, the Greek-born populations in the United States, Australia and Canada have steadily declined, reflecting the ageing of long-established migrant cohorts paired with more limited new inflows. Between 2000/01 and 2020/21, numbers fell from 174 000 to 139 000 in the United States, from 115 000 to 92 000 in Australia, and from 76 000 to 58 000 in Canada. The United Kingdom stands out showing strong growth: its Greek-born population more than doubled between 2010/11 and 2020/21, rising from 37 000 to nearly 87 000, a shift likely driven by post-crisis mobility among younger and highly educated Greeks.
Taken together, these patterns reveal a slow but notable reorientation of the Greek diaspora away from historic long‑distance destinations toward a more European‑centred distribution, with Germany continuing to anchor the largest share of Greek emigrants across the OECD. Shifts in the age structure of Greek emigrants (as seen in Figure 1.7) also suggest that traditional but waning hubs are characterised by an increasingly older migrant population, while newer and expanding destinations likely display a markedly younger demographic profile.
Stock of Greek-born emigrant population, Germany, the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada, 2000/01 – 2020/21
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2000/01‑2020/21.
Between 2010/11 and 2020/21, the largest percentage increases in the stock of Greek-born emigrants were observed in Bulgaria, the Netherlands and Norway
When considering per cent change between 2010/11 and 2020/21, it is important to note that destinations with a very small initial Greek-born emigrant population can exhibit large percentage increases over time. The largest expansion occurred in Bulgaria, where the Greek-born population grew by nearly twentyfold (+1 948%) (see Table 1.1). Northern and Western European countries also registered substantial growth: the Netherlands (+305%), Norway (+294%) and Ireland (+280%) all tripled their Greek-born populations over the decade, while Luxembourg (+202%) and Romania (+196%) experienced surges as well. Strong increases were also observed in Finland (+169%), Austria (+160%), Denmark (+157%) and Switzerland (+157%), suggesting a shift toward Northern and Central European destinations.
Change in the stock of Greek‑born emigrants in OECD and selected destination countries among those with positive percentage growth, 2010/11 to 2020/21
Note: Data include only countries with available information between 2010/11 and 2020/21 and sample sizes above 1 000 in 2020/21. Data for 2020/21 for the Netherlands are based on estimates: the DIOC 2015/16 data were adjusted via raking to be consistent with existing and publicly available data for 2020/21. The European Labour Force Survey (EU LFS) provided updated distributions by aggregated regions of birth for sex, age and education. Eurostat’s Unified Demographic Data Collection (UNIDEMO provided updated totals by detailed country of birth, sex, and age. DIOC 2015/16 data were first iteratively raked to the control distributions from the EU LFS. The resulting intermediate totals were then iteratively raked to the UNIDEMO totals.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2010/11‑2020/21.
Bulgaria experienced the largest relative increase in emigration over the decade 2010/11 to 2020/21. In 2020/21, a notably young age profile characterised migration flows to Bulgaria, with around one‑third of emigrants being children under the age of 15. This composition suggests that recent emigration to Bulgaria is driven less by individual labour mobility and more by family‑based relocation, with entire households choosing to settle across the border.
Several factors may help explain this pattern. Geographic proximity and regional interconnectedness reduce relocation costs and facilitate the maintenance of social and economic ties between Greece and Bulgaria. In addition, Bulgaria’s accession to the European Union, combined with its comparatively low cost of living, may increase its attractiveness as a destination for Greek families seeking more affordable living conditions within the EU framework (Eurostat, 2025[6]).
This section draws on OECD DIOC data to examine the distribution of Greek emigrants across key OECD destination countries, focussing on variations in their gender, age and regional settlement patterns. Based on national data sources, it further provides a brief overview of the size of the second-generation Greeks and the Greek diaspora population in selected destination countries.
