Most OECD countries have effectively achieved near-universal enrolment for children aged 6 to 14, with enrolment rates exceeding 98%.
On average across OECD countries, 2% of students in primary education and near 4% of those in general lower secondary programmes are over-age for their grade, meaning they are at least two years older than the intended age for that grade. This is primarily due to grade repetition and, to a lesser extent, late school entry.
Countries offering vocational lower secondary programmes target different populations and pursue diverse objectives, based on the needs and expectations of relevant groups, including early tracked students in general versus vocational programmes in initial education, students with special educational needs and adult learners.
Education at a Glance 2025
Context
The way education systems structure and manage primary and lower secondary education has a profound influence on how student pathways develop. These stages typically span ages 6 to 14 and lay the foundation for future academic achievement, personal development and transitions into further education. Differences in enrolment policies, progression criteria and support systems determine whether students remain on track or face early disruptions in their learning trajectories. Understanding how these systems shape pathways begin with analysing how students enter, move through and complete these foundational stages.
One of the visible markers of system variation is the age-grade alignment. While most children in OECD countries are enrolled in school by age 6, some systems allow flexibility over starting ages, and practices around grade repetition differ considerably. In countries where repetition is common, students may be more likely to fall behind their peers and lose motivation. In contrast, systems that promote automatic progression often implement support mechanisms to ensure students acquire the expected skills without being held back. These choices reflect differing beliefs about how best to support learning and address underperformance, and they shape student experiences from the earliest years of schooling.
Another key factor influencing student pathways is the structure of lower secondary education. Some countries provide a single common track for all students through the end of compulsory education, while others introduce tracking or programme differentiation – sometimes as early as age 10 or 11. Early tracking in lower secondary education is most commonly implemented as differentiation by programme orientation, such as general versus vocational tracks, similar to what is seen in upper secondary education. It can channel students into more specialised educational routes, but it may also restrict flexibility and reinforce socio-economic disparities. The presence and design of special education provision, and the extent to which students with additional needs are included in mainstream settings or placed in separate programmes, also reflect national approaches to equity and student diversity.
The transition from lower to upper secondary education is a pivotal moment that either sustains or alters the trajectory established in earlier stages. In some systems, this transition is automatic; in others, it is selective and based on academic performance or institutional capacity. How countries manage this transition – through counselling, curriculum alignment or flexible programme options – can make the difference between smooth progression and early disengagement. Thus, analysing these mechanisms offers key insights into how education systems influence the continuity, quality and equity of student pathways (Santos and Vitoria, 2023[1]).
1. Year of reference differs from 2023.
For data, see Table B2.1. For a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section.
Other findings
In some countries the share of over-age students in lower secondary education has fallen; for example targeted reforms aimed at restricting grade repetition have reduced the proportion by around 2 percentage points in Chile, 4 percentage points in Belgium and 5 percentage points in Spain.
As of 2023, on average, 7% of lower secondary students in OECD countries were enrolled in vocational programmes. Largely due to the inclusion of certain adult programmes in the classification, these tracks serve a wider age range of students – with an average age ranging from 11 years in some countries to as high as 45 years, compared to 12-18 years in general programmes. They also tend to be more male dominated, whereas general programmes are more gender balanced.
The share of fourth grade students reporting they were absent from school at least once a week rose modestly across countries, increasing from 11% in 2019 on average to 13% in 2023. The rate is notably higher in Saudi Arabia (32%) and exceeds 15% in Brazil, Chile and South Africa. The lowest levels of absenteeism were in Japan and Korea, with rates below 5%.
In Iceland, Ireland, Japan, Norway, and Poland, over 95% of students start upper secondary education at the expected age, indicating strong age-grade alignment. In contrast, in Hungary, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, 35% or fewer do so, suggesting widespread delayed entry.
Enrolment of students aged 6 to 14
The age range 6-14 corresponds broadly to primary and lower secondary education, which are part of compulsory schooling in all OECD countries. This has contributed to the effective achievement of universal enrolment among this age group, with two thirds of countries enrolling over 98% of 6-14 year-olds. These high enrolment levels are a direct outcome of policies ensuring free and compulsory basic education and consistent investment in physical and human resources. Minor shortfalls in enrolment can signal specific challenges. For instance, if a country’s enrolment rate for 6-14 year-olds is slightly below 100%, it may indicate that the school system is not fully reaching certain groups (perhaps children with special educational needs, or those in remote communities or from low-income families). Although most partner countries have closed the gap in basic enrolment, some continue to face challenges in reaching the remaining children. This includes India, Romania, Saudi Arabia and South Africa where enrolment among this age group is under 90% (Figure B2.1).
