Although some countries have achieved near universal upper secondary attainment among 25-34 year-olds, on average, 13% of younger adults in OECD countries still lack an upper secondary qualification. Across OECD and partner countries, the rate is especially high in Costa Rica, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Peru and South Africa where more than one in three 25-34 year-olds have not attained upper secondary education.
Parental education remains a strong determinant of young adults’ educational attainment. Across OECD countries, 25-34 year-olds whose parents have a tertiary qualification are significantly more likely to obtain a tertiary degree themselves (70%) than those whose parents did not complete upper secondary education (26%).
Although a master’s degree is associated with significantly improved earnings and employment prospects, the prevalence of master’s attainment among 25-34 year-olds with tertiary qualifications varies widely across OECD and partner countries, ranging from 4% in Brazil to 83% in the Slovak Republic.
Education at a Glance 2025
Context
Educational attainment plays a pivotal role in democratic societies and the labour market. It is often used as a key indicator of human capital. Higher levels of educational attainment are strongly linked to increased employment rates (see Chapter A3) and a more skilled labour force. It is also associated with higher earnings (see Chapter A4) and better health (see Chapter A6).
Over the past several decades, tertiary attainment has increased across most OECD countries. Individuals with tertiary qualifications generally achieve higher employment rates and earn better wages than those with lower educational levels. Even within tertiary education, this trend still holds: individuals with a master’s degree or equivalent typically earn more and face lower unemployment rates than those with only a bachelor’s degree or equivalent.
To enhance the educational attainment of their populations, governments in OECD countries have implemented various policies aimed at retaining individuals within the education system and equipping them with the skills demanded by the labour market (OECD, 2018[1]). However, the growing prevalence of non-formal and informal education has introduced alternative pathways for adults to acquire these skills in non-traditional settings (see Chapter A5).
1. Year of reference differs from 2024.
For data, see Table A1.1. For a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section.
Other findings
Upward educational mobility is considerably more widespread than downward mobility. Among 25-34 year-olds whose parents attained upper secondary education, 44% have attained tertiary education on average across OECD countries, while just 8% did not complete upper secondary.
There are large differences in the prevalence of different fields of study among adults (25-64 year-olds) with tertiary attainment in OECD countries. Across the OECD on average, 26% of tertiary-educated adults had studied science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM), the most prevalent field of study.
On average across OECD countries, the most common level of tertiary attainment for both women and men aged 25–34 is a bachelor’s degree, held by 29% of women and 22% of men. A smaller share has completed a master’s degree (19% of women and 13% of men), while only 1% of young adults have earned a doctorate, regardless of gender.
Educational attainment has steadily increased over recent decades across all OECD countries. Younger generations generally exhibit higher levels of educational attainment, and women have long surpassed men in tertiary attainment on average across OECD countries.
Not only is tertiary education associated with higher employment rates, better wages and better health, but within this level, master's and doctoral degrees generally offer even greater employment prospects and earnings, although outcomes vary by field of study. Notably, significant gender imbalances persist, with women often concentrated in fields that tend to yield lower wages and employment rates compared to male-dominated disciplines (see Chapters A3 and A4).
While labour force surveys are invaluable for cross-country comparisons, their design choices—such as the languages in which interviews are conducted—can affect which populations are actually represented in the data. This, in turn, has implications for how accurately educational attainment levels reflect the true composition of the population. Box A1.1 explores how linguistic accessibility in national LFS affects data coverage, highlighting why this aspect is important when interpreting attainment data for policymaking.
Tertiary education attainment
Among tertiary-educated 25-64 year-olds, the most common level of educational attainment is a bachelor’s or equivalent degree, with about 48% of this population having a bachelor’s as their highest level of education. This is followed by master’s attainment, with around 35% of tertiary-educated adults holding this degree as their highest qualification. In contrast, only a small percentage – 3% – of them has attained a doctorate. Similarly, a relatively low proportion holds short-cycle tertiary qualifications as their highest educational attainment – 17% (Table A1.1).