EU countries host younger, more male‑dominated Greek populations
Notable differences exist across destination countries in terms of gender composition of the Greek-born population. Women constituted a slight majority in Australia (53%) and Türkiye (54%) and made up exactly half of the Greek-born population in Canada and Belgium (see Figure 1.11). By contrast, men outnumbered women in several destinations, including the Netherlands, where men represented 57% of Greek-born residents, as well as Sweden (56%), the United States (53%) Germany, and the United Kingdom (both 52%).
Gender distribution of Greek-born emigrant stocks in selected OECD countries, 2020/21
Note: Data for 2020/21 for the Netherlands are based on estimates: the DIOC 2015/16 data were adjusted via raking to be consistent with existing and publicly available data for 2020/21. The European Labour Force Survey (EU LFS) provided updated distributions by aggregated regions of birth for sex, age and education. Eurostat’s Unified Demographic Data Collection (UNIDEMO provided updated totals by detailed country of birth, sex, and age. DIOC 2015/16 data were first iteratively raked to the control distributions from the EU LFS. The resulting intermediate totals were then iteratively raked to the UNIDEMO totals.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
The age and gender structure of Greek‑born emigrants differs markedly across destinations, reflecting both historical migration patterns and more recent mobility trends. In long‑established destinations such as Australia and Canada, the age profile is overwhelmingly older: between 68‑76% of Greek‑born men and women are aged 65 and over, while only 1‑2% are children and fewer than 3% are young adults (see Figure 1.12). These patterns point to communities formed through earlier migration waves that have aged in place. Women in these countries are especially concentrated in older age groups, for example, over 75% of Greek‑born women in Australia are aged 65+, compared with just under 70% of men, pointing to the long-term settlement profile of these communities.
By contrast, the Greek‑born populations in Northern and Western Europe are substantially younger and more recently arrived. In the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, the 25‑64 age group makes up the clear majority, accounting for roughly 67‑75% of both men and women. In these destinations, the share of 15‑24 year‑olds is higher than elsewhere, likely reflecting the sizeable number of young Greeks moving abroad for study‑related reasons (as discussed in Chapter 4). Women are slightly more represented within this group, for example, in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, around 16% of Greek‑born women fall into the 15‑24 age bracket compared with 13% of men, suggesting that student‑driven mobility may be somewhat more common among young women.
Intermediate patterns emerge in Germany and Sweden, where the working-age population remains the largest group, around 57‑62%, but older adults also represent a meaningful share, at 19‑25%. Children and young adults are present in modest numbers, with 8‑14% in most cases, indicating more mixed migration histories combining postcrisis mobility with earlier arrivals.
In the United States, the Greek-born population is split almost evenly between the working-age and older groups – each representing around 46‑49%, while in Türkiye, the working-age share (44‑47%) slightly exceeds the older population (40‑45%). These distributions suggest a blend of historical migration pathways and more recent movements, with an ageing population and women generally more concentrated in the older population than men.
Taken together, these distributions illustrate a consistent pattern: older age structures characterise Greek-born communities in long-distance destinations shaped by earlier migration waves, while European destinations host younger, predominantly working-age and often newer arrivals. Gender differences are generally modest but systematic, women are more represented among older emigrants in established destinations, while in Europe they are slightly more present in youth and young adult groups. These patterns reflect not only different migration histories but also shifting opportunities and motivations across cohorts and destinations.
Gender and age composition of Greek-born emigrant stock living in selected OECD countries, 2020/21
Note: Data for 2020/21 for the Netherlands are based on estimates: the DIOC 2015/16 data were adjusted via raking to be consistent with existing and publicly available data for 2020/21. The European Labour Force Survey (EU LFS) provided updated distributions by aggregated regions of birth for sex, age and education. Eurostat’s Unified Demographic Data Collection (UNIDEMO provided updated totals by detailed country of birth, sex, and age. DIOC 2015/16 data were first iteratively raked to the control distributions from the EU LFS. The resulting intermediate totals were then iteratively raked to the UNIDEMO totals.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Second-generation and Greek diasporas are sizeable in long-standing destination countries
Successive waves of Greek emigration over past decades have given rise to sizeable and long-established Greek-origin communities across a number of destination countries. Although detailed information on the second and third generations is available for only a limited set of these destinations, examining these populations is important for understanding the longer-term implications of earlier migration episodes. The selection of destination countries included in this section – Australia, Canada, Germany, Sweden and the United States – reflects the availability of publicly accessible data for major destination countries and provides an analytically informative sample. These countries encompass both traditional English-speaking settlement destinations and European countries that have received Greek emigrants through earlier postwar labour migration as well as more recent mobility following the global financial crisis.