The distribution of enrolment by education level reflects structural differences in education systems. Typically, primary education lasts six years in OECD countries, but it ranges from four years in several countries (e.g. Austria and Hungary) to eight years in Ireland. Lower secondary education generally lasts three years, ranging from two years in Belgium and Chile to six years in Germany and Lithuania (Annex Table X1.3). As a result, around two-thirds of students aged 6 to 14 are enrolled in primary education on average across OECD countries. Countries where primary education starts later, or upper secondary education starts earlier, may see greater shares of 6-14 year-olds enrolled at pre-primary or upper secondary levels. For example, in Finland and Sweden primary education begins at the age of 7 and over 10% of students aged 6 to 14 are enrolled in pre-primary education in these countries. Similarly, in all countries where upper secondary education starts at the age of 14, over 8% of students aged 6 to 14 are enrolled in upper secondary education (Figure B2.1).
The arrangement and duration of a country’s primary, lower secondary and upper secondary schooling (e.g. 4+4+4 or four years at each level, 6+3+3 or 4+6+3) can reflect a combination of historical factors and educational philosophies. For instance, the 4+6+3 system in Germany (four years of primary, six years of lower secondary and three years of upper secondary education) results in a longer lower secondary phase that supports early tracking, where students begin to specialise in academic or vocational pathways at a relatively young age. Conversely, Finland delays tracking until after nine years of comprehensive education (i.e. 6+3+3), allowing all students to receive the same education before specialising. Meanwhile, countries such as Hungary and the Republic of Türkiye have adopted the 4+4+4 structure, reflecting a more even division of time spent in primary, lower secondary and upper secondary education (Annex Table X1.3).
Over the past decade, Poland stands out among OECD and partner countries as the only one to have significantly changed its primary and secondary education structure. In 2017, the country implemented a major reform that restructured its education system. Previously organised in a 6+3+4 model, the new system adopted an 8+4 structure. This reform extended primary education to eight years, introduced a uniform curriculum for this entire period and abolished lower secondary schools (gimnazjum). For the sake of international comparability, however, education data of Poland are broken down into 4+4+4, redistributing enrolment figures between primary and lower secondary levels (Table B2.1). The main goal of the reform was to equip students with a solid foundation of general education that supports both personal development and the demands of a modern labour market (Wojniak and Majorek, 2018[2]).
Poland’s move aligns with a broader trend in Nordic countries, which have long favoured comprehensive education systems and delay academic tracking until upper secondary education. For example, Sweden already has a nine-year comprehensive primary education system and plans to introduce a ten-year model by 2028, incorporating the current final year of compulsory early childhood education and care (ECEC) into the first year of primary education (Government of Sweden, 2024[3]).
Over-age students in initial education
In 2023, on average across OECD countries, 2% of students in primary education and near 4% of those in general lower secondary programmes were over-age for their grade, meaning they are at least two years older than the intended age for that grade. There is considerable variation across OECD countries in the proportion of over-age students. At primary level, in Colombia, Hungary and the Slovak Republic, more than 6% of students are over-age. In contrast, in countries such as Iceland, Ireland, Japan, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom, nearly all students progress through primary education at the intended age or just one year older. At the lower secondary level, more than 8% of students in general programmes are over-age in Austria, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Hungary and Luxembourg, while the shares are negligible in Ireland, Korea and Sweden (Table B2.2).
In nearly all OECD and partner countries, the primary reason students are over-age for their grade is grade repetition (see next section), however other policies and factors can compound the rates. Once students become over-age at the primary level for any reason, they tend to remain so in subsequent levels of education. One of the reasons for being over-age is late entry into primary education. This can result from parents choosing to delay school entry or from a lack of access to education at the appropriate starting age. In some countries, regulations regarding school entry age vary across regions (e.g. across cantons in Switzerland), allowing for flexible entry into primary education. These regional differences can contribute to a higher share of over-age students at primary level. Regions that permit later school entry than the national average may thus have disproportionately higher rates of over-age students.