While a relatively low proportion of tertiary-educated 25-64 year-olds holds short-cycle tertiary qualifications as their highest educational attainment, there is an exception worth pointing out. In Canada, over one fourth hold short-cycle tertiary qualifications as their highest educational attainment. Also, the proportion that holds short-cycle tertiary attainment matches or exceeds the proportion that holds bachelor’s attainment in Austria, France, Spain and China (Table A1.1).
This pattern of attainment reflects the labour market's demand for highly skilled workers, with bachelor's and master's degrees often serving as key pathways to employment in knowledge-intensive sectors. However, the lower share of doctoral graduates suggests that although advanced research skills are valued, they remain a niche qualification pursued by a smaller segment of the population (OECD, 2019[2]).
The share of 25-34 year-olds with tertiary attainment has increased between 2019 and 2024 in almost all OECD and partner countries with available data for both years. The OECD average has increased by 3 percentage points, from 45% in 2019 to 48% in 2024. In Ireland, Luxembourg and Norway, the increase is 10 percentage points or more, while Romania, the Slovak Republic, South Africa and Switzerland experience a decline of at least 2 percentage points (The gender gap is also widening: 55% of 25-34 year-old women across the OECD have a tertiary degree, compared to 42% of men, a difference which has slightly increased between 2019 and 2024. Estonia is the only country with comparable data for both 2019 and 2024 where the gender gap has narrowed by at least 5 percentage points over this period (Table A1.2).
Looking at longer trends in tertiary attainment, between 2000 and 2021 the average rate of tertiary education among young adults in OECD countries increased steadily by about 1 percentage point per year. However, since 2021, this growth has slowed considerably, with the average annual increase dropping to just 0.3 percentage points. This slowdown underscores ongoing challenges related to unequal access to higher education. On average, only 26% of young adults whose parents did not complete upper secondary education hold a tertiary qualification, compared to 70% of those with at least one parent who attained tertiary education. These disparities highlight persistent barriers that continue to limit educational opportunities for learners from disadvantaged backgrounds, despite overall progress in tertiary attainment.
Master’s attainment
Just as the share of 25-34 year-olds with tertiary education has increased in recent years, so has the proportion of those whose highest attainment is a master’s degree. Although the difference between 2019 and 2024 is not significant in most countries, in Ireland and Luxembourg the share increased by at least 7 percentage points during this period. However, in the Slovak Republic and Switzerland, the share of young adults attaining a master’s degree declined by 2 percentage points over the past five years (Figure A1.2).
Master’s programmes vary across OECD countries, reflecting different educational systems and labour-market needs. One approach is the long first degree, where the undergraduate and graduate stages are integrated into a single, extended programme. A second approach is where students first attain a bachelor’s degree before completing their initial education with a master’s degree, a model widely adopted in many OECD countries, including those aligned with the Bologna Process. In this model, the master’s programme typically lasts 1-2 years and prepares graduates for both professional practice and research careers. A third approach is the master’s as lifelong learning, where individuals pursue postgraduate education after gaining work experience, often in flexible formats such as part-time or online programmes. This model is prevalent in programmes like the Master of Business Administration (Executive MBA) and allows professionals to reskill or advance their careers. These different approaches highlight the diverse purposes of master’s degrees, from early career development to ongoing professional growth, and their increasing role in adapting to changing labour-market demands (OECD, 2023[3]).
In per cent
1. Break in time series between 2019 and 2024.
2. Year of reference differs from 2024.
3. Year of reference differs from 2019.
For data, see Table A1.2. For a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section.
Fields of study
Individuals typically pursue tertiary education in order to enter a specific career or sector and to acquire the skills they need for their desired job. Breaking down tertiary attainment by field of study shows the variation across OECD countries, with some fields being more popular than others (Figure A1.3). The most popular broad field overall is science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM), but in 9 OECD countries, business, administration and law remains the most common broad field. Traditional gender roles have also influenced the choice of field of study, and certain fields have traditionally attracted more students from one gender than from the other. In most countries, women dominate in health and welfare but are under-represented in the broad field of science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) (Table A1.3).