Comparative analysis of second-generation Greeks across destination countries requires careful attention to definitional differences. As outlined in Box 1.3, countries vary in whether they define generational status strictly based on country of birth and parents’ country of birth or rely on self-reported ancestry. For the purposes of this chapter, second generation refers to persons born in the destination country with at least one foreign-born parent. It should be noted, however, that in countries where ancestry-based measures are used, second-generation Greeks cannot be cleanly distinguished from third and later generations, limiting direct comparability across countries.
Among the countries with comparable generational data, the size and structure of the Greek-origin population differ markedly. Germany hosts the largest Greek-origin population in Europe. In 2024, around 259 000 Greek-born persons resided in Germany, alongside approximately 170 000 persons born in Germany to at least one foreign-born parent of Greek origin (see Table 1.2). This configuration reflects both earlier labour migration waves and continued population renewal, resulting in a sizeable first generation co‑existing with a substantial second generation.
In Sweden, the Greek-origin population is considerably smaller in absolute terms but displays a similar intergenerational profile. In 2024, around 21 500 Greek-born persons and nearly 16 000 second-generation Greeks were recorded in the population register. While the numbers are modest relative to Germany, the presence of a significant second generation indicates durable settlement and family formation over time.
In 2021, about 73 500 Greek-born persons were recorded in Canada, compared with over 100 000 Canadian-born persons with at least one foreign-born parent of Greek origin. The second generation thus exceeds the first, pointing to the long-standing character of Greek settlement in Canada and the demographic transition from primarily immigrant-based communities to established, native‑born populations of Greek descent.
Overview of diaspora populations (second-generation and ancestry based) in selected destination countries
Notes: See Box 1.3 for an overview of how the Greek diaspora and second-generation Greeks are defined across countries.
Source: Statistisches Bundesamt (Destatis), Statistics Sweden, Statistics Canada, the United States Census Bureau (ACS 5‑Year estimates detailed tables), Australian Bureau of Statistics.
In contrast, Australia and the United States rely primarily on ancestry‑based measures to capture populations of Greek origin (see Box 1.3). While these data do not allow a clean distinction between second and later generations, they provide a crucial perspective on the full demographic footprint of the Greek diaspora. As shown in Table 1.2, the inclusion of ancestry‑based populations reveals diaspora communities that are several times larger than the Greek‑born population alone. In the United States, more than 1.2 million individuals reported Greek ancestry in 2024, compared with fewer than 120 000 Greek‑born residents, while in Australia around 425 000 persons reported Greek ancestry in 2021, relative to just over 90 000 Greek‑born. These figures underscore the highly multi‑generational nature of the Greek diaspora in long‑standing settlement countries and highlight the importance of looking beyond first‑generation stocks to fully capture the scale, longevity and demographic significance of Greek emigrant communities abroad.
Taken together, the data from across these major destination countries shows the different stages of demographic maturity across destinations. Germany combines a large foreign-born population with a strong but smaller second generation. Sweden hosts a smaller yet established community. Canada exhibits a more advanced intergenerational profile, with the second generation outnumbering the first. In Australia and the United States, ancestry data reveal large and long-standing Greek-origin populations, but do not permit a precise assessment of the second generation as defined elsewhere in this chapter.
National statistical systems use different concepts to identify migrant populations, diaspora groups and their descendants. As a result, the definitions and measurements of first‑ and second‑generation Greeks vary across countries.
Second-generation Greeks in Canada, Germany and Sweden
In Canada, Germany and Sweden, generational status is typically defined based on country of birth of the individual and their parents, allowing a clear distinction between first‑ and second‑generation populations.