Reception or integration classes for newly arrived migrant students can also contribute to this trend. For example, in Switzerland, non-German/French/Italian-speaking newcomers, sometimes as old as 13, may be placed in Grades 2 to 6 Aufnahmeklassen (admission classes) for up to two years to acquire language skills before joining age-appropriate classes, increasing the share of students being over-age at the primary level (Canton of Zurich, 2025[4]). Similarly, in Luxembourg, the presence of a diverse student population, particularly those from immigrant backgrounds facing language barriers and cultural adjustments, often results in late school entry or enrolment in cours d'accueil (welcome courses), contributing to a high share of over-age students (Government of Luxembourg, 2025[5]).
Grade repeaters
Grade repetition occurs when a student does not meet the requirements to advance to the next grade and must repeat the year, reinforcing age disparities as they progress through the education system. In 2023, on average, 1.4% of primary students in OECD countries and 2.5% of lower secondary students in general programmes were repeating their grade. This marks a slight increase at the primary level compared to 2015 (rising from 1.3 to 1.4), but a decline at the lower secondary level (falling from 3.0 to 2.5). Countries such as Belgium, Chile and Spain, which historically had high repetition rates in lower secondary education, have seen consistent declines due to targeted policy reforms. As a result, fewer students were over-age in 2023 than in 2015 in these systems. Colombia, however, presents an exception. Despite increases in grade repetition in both primary and general lower secondary education partly due to post-pandemic issues, the share of over-age students has declined. This atypical pattern may reflect progress in addressing other factors that contribute to being over-age, such as improved access to education at the appropriate starting age (Figure B2.2).
Grade repetition policies
In some countries, the concept of grade repetition either does not exist or is very rare in practice. For example, in many Nordic education systems, students typically progress automatically to the next grade at the end of the school year at both primary and lower secondary levels, regardless of their academic performance (OECD, 2023[6]). As a result, the proportion of over-age students is close to zero, except where children started school late or because of student transfers. Although grade repetition is legally allowed in countries like Finland and Sweden, it is rarely implemented. Instead, students who receive failing grades are generally offered remedial support – such as summer school or additional tutoring – to help them catch up without having to repeat the year (Finnish National Agency for Education, 2025[7]; Jönsson, 2018[8]).
Among the countries which do use grade repetition and have data available, 17 have restrictions on the practice. These restrictions may apply in certain grades or specific types of programmes or schools, or there may be limits on the number of times a student can repeat a grade in their current level of education (see Table B3.4.2 in (OECD, 2023[9])). For instance, in Romania, repetition is not permitted in the first two grades of primary education, while in Germany, it generally does not occur during these early years. In both France and Germany, repetition is typically limited to once per educational cycle (e.g. primary or lower secondary) (DEPP, 2014[10]; Eurydice, 2025[11]). In Spain, students are allowed to repeat a maximum of twice during their whole compulsory education (Eurydice, 2025[12]).
In contrast, some education systems have historically relied more heavily on grade repetition as a policy tool. However, even in these systems, new regulations over the past decade have significantly reduced the use of repetition. Chile and Spain have challenges with over-age enrolment stemming from both repetition and delayed school entry. In Chile, a 2018 law eliminated automatic grade retention. While the new regulation does not prohibit grade repetition outright, it mandates that it should be used only as an exceptional measure (López, Vandecandelaere and Allende González, 2025[13]). Similarly, in Spain, grade repetition is now regarded as a last resort, applied only after all ordinary reinforcement and support measures have been exhausted to address a student’s learning difficulties (Eurydice, 2025[12]).
The impact of grade repetition and being-over age on educational outcomes
Grade repetition is intended to help struggling students before they move on to the next grade. However, its effectiveness is disputed and may depend on the level of education being repeated. Research indicates that, below upper secondary level, grade repetition mostly results in negative student outcomes. Students who repeat a grade in their current level of education tend to perform worse academically, have more negative attitudes towards school at age 15, are less likely to obtain a secondary or higher education qualification and are more likely to drop out of school altogether, even after accounting for socio-economic background and individual characteristics (OECD, 2023[6]; Moulin and Sari, 2025[14]). Other research shows that the negative effects are disproportionately greater for disadvantaged students and students from ethnic minorities (Education Endowment Foundation, 2025[15]). Students who are over-age due to grade repetition may feel stigmatised or isolated, which can contribute to them leaving school early (UNESCO-UIS, 2012[16]). Teachers may also face challenges in teaching mixed-aged classes, as they have to handle a wider range of maturity and skill levels (Cronin, 2019[17]).