In an evolving job market, STEM fields are particularly valued due to the high demand for the skills they provide, both in traditional industries and emerging sectors. STEM graduates typically see stronger labour-market and earnings outcomes than their peers who studied other fields, highlighting the economic advantages of expanding access to STEM education (see Chapter A3). Across OECD countries, 26% of tertiary-educated individuals are STEM graduates, on average. However, the popularity of these fields varies by country, influenced by factors such as national industrial needs, education policies and student preferences. In Germany, this share reaches 34% (Table A1.3). This pattern highlights the increasing importance of STEM-related technical and analytical skills in the labour market, as well as the role of STEM education in driving innovation and economic growth.
Percentage of adults with tertiary attainment
1. Year of reference differs from 2024.
For data, see Table A1.3. For a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section.
Upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary attainment
Upper secondary attainment can lead to attractive career opportunities, particularly in countries with strong vocational education and training (VET) systems. In these countries, completing upper secondary education often results in a clear path to well-paying, skilled jobs in sectors like manufacturing, technology and services. However, in countries without robust vocational pathways, the same level of education may not offer the same career prospects, which can influence overall attainment levels. This disparity in career outcomes contributes to varying upper secondary completion rates across OECD countries.
On average across OECD countries, 40% of adults (25-64 year-olds) have an upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary qualification as their highest level of education. However, OECD countries show very different shares of adults with this level of attainment: it is below 25% in Costa Rica, Mexico, Spain and Türkiye, and above 60% in Czechia and the Slovak Republic (Table A1.1).
Among younger adults (25-34 year-olds) in OECD countries, the rates of upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary attainment range from 23% in Spain to 59% in Czechia. On average across the OECD, this share has slightly fallen, from 40% in 2019 to 39% in 2024, as younger adults are more likely to pursue tertiary education than they were a decade ago. However, upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary represents the most commonly attained level of education among 25-34 year-olds in about half of OECD countries (Table A1.2).
The gender difference is also widening at this level among 25-34 year-olds. Across OECD countries, on average, 44% of younger men had upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary attainment in 2024, 10 percentage points more than the rate for younger women (34%). In 2019, a similar gender gap was observed (45% for younger men and 36% for younger women). This is a reversal of the pattern for tertiary attainment, where the average difference between the share of 25-34 year-old women and men with tertiary attainment is 13 percentage points in favour of women. Notably, Norway is the only country where the gender gap at this level is more than twice as large, with 33% of younger men compared to just 16% of younger women attaining this level of education (Table A1.2).
Below upper secondary attainment
Attaining upper secondary education has become a minimum requirement for navigating the modern economy and society. Early school leavers are also more likely to experience lower levels of social cohesion and civic engagement compared to their more educated peers (OECD, 2023[3]). These disadvantages – both social and economic – are likely to deepen as societies become more reliant on digital technologies.
Despite the educational expansion experienced over the past decades, on average across OECD countries, 19% of adults (25-64 year-olds) still do not have an upper secondary qualification in 2024. In Brazil, China, Costa Rica, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Portugal, South Africa and Türkiye, the most commonly held attainment level of education for the adult population remains below upper secondary (Table A1.1). However, the share of adults with below upper secondary attainment is gradually declining, particularly among younger generations. The share among 25-34 year-olds has been steadily decreasing across OECD countries in recent years, from 15% in 2019 to 13% in 2024. Among OECD countries, the highest proportion is found in Mexico (41%), while the lowest is in Korea (1%) (Table A1.2). This trend highlights that those without upper secondary qualifications are predominantly older adults, with younger generations increasingly achieving this level of education.
In most OECD and partner countries, young men are more likely than young women to lack an upper secondary qualification, with an OECD average of 14% for young men and 11% for young women. The gender gap is 8 percentage points or higher in Costa Rica and Portugal. Bulgaria, Korea, and Mexico are the exceptions, where there is no gender gap in the share of individuals with below upper secondary attainment (Table A1.2).