In Germany, individuals with a migration background are identified using two definitions. The broad definition includes persons born in Germany with at least one foreign‑born parent, while the narrow definition is restricted to those with two foreign‑born parents. First‑ and second‑generation populations are distinguished based on whether the individual has their own migration experience. This framework allows origin‑specific identification of second‑generation Greeks under both definitions. This report uses the broader definition to define second-generation Greeks as German-born individuals with at least one parent born in Greece.
In Sweden, Statistics Sweden classifies individuals according to their own country of birth and that of their parents. The term foreign background typically refers to foreign‑born persons and those born in Sweden with two foreign‑born parents, while individuals with only one foreign‑born parent are identified separately. This structure enables consistent identification of second‑generation Greeks.
In Canada, Statistics Canada defines the first generation as persons born outside Canada and the second generation as persons born in Canada with at least one foreign‑born parent. Second-generation Greeks are identified by combining generational status with information on self-reported ethnic origin, which makes it possible to capture Canadian-born individuals with Greek ancestry.
This report applies a broad definition of the second generation, including persons born in the host country with at least one foreign‑born parent.
Diaspora populations in Australia and the United States
In contrast, the United States and Australia do not use an official “migration background” or generational framework in their population statistics. Instead, both countries rely primarily on self-reported ancestry or ethnic origin collected through the census. In the United States, individuals with a Greek background are identified through responses to the ancestry question, which captures first- and subsequent-generation descendants but does not allow a consistent distinction between first and second generation based on parents’ country of birth.
Similarly, in Australia, Greek background is primarily ancestry-based. Country of birth allows identification of the Greek‑born (first-generation) population, but standard published census tables do not distinguish second‑generation Greeks from later generations. While Australian census data do collect information on parents’ country of birth, which would allow identification of Australian‑born individuals with one or two parents born in Greece, these data are not publicly released as standard outputs for origin‑specific generational analysis. As a result, analyses for Australia typically rely on ancestry‑based measures rather than explicit generational definitions.
Consequently, for Australia and the United States, figures presented in this report reflect ancestry‑based diaspora populations, which are not fully comparable with the first‑ and second‑generation definitions used in Germany, Sweden and Canada.
High levels of education, labour‑force participation, and homeownership characterise the Greek‑ancestry population in the United States
According to the 2024 American Community Survey one‑year estimates, the demographic profile of the Greek American population has a median age of 40 and nearly equal shares of individuals under 18 (20.4%) and those aged 65 and over (19.6%). Women account for a slight majority (51.3%). Educational attainment is comparatively high: while around 25% have less than a high school diploma and 15.2% holding a high school degree, a substantial share has pursued postsecondary education. More than one‑fifth (22.7%) hold a bachelor’s degree, and notable proportions have completed graduate training, including 10.9% with a master’s degree, 3.1% with a professional degree, and 2.5% with a doctorate. Labour force participation stands at nearly two‑thirds (65.9%) among individuals aged 16 and over.
Patterns of birthplace, migration, language retention, and housing reinforce the picture of an established yet culturally distinct community. The vast majority (88%) of Greek Americans are native‑born, while 12% are foreign‑born, including nearly 9% born in Greece and another 3% originating from other countries. Among foreign‑born individuals, migration has occurred over several decades: only about 1% arrived between 2019‑2024, another 1% between 2014‑2018.
English is the dominant home language for 78% of Greek Americans, while Greek remains actively used by about one in five Greek Americans. Housing patterns indicate strong socio-economic stability: over three‑quarters of Greek Americans are homeowners, with 24% owning their homes outright and 53% owning with a mortgage.
Many Greek emigrants are concentrated in urban areas across major destination countries
National and regional data sources allow the examination of the geographical distribution of Greek emigrants across major destination countries. These sources include the U.S. Census Bureau’s pooled 2010-2022 American Community Survey (2018-2022[7]), census and administrative data in Canada (2021[8]), Australia (2021[9]), and Sweden (2024[10]). These countries represent the major destinations for Greek emigrants for which sufficiently detailed and publicly accessible data are available. While other large destinations exist, comparable subnational or administrative statistics are not systematically released, making these four countries the most suitable for analysing regional settlement patterns of Greek emigrants.