1. Year of reference differs from 2015.
For data, see Table B2.2. For a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section.
Profile of lower secondary students
In most OECD and partner countries, lower secondary education is comprehensive, with all students following a general curriculum. However, in some systems, students are tracked earlier into different programme. Early tracking is most commonly implemented as differentiation by programme orientation, such as general versus vocational tracks, even before they start upper secondary education. In addition, several countries offer vocational lower secondary programmes specifically designed for students with special education needs and adult learners. As of 2023, an average of 7% of lower secondary students across OECD countries were enrolled in vocational programmes. In countries where these vocational pathways are available, there are notable differences in the student profiles between general and vocational tracks. Students in general lower secondary programmes tend to be younger, with their average age ranging from 12 to 18 years across countries. In contrast, vocational lower secondary programmes serve a broader age range, with the average age spanning from 11 to 45 years, largely due to the inclusion of certain adult programmes in the classification. The gender distributions also vary. Male and female students are represented in roughly equal proportions in general lower secondary programmes, while male students account for a larger share of those enrolled in vocational lower secondary pathways (Table B2.3).
Target groups and objectives of lower secondary vocational programmes
Countries offering vocational lower secondary programmes target different populations and pursue diverse objectives, based on the needs of and expectations from relevant target groups. Key target groups often include early tracked students in initial education, students with special educational needs and adult learners.
Early tracking in initial education
Programmes that are mainly designed for early tracked students may aim to provide practical, job-related skills from an early age and improve school engagement through more hands-on and relevant learning. They also aim to align education with local and national labour-market needs by addressing skills shortages and creating a clear pathway to upper secondary vocational or technical education, rather than solely preparing students for immediate employment.
In Costa Rica, one-fifth of lower secondary students were following a vocational track in their initial education in 2023 (Table B2.3). Most technical schools offering these programmes provide a combined curriculum of academic and vocational subjects for students aged 12 to 14. In Croatia, around 10% of lower secondary students are enrolled in arts education (music and dance), which is classified as a vocational lower secondary programme. Students who wish to pursue a career in the arts and meet compulsory education requirements must complete this specialised programme.
Early tracking in Germany takes place for all students after fourth grade (with a few exceptions in some Länder). Students are assigned into three distinct lower secondary tracks, two of them specifically designed to lead to a vocational upper secondary education. About 4% of lower secondary students are enrolled in vocational programmes that prepare them for upper secondary vocational education and support those who have not completed general lower secondary education. Most of these one-year pre-vocational programmes are intended for students who have completed 9 or 10 years of general education but have not secured a place in the Dual System - Germany’s vocational training model that combines company-based training with predominantly public vocational schooling. These programmes prepare students for upper secondary vocational education and also support those who have not completed general lower secondary education but still need to fulfil compulsory schooling requirements.
Early tracking into vocational pathways raises important concerns about students’ outcomes and equity. Dividing students into distinct tracks at a young age can reinforce existing achievement gaps and exacerbate social inequalities. Students from disadvantaged backgrounds or those with learning difficulties are often disproportionately placed in vocational tracks, while academically advantaged students tend to dominate general tracks. This stratification can limit the long-term opportunities of vocational students, particularly if the vocational track is perceived as lower status or lacks strong academic content. International evidence suggests that in systems where students are selected into different programmes at a younger age, there tends to be a stronger correlation between socio-economic background and academic performance. Early tracking has been shown to increase both overall inequality and the influence of family background on learning outcomes (OECD, 2023[6]; Contini and Cugnata, 2020[18]; Piopiunik, 2013[19]).
Another consideration is what happens after lower secondary education. In systems using early vocational tracks, lower secondary vocational students typically continue into upper secondary vocational pathways. If lower secondary vocational education is of high quality and well aligned with further education and training, students can still achieve strong outcomes, including well-recognised qualifications and better labour-market prospects. Countries like Germany and the Netherlands, which have well-established apprenticeship systems, often view early vocational pathways as effective in their contexts. These systems provide students with respected vocational credentials by the age of 18. Nonetheless, there is growing emphasis even in these countries on maintaining pathways to further education such as tertiary-level options to ensure that early tracking decisions do not limit students’ future prospects.