To address evolving labour-market demands and the need for new skills, OECD countries have been actively implementing policies to encourage individuals to remain in the education system and achieve higher levels of educational attainment (OECD, 2018[1]). These efforts have become increasingly important in the context of digitalisation and the growing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the workplace. Recent OECD analysis underscores the importance of aligning education and training systems with emerging skill needs, particularly by strengthening access to high-quality learning opportunities throughout people’s lives (OECD, 2023[4]). In this context, upper secondary and post-secondary education play a critical role in equipping learners with the competencies necessary to engage with AI-driven technologies and remain resilient in an increasingly dynamic labour market (OECD, 2023[5]).
In many countries, the national labour force survey (LFS) is a key source of labour-market statistics, providing crucial information on educational attainment, employment, unemployment and workforce participation, among other measures. Typically gathered monthly or quarterly, LFS data are widely used for economic analysis, policy design and international comparisons. These surveys cover a significant proportion of the population, aiming to reflect labour-market trends and inform policy decisions.
In Education at a Glance, LFS data are used extensively in Chapter A1 (on educational attainment), Chapter A2 (on the transition from school to work), Chapter A3 (on labour-market outcomes) and occasionally in other chapters such as A5 (on adult education). The reliability, coverage and comparability of LFS data make them a fundamental input to understanding how education influences labour-market dynamics across countries.
However, like any survey, the LFS can be affected by methodological challenges. One critical issue is linguistic accessibility – if certain population groups are unable to participate due to language barriers, this could introduce biases in the data. Given the increasing linguistic diversity in many OECD countries due to migration and demographic shifts, ensuring that surveys are accessible to all residents, regardless of language proficiency, is an important challenge for national statistical offices.
To explore this issue, the INES Network on Labour Market, Economic and Social Outcomes (LSO Network) conducted an ad-hoc survey on how OECD countries address linguistic diversity in their national LFS. Table A1.1.a presents the results, based on the responses received. These suggest there are three main approaches:
Note: The United States has no official language but conducts the survey in English and other prevalent languages.
Potential biases and country practices in addressing linguistic barriers
The choice of language in LFS administration can significantly impact data quality and representativeness. Some countries, particularly those with skilled migration programmes (e.g. Canada, New Zealand and Portugal), conduct their surveys only in their official languages, assuming that most foreign-born residents have sufficient proficiency. However, this approach may result in under-representation of certain groups, particularly recent migrants or lower-skilled workers.
Countries with multilingual survey options often tailor their approaches to local linguistic contexts. For instance, Estonia conduct LFS in both the national language and Russian, reflecting the presence of large Russian-speaking communities, while Latvia conducted it in both languages until the end of 2022. Similarly, in Canada, the LFS is available in English and French, and when respondents do not speak either language, a knowledgeable household member (often a child in immigrant families) may assist in translation, ensuring data collection is not compromised.
Some countries allow for technological solutions to facilitate multilingual participation. Germany, for example, officially administers the LFS in German and English but acknowledges that some respondents rely on translation software to complete the survey, even though no official recommendations exist for their use.
In certain cases, countries introduce supplementary measures to capture data on migrant populations more accurately. For instance, the Slovak Republic conducts an additional survey module on migrants, as its LFS only covers private households, thereby excluding many recent migrants who reside in collective housing. Similarly, in the United States, the Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey (CPS) is conducted in English, but interviewers offer assistance in Spanish and other commonly spoken languages (such as French, Mandarin, Korean and Arabic) to enhance participation and reduce response bias. In Sweden the questionnaire is in Swedish with interpreter assistance available online.
Key considerations
Ensuring that Labour Force Surveys (LFS) effectively capture data from all segments of the population is crucial for accurate labour-market analysis. While multilingual survey options can enhance inclusivity, they also introduce methodological challenges. Policy makers must balance linguistic accessibility with data consistency, ensuring that LFS data accurately reflect workforce participation across diverse linguistic groups.
Technical challenges:
Conducting the LFS in multiple languages requires additional resources, trained personnel and standardised methodologies to ensure data quality.