About half of all Greek-born emigrants in Sweden live in the Stockholm region
In Sweden, Greek-born emigrants are concentrated overwhelmingly in a small number of counties. Stockholm stands out as the primary hub, hosting 10 819 Greek-born residents, or roughly half of all Greeks in the country (see Figure 1.13). This strong concentration in the capital aligns with Stockholm’s role as Sweden’s largest labour market, its universities and research centres, and the presence of established migrant networks that likely continue to attract new arrivals. The regions of Västra Götaland (home to Gothenburg) and Skåne (anchored by Malmö and Lund university) form the next major centres of settlement, together accounting for nearly 5 300 residents. Beyond these primary metropolitan regions, Greek-born residents are present in smaller but still notable numbers in Uppsala, another major university city hosting 1 246 migrants. Midsized regions such as Östergötland, Kalmar, and Jönköping each host several hundred residents, while most other regions contain fewer than 300 Greek-born individuals, indicating limited diffusion beyond major urban and academic centres.
Distribution of Greek-born individuals in Sweden by region, 2024
Note: This map is for illustrative purposes and is without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory covered by this map.
Source: Statistics Sweden (2024[10]), Folkmängden efter region, födelseland och kön. År 2000 – 2024, https://www.statistikdatabasen.scb.se/pxweb/sv/ssd/START__BE__BE0101__BE0101E/FolkmRegFlandK/.
Almost nine in ten Greek-born emigrants live in Ontario and Quebec, reflecting the pull of Canada’s largest urban centres
In Canada, Greek-born emigrants are highly concentrated in just two provinces. Ontario and Quebec together account for 87% of all Greek-born residents, with Ontario hosting around 31 650 individuals and Quebec a further 16 130 (see Figure 1.14). These two provinces are home to Canada’s two largest cities and to some of the country’s largest universities, and to Canada’s largest Greek-born populations. Beyond these two provinces, the Greek-born population is more modest but still regionally differentiated. British Columbia hosts a noticeable community of roughly 3 350 individuals. Alberta and Manitoba each have smaller populations, around 1 895 and 770, respectively, suggesting more limited but nonetheless present factors drawing Greek emigrants to the Prairie provinces. The remaining provinces and territories, including Nova Scotia, Saskatchewan, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Prince Edward Island and the Northwest Territories, host only small numbers of Greek-born residents. Yukon and Nunavut have negligible or no reported presence.
Distribution of Greek-born individuals (place of birth) among the immigrant population in private households, in Canada by provinces and territories, 2021
Note: This map is for illustrative purposes and is without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory covered by this map.
Source: Statistics Canada (2021[8]), Census Profile, https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2021/dp-pd/hlt-fst/imm/List-geo.cfm?Lang=Eng&T=9810034902.
About three in four Greek-born emigrants in Australia live in Victoria or New South Wales, likely reflecting the pull of Melbourne and Sydney
In Australia, Greek-born emigrants are overwhelmingly concentrated in the states of Victoria and New South Wales, which together account for nearly 80% of the Greek-born population (see Figure 1.15). Victoria hosts around 46 600 Greek-born residents and New South Wales a further 29 400. This concentration reflects longstanding migration corridors anchored around Melbourne and Sydney. These two states also contain Australia’s largest and most diverse urban labour markets, offering employment opportunities that have historically attracted new arrivals.
South Australia hosts the third-largest Greek-born population, with over 8 100 residents. Other states and territories, including Queensland, Western Australia, the Northern Territory, Tasmania and the Australian Capital Territory, host smaller Greek-born populations. These more dispersed communities, though modest in size, highlight a degree of geographic diversification while still underscoring the dominant pull of the country’s major urban centres.