Students with special education needs
The objectives of vocational lower secondary programmes for students with special educational needs often differ from those for the general student population. These programmes are designed to provide individualised learning tailored to the abilities and needs of each student. They also aim to support social inclusion and prepare learners for further education, training or employment.
In Czechia, special vocational schools at lower secondary offer one- or two-year programmes focused on practical training for simple tasks. These programmes lead to a final certificate but do not provide access to upper secondary education, reflecting a focus on functional skills and basic employability rather than academic progression.
In the Flemish Community of Belgium, special vocational lower secondary education is offered to children who need temporary or permanent additional support. The system is organised into types of education based on the nature of the disability and the student's capabilities. For example, Education Type 3 combines general, social and vocational training to support students’ integration into everyday life and the regular labour market.
In Spain, vocational programmes for students with special educational needs aim to promote equal opportunities and reduce educational inequalities. These programmes are tailored to individual needs and are also available to other learners requiring specific support. Their goal is to enable students to continue their education and transition successfully into training or employment.
Adult education
Vocational lower secondary programmes often serve as a second-chance education for adults who left school early. These programmes help them gain basic qualifications, improve their employment prospects or support career changes. By aligning adult learning with national and regional economic priorities, these programmes open pathways for continued personal and professional development.
Mexico has the highest share of students enrolled in vocational lower secondary education among OECD and partner countries, with 24% of students in this track (Table B2.3). Mexico offers a three-year advanced vocational programme designed specifically for adults and leads to the Diploma of Job Training qualification. It focuses heavily on practical skills and includes at least one year of required hands-on experience. Aimed at direct entry into the labour market, the programme does not provide access to higher education. The mean age of participants is 32, reflecting this focus on adult learners.
Ireland offers a range of targeted initiatives for adult learners, especially those with limited formal education or those returning to the workforce. One key provision is community-based training through Community Training Centres, aimed at early school leavers aged 16 to 21. These centres offer personalised learning plans and combine personal, social and vocational development. Also important are the Bridging and Foundation Courses, designed for adults who have been out of the labour market or education for extended periods. These courses help build confidence, support personal development and provide basic vocational skills. The average age of adult learners in Irish vocational programmes is around 42, underscoring the country’s strong emphasis on lifelong learning (Table B2.3).
Some countries integrate both students in initial education and adult learners into the same vocational tracks. In the United Kingdom, for instance, the same vocational qualifications at the lower secondary level can be pursued from the age of 14 onwards or by adult learners. The average age of those enrolled in lower secondary vocational programmes is 24, which is relatively young compared to other countries. These programmes account for 13% of all students in lower secondary education and the qualifications focus on practical technical skills for employment or further study. Similarly, in Australia, the vocational education and training (VET) system is open to both young students and adult learners, with 10% of lower secondary students enrolled in VET programmes. The average age of participants is 35, reflecting a strong presence of adult learners. Unlike traditional school-based models, most VET students in Australia are trained through registered training organisations rather than in schools. The system offers clear pathways to further vocational education at the upper secondary level, making it a flexible and inclusive approach to lifelong learning (Table B2.3).
1. Year of reference differs from 2013.
For data, see Table B2.3. For a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section.
Trends in the share of students enrolled in vocational lower secondary programmes
The share of students enrolled in vocational lower secondary programmes is relatively stable over the last decade, accounting for 6% of lower secondary students in 2013 and 7% in 2023. Some countries where the share of vocational lower secondary education has historically been higher than the OECD average, have seen notable declines over the past decade. Australia, for example, saw an 11 percentage point drop since 2013, falling to 10% in 2023, primarily due to a shift in enrolment patterns towards stand-alone vocational subjects and upper secondary level qualifications. There were also decreases of 5 percentage points in Bulgaria (from 7% to 2%) and in Portugal (from 9% to 4%) (Figure B2.3). In Portugal, this decline has been largely attributed to severe cuts in funding for adult learning. These financial constraints led to the discontinuation of the New Opportunities programme, the closure of adult education centres and a reduction in the number of adult educators, significantly weakening the country's support system for adult vocational education (Lindeboom, 2023[20])
In contrast, some countries have maintained or even increased enrolment in vocational tracks at the lower secondary level, often due to strong ties to national education strategies or labour market needs. In Costa Rica, early tracking programmes – targeted exclusively at students in initial education – have grown by 3 percentage points over the past decade, reaching 20% in 2023. Similarly, Mexico's Job Training programme, designed specifically for adult learners, increased by 3 percentage points and now stands at 24%, reflecting a growing emphasis on adult vocational pathways (Figure B2.3).
The Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) 2023 results provide valuable insights into the extent of student absenteeism and its connection to academic performance in mathematics and science among fourth and eighth grade students. Understanding the patterns of student absenteeism and its relationship with the academic achievement is essential for shaping policies aimed at improving student engagement and learning outcomes.
Studies suggest that absenteeism can stem from multiple factors, including socio-economic challenges, health issues, lack of parental involvement or disengagement from the curriculum (Akkus and Cinkir, 2022[21]; Attwood and Croll, 2006[22]). In 2023, Saudi Arabia had the highest share of fourth grade students reporting they were absent weekly (32%), where lenient past enforcement and culturally tolerated absences played a role (AlSayyari and AlBuhairan, 2020[23]). Brazil, Chile and South Africa, where the shares of students who were absent weekly exceed 15%, face challenges such as poverty, inequality, unsafe environments or long commutes (Moloele and Lekalakala, 2024[24]; Soto Uribe et al., 2023[25]). Latvia and the Slovak Republic were also above the international average of 13%, with absenteeism linked to poor school climate and marginalisation, particularly among Roma students (OECD, 2016[26]; Vasilevich, 2024[27]). In contrast, Japan and Korea recorded the lowest levels of absenteeism, at below 5%, indicating a strong culture of regular attendance (Figure B2.4).
The share of fourth grade students who reported being absent from school at least once a week has increased slightly on average across countries, from 11% in 2019 to 13% in 2023. While most countries saw only minor changes during this period, Latvia, Lithuania and Saudi Arabia recorded the greatest increases in absenteeism over the period, rising by at least 5 percentage points. In contrast, a few systems registered small improvements in attendance, with Italy, South Africa and Spain, each experiencing a 1 percentage point decline in absenteeism (Figure B2.4).
Note: The TIMSS 2019 and 2023 Student Questionnaires asked students to report on their frequency of absence from school; students could choose “never or almost never,” “once every two months,” “once a month,” “once every two weeks,” or “once a week”.
Source: (von Davier et al., 2024[28]).
The COVID-19 pandemic is believed to be the main factor disrupting schooling in all OECD countries, but its impact on absenteeism has been uneven (OECD, 2024[29]). Some of the countries with sharp increases experienced extended periods of remote learning; for instance, Saudi Arabia had the longest school closure, lasting well into 2021 (Jack and Oster, 2023[30]). In contrast, countries where absenteeism declined despite being strongly affected by the pandemic, like Italy and Spain, implemented an intense post-COVID recovery strategy involving addressing learning gaps, targeted remedial support, financial incentives and community outreach to re-engage vulnerable students (OECD, 2021[31]). According to the research, there is no clear and consistent relationship between pre-pandemic attendance levels, the length of school closures and post-pandemic trends, suggesting there are more nuances about national dynamics and policy effectiveness to be considered (OECD, 2024[29]). This helps explain the modest international average increase in absenteeism despite the global shock of COVID-19, and the varied patterns emerging across countries.
Differences in post-pandemic absenteeism levels can also be seen at a subnational level. For example, in Canada, weekly absentee rates in Ontario rose to 10% in 2023, widening the gap with Quebec, where they only reached 5% (Figure B2.4). This divergence reflects differences in provincial education systems, pandemic responses and attendance monitoring. Ontario experienced longer school closures and more post-COVID disengagement, while Quebec prioritised school reopening and student support. Differences in how absenteeism is recorded and addressed also contribute to this gap (Gallagher-Mackay et al., 2021[32]; Mathieu, 2021[33]; Kom Mogto et al., 2012[34]).
Missing school is negatively correlated with academic performance in mathematics, highlighting the cumulative effect of absenteeism on mathematics performance, and emphasising how gaps in foundational skills grow over time (Gottfried, 2015[35]). TIMSS 2023 results are consistent with broader evidence that links chronic absenteeism to lower grades, higher dropout risk and long-term disadvantages such as reduced employment prospects, poor health and increased likelihood of engaging in risky behaviours (OECD, 2024[29]). In 2023, countries with higher shares of students absent at least once a week – such as Brazil, Saudi Arabia and South Africa – also tended to report lower average performance in mathematics, while systems with consistently low absenteeism – like Korea, Japan and the Netherlands – performed comparatively well.