Taken together, the distribution suggests that Greek emigrants in Australia have gravitated toward states with strong economic opportunities, large metropolitan areas and established diaspora institutions. This pattern aligns with earlier migration waves from Greece to Australia, which were closely tied to urban industrial employment and community-based settlement, and continues to shape the spatial footprint of Greek-born residents today.
Distribution of Greek-born individuals in Australia by states and territories, 2021
Note: This map is for illustrative purposes and is without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory covered by this map.
Source: Australia Bureau of Statistics, (2021[9]), People in Australia who were born in Greece, https://www.abs.gov.au/census/find-census-data/quickstats/2021/3207_AUS.
New York is host to the largest Greek-born population in the United States
In the United States, Greek-born emigrants remain concentrated predominantly in a small number of large, coastal, and highly urbanised states, reflecting longstanding migration corridors and the economic pull of major metropolitan centres. New York hosts by far the largest Greek-born population, with an estimated 28 604 residents, consistent with its historic role as a major point of entry and home to one of the oldest and most established Greek communities in the country (see Figure 1.16). Large Greek-born populations are also found in Illinois (10 720), California (10 538), Massachusetts (10 043) and Florida (8 980), each of which contains significant urban hubs, including Chicago, Los Angeles, Boston and Miami. New Jersey is another notable destination, hosting approximately 7 501 Greek-born residents, and remains closely linked to the Greater New York metropolitan area, where Greek communities developed early in the twentieth century and remain among the largest in the United States.
Beyond these states, Greek-born residents are present in smaller but still substantial numbers across several midsized and economically diverse states. These include Pennsylvania (5 438) and Connecticut (4 063), which are also neighbours to New York, and Texas (3 811), Virginia (3 225), Michigan (2 721), Ohio (2 690), and North Carolina (2 520). Additional states also host meaningful communities, such as Maryland (2 415), Indiana (1 317), South Carolina (1 296), Georgia (1 253), Arizona (1 080), Wisconsin (843), Washington (819) and Tennessee (793).
Distribution of estimated Greek-born individuals in the United States by state, 2018-2022
Note: This map is for illustrative purposes and is without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory covered by this map. The foreign-born population includes anyone who is not a U.S. citizen at birth, including those who have become U.S. citizens through naturalisation.
Source: 2018-2022 American Community Survey, 5‑year estimates, US foreign-born population, https://www.census.gov/library/visualizations/interactive/foreign-born-population-2018-2022.html.
Citizenship acquisition varies widely across countries of destination, often reflecting differences in migration histories, integration pathways and the incentives created by national legal frameworks. This section highlights the differences in acquisition between those in long-established destinations outside Europe, such as Australia, Canada and the United States, and in EU Member States, where free movement reduces the need for citizenship.
About half of the Greek-born emigrants in OECD countries have acquired citizenship of the host country
According to DIOC data for 2020/21, about half of all Greek emigrants (49%) were citizens of the OECD country in which they reside. In historically popular settlement countries such as Australia, Canada and the United States, the vast majority of Greek-born persons hold the country’s citizenship, representing 81‑95% of the population (see Figure 1.17). Italy and France present a more equally divided profile, with roughly half of Greek-origin residents having citizenship. By contrast, several European destinations, most notably Belgium, Germany and the United Kingdom, exhibit very high shares of Greek-born immigrants not holding the citizenship of the destination country, ranging from 82% (United Kingdom) to 97% (Belgium).
Overall, the distribution of citizenship status among Greek emigrants may reflect both the seniority of migration flows and the citizenship laws of destination countries. In EU Member States, the lower prevalence of citizenship acquisition can be explained by the fact that freedom of movement within the European Union reduces the incentives for Greeks to naturalise, while in non-EU destinations, such as Australia, Canada and the United States, earlier migration waves and more established settlement trajectories may have resulted in higher rates of citizenship among Greek-origin populations.
Stock of Greek‑born emigrants aged 15 and above holding citizenship of their country of residence, 2020/21
Note: Owing to the unavailability of comparable data for the Netherlands, this country is not included in the figure.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2020/21.
Many countries show a rise in citizenship acquisition between 2012 and 2024. The selection of countries in this section captures a range of migration contexts: post‑Brexit dynamics in the United Kingdom, the long‑established Greek diaspora in the United States, major EU destinations with substantial and evolving Greek communities such as Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, and traditional settlement countries outside Europe, including Canada and Australia.
The United Kingdom shows a pronounced upward trajectory over the decade, with annual acquisitions rising from around 550 in 2013 to about 3 450 by 2024, likely reflecting policy changes post-Brexit (see Figure 1.18). The United States exhibits relatively stable levels of naturalisation, fluctuating between roughly 800 and 1 200 per year, and reaching a height of 1 500 in 2022. Germany continues to account for the largest number of acquisitions overall, although its figures gradually declined from about 3 500 in 2013 to 2 800 in 2024. Sweden displays a stable yearly trend of acquisitions through most of the period, with a moderate increase in 2020.
Acquisition of nationality of Greek citizens in selected OECD countries, 2013-2024
Source: OECD International Migration Database, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/data-00342-en.
Acquisition of nationality of Greek citizens in selected OECD countries, 2013-2024
Note: Data for 2024 are not available for the Netherlands, and 2021 data are not available for Australia. Data is not available for Türkiye.
Source: OECD International Migration Database, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/data-00342-en.
In settlement countries such as Australia and Canada, the numbers are smaller, but naturalisation numbers have generally trended upward as well. Australia experienced a rise in acquisitions, from 70 in 2013 to over 430 by 2023, and a decline to just over 280 in 2024 (see Figure 1.19). Canada similarly reached more than 500 acquisitions in 2022 before declining in 2023 and 2024. In Europe, the Netherlands displays relative stability, with annual acquisitions typically between 80 and 170, while Switzerland and Belgium record a more pronounced and consistent increase, largely since 2020.
Stock of Greek-born emigrants in OECD destination countries, 2000/01 to 2020/21
Note: Numbers below five are not included in this table.
Source: OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), 2000/01‑2020/21.
References
[9] Australia Bureau of Statistics (2021), People in Australia who were born in Greece, https://www.abs.gov.au/census/find-census-data/quickstats/2021/3207_AUS.
[5] Cavounidis, J. (2015), “The changing face of emigration: Harnessing the potential of the new Greek diaspora”, Migration Policy Institute, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/TCM-Emigration-Greece-FINALWEB.pdf.
[6] Eurostat (2025), Comparative price levels of consumer goods and services, https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Comparative_price_levels_of_consumer_goods_and_services.
[3] Kasimis, C. (2013), Greece, migration 1830s to present, Wiley-Blackwell.
[2] Kassimi, C. and C. Kasimis (2004), “Greece: A History of Migration”, Migration Policy Institute.
[4] Labrianidis, L. and M. Pratsinakis (2016), “Greece’s New Emigration at Times of Crisis”, Hellenic Observatory (European Institute), https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/66811/1/GreeSE-No.99.pdf.
[1] OECD (2025), Database on Immigrants in OECD and non-OECD Countries, https://www.oecd.org/en/data/datasets/database-on-immigrants-in-oecd-and-non-oecd-countries.html.
[8] Statistics Canada (2021), Census Profile, https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2021/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E.
[10] Statistics Sweden (2024), Folkmängden efter region, födelseland och kön. År 2000 - 2024, https://www.statistikdatabasen.scb.se/pxweb/sv/ssd/START__BE__BE0101__BE0101E/FolkmRegFlandK/.
[7] US Census Bureau (2018-2022), US Foreign Born Population, https://www.census.gov/library/visualizations/interactive/foreign-born-population-2018-2022.html.
← 1. OECD Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC), compiled from national population censuses and population registers and harmonised ex post to ensure cross-country comparability by country of birth, nationality and educational attainment. The 2020/21 round is the most recent available wave, reflecting the periodic nature of censuses and the time required for data processing, validation and international harmonisation.