Chronic absenteeism also has broader implications, affecting students’ social-emotional development, motivation and future educational attainment. Absenteeism has a negative impact on students' academic performance as it weakens student-teacher relationships, disrupts classroom management and diverts school administrators' focus from educational priorities (Akkus and Cinkir, 2022[21]). Socio-economic disadvantages exacerbate absenteeism, with students from low-income backgrounds, those with disabilities and non-native speakers being disproportionately affected (Santibañez and Guarino, 2021[36]). Research further links absenteeism to long-term educational setbacks, including lower graduation rates and reduced employment prospects (Ansari, Hofkens and Pianta, 2020[37]; Hutt and Gottfried, 2019[38]).
Transition into upper secondary education
Many OECD countries aim to ensure universal completion of upper secondary education, with some making all or part of this level compulsory. In most OECD and partner countries, compulsory education ends at least one year after the theoretical starting age for upper secondary education (Annex Table X1.3). Nevertheless, the transition from lower to upper secondary can be shaped by a range of contextual factors. Late school entry, grade repetition and differences in programme structures may delay some students’ entry into upper secondary education. These delays, however, often reflect system-level features rather than issues with the transition process itself.
Figure B2.5 highlights enrolment rates at the theoretical starting age for upper secondary education and one year later. Although the theoretical age indicates when students are typically expected to start upper secondary education, actual student progression often varies. In Iceland, Ireland, Japan, Norway and Poland, over 95% of those at the expected age for starting upper secondary education are enrolled at that level, suggesting close alignment between age and grade progression. In contrast, in Hungary, the Netherlands and Switzerland, 35% or less are enrolled in upper secondary education at the expected time, indicating delayed entry for a substantial share of students. However, these delayed entries are not necessarily signs of poor transitions but may instead reflect higher shares of over-age students or systems where progression pathways are more flexible. For instance, in Denmark, the Flemish Community of Belgium, Germany, Israel and the Netherlands, the duration of lower secondary programmes varies, and this is not always reflected in the theoretical starting age of upper secondary education. Consequently, delayed transitions in these systems would often be expected and built into the structure.
One year after the theoretical starting age, patterns of enrolment reflect both delayed progression and early school leaving. In systems with relatively high grade repetition or extended lower secondary programmes, many students transition to upper secondary education after a delay, and these countries record increased upper secondary enrolment rates one year after the theoretical transition year. In countries like Denmark, Hungary and Switzerland, enrolment rates one year on increase by over 45 percentage points, suggesting that delays are temporary, and most students eventually transition. In Denmark, for instance, it is common for lower secondary graduates to enrol in the 10th grade, either at a boarding school or at a local 10th grade facility. In the 2022/2023 school year, 54% of 9th grade graduates enrolled in 10th grade the following year. As a result, what appears as a delayed transition in the data often reflects a deliberate educational choice rather than disengagement from schooling. In contrast, in countries such as Colombia, Luxembourg and the Netherlands, over 20% of students remain in lower secondary education a year after the expected transition, which may reflect both structural delays and more significant retention issues. (Figure B2.5).
At the same time, a portion of students will have left education a year after the transition age, whether due to dropping out or completing short programmes. High rates of non-enrolment at or one year after this point are particularly concerning. In China, India, Mexico, Romania and Saudi Arabia, over 20% of young people of the starting age for upper secondary are not enrolled in any secondary education programme and the non-enrolment rate generally increases after a year. In Colombia, early school leaving is even more pronounced one year after the theoretical starting age for upper secondary, with a non-enrolment rate of 21% in secondary education(Figure B2.5).These figures are particularly concerning in countries where upper secondary education is part of compulsory schooling. For instance, in Romania, compulsory education ends with completion of upper secondary education. Similarly, in Mexico, it ends with the attainment of a secondary education diploma (OECD, 2024[39]).
How to read: Panel A presents the enrolment rates of students in lower and upper secondary education at the theoretical starting age of upper secondary education in 2022. Panel B shows the enrolment rates of students in lower and upper secondary education one year after that theoretical starting age, in 2023. The share of students classified as “not in secondary education” is calculated as: (100 - enrolment rate in lower secondary - enrolment rate in upper secondary), for both panels. For example, in Austria, the theoretical starting age for upper secondary education is 14. Therefore, Panel A displays enrolment rates of 14-year-olds in lower and upper secondary education in 2022, while Panel B shows enrolment rates of 15-year-olds in 2023.
Note: Numbers in square brackets indicate the theoretical starting ages for upper secondary education.
1. Year of reference differs from 2023.
For data, see OECD Education and Skills Statistics – Enrolment Rate Indicator at OECD Data Explorer.
Repeater refers to a student who is not promoted to the next grade or does not complete an educational programme and who remains in the same grade the following school year.
Initial education is the education of individuals before their first entrance to the labour market, i.e. when they will normally be in full-time education. It thus targets individuals who are regarded as children, youth and young adults by their society. It typically takes place in educational institutions in a system designed as a continuous educational pathway.
Adult education is specifically targeted at individuals who are regarded as adults by their society to improve their technical or professional qualifications, further develop their abilities, enrich their knowledge with the purpose of completing a level of formal education, or to acquire, refresh or update their knowledge, skills and competencies in a particular field. This also includes what may be referred to as “continuing education”, “recurrent education” or “second-chance education”.
Net enrolment rates are calculated by dividing the number of children of a particular age / age group enrolled by the size of the population of that age / age group. While enrolment and population figures refer to the same period in most cases, mismatches may occur due to data availability and different sources used in some countries. Therefore, population data are adjusted in the calculation of enrolment rates by age. This adjustment method ensures that if the cumulative enrolment data across all ISCED levels exceed the population data for a particular age, the population data for that age are adjusted to match the total enrolment for the corresponding age.
The share of over-age students is the percentage of students in each level of education (primary and lower secondary general education) who are at least two years above the intended age for their grade. The intended age for a given grade is the age at which students would enter the grade if they had started school at the official primary entrance age, had studied full-time and had progressed without repeating or skipping a grade.
Data refer to the reference year 2023 (school year 2022/23) and are based on the UNESCO-UIS/OECD/Eurostat data collection on education statistics administered by the OECD in 2025 (for details, see Education at a Glance 2025 Sources, Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/fcfaf2d1-en).
Data from Argentina, the People’s Republic of China, India, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia and South Africa are from the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (UIS).
Data on student absenteeism are available in TIMSS 2023 International Results (von Davier et al., 2024[28])
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To download the data for the figures and tables in this chapter, click StatLink above.
To access further data and/or other education indicators, please visit the OECD Data Explorer: https://data-explorer.oecd.org/.
Data cut-off for the print publication 13 June 2025. Please note that the Data Explorer contains the most recent data.
Table B2.1. Trends in enrolment rates of 6-14 year-olds, by level of education (2013 and 2023)
1. Year of reference differs from 2013: 2014 for Croatia and Estonia; and 2015 for South Africa.
2. Year of reference differs from 2023: 2022 for Saudi Arabia.
Table B2.2. Trends in the share of students over-age for their grade and share of repeaters, by level of education (2015 and 2023)
Note: Students are over-age for their grade in initial education if they are at least two years older than the intended age for their grade. The intended age for a given grade is the age at which students would enter the grade if they had started school at the official primary entrance age, had studied full time and had progressed without repeating or skipping a grade.
1. Year of reference for repeaters differs from 2015: 2016 for Colombia; 2017 for the United States; and 2018 for Portugal.
2. Year of reference for repeaters differs from 2023: 2022 for Argentina, Saudi Arabia and South Africa; and 2021 for China.
Table B2.3. Profile of lower secondary students (2023)
1. Year of reference differs from 2013: 2014 for Croatia and Greece; and 2015 for the Netherlands.
2. Year of reference differs from 2023: 2022 for Saudi Arabia.
a – category not applicable; b – break in series; d – contains data from another column; m – missing data; x – contained in another column (indicated in brackets). For further control codes, see the Reader’s Guide.
For further methodological information, see Education at a Glance 2025: Sources, Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/fcfaf2d1-en)
Note: For notes on this table and a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section above.
Note: For notes on this table and a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section above.
Note: For notes on this table and a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section above.