Developing the LFS questionnaire in another language must also meet the same strong legal requirements as a questionnaire in the national language. This often presents a legal challenge. It is therefore sometimes easier to use lists or explanations in the other languages.
Data interpretation risks: Respondents answering in a non-native language may misinterpret survey questions, leading to inconsistencies in responses. This issue requires careful consideration in data validation and analysis.
Policy context and relevance: Countries vary in their linguistic inclusion strategies depending on their migration patterns. While some countries adapt surveys to capture recent migration trends, others account for historically established linguistic minorities. Countries with skilled migration programmes may assume that migrants already possess sufficient language skills, but this assumption should be monitored and evaluated.
Implications for labour-market and education policies: Understanding linguistic diversity in LFS is essential for designing inclusive policies that adequately support migrants and non-native speakers. When surveys are conducted in multiple languages, they are more likely to capture the experiences of a broader and more diverse population. In contrast, surveys administered in only one language risk excluding linguistic minorities, which may lead to their underrepresentation in the data and, consequently, in the policies informed by those data.
Subnational variation in educational attainment
Educational attainment can vary significantly within countries. Capital regions, which often encompass the country’s largest city, tend to have a more highly skilled workforce attracted by the job opportunities in the public and private sector. In contrast, rural areas generally have a less-skilled workforce with lower levels of educational attainment (OECD, 2023[6]). Internal migration patterns contribute to this disparity, as individuals move from rural areas to urban centres in search of better educational opportunities and higher-skilled jobs. This movement concentrates skilled labour in capital regions, reinforcing regional inequalities in education and employment. Capital regions and large metropolitan regions also have more infrastructure (OECD, 2023[6]), and larger educational institutions are typically concentrated in major economic and capital regions (Hermannsson, Scandurra and Graziano, 2019[7]). These areas also have the services needed to support their populations effectively and attract more individuals. The following analysis is of regions at the TL2 level, which are large subnational regions as defined by the OECD’s official regional classification (OECD, 2023[8]).
In most OECD countries, overall tertiary attainment rates for 25-64 year-olds vary widely across subnational regions. The most significant regional disparities are found in Canada and Hungary, where the difference between the highest and lowest performing regions reaches 38 percentage points. In Canada, Ontario boasts a tertiary attainment rate of 71%, while Nunavut lags at just 33%. Similarly, in Hungary, tertiary attainment ranges from 59% in the capital, Budapest, to only 21% in Northern Hungary. These disparities reflect deep-rooted urban-rural divides and suggest the continuing need for region-specific educational policies and enhanced social support systems, particularly in remote communities (Table A1.5, available on line).
Conversely, Ireland and Slovenia exhibit limited regional variation, with a gap of just 6 percentage points between the highest and lowest performing regions in Ireland and of 8 percentage points in Slovenia. Ireland’s tertiary attainment rates range from 53% (Southern) to 60% percent (Eastern and Midland), suggesting broadly uniform educational outcomes. In Slovenia, the difference between Eastern Slovenia (31%) and Western Slovenia (39%) also indicates modest disparities (Table A1.5, available on line).
Intergenerational mobility
Individuals’ educational attainment remains closely tied to that of their parents across OECD countries. Data from the Survey of Adult Skills (PIAAC) (2024[9]) show that the likelihood of completing tertiary education is around 70% for young adults with at least one tertiary-educated parent, while the likelihood of having the same level of education as their parents corresponds to 48% and 27% for those with upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary and below upper secondary, respectively (Table A1.4, available on line).
Figure A1.4 further illustrates the role of intergenerational transmission in shaping tertiary educational attainment. As noted, young adults with at least one tertiary-educated parent are significantly more likely to also attain tertiary education, while the probability drops considerably for those whose parents have lower levels of education (44% for those whose parents have attained at most upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary education, and 26% for those whose neither parent completed upper secondary. In Hungary, Lithuania, Poland and the Slovak Republic, young adults with tertiary-educated parents are over 60 percentage points more likely to attain tertiary education than those whose parents lack upper secondary education (Figure A1.4).
Survey of Adult Skills (PIAAC); in per cent
Note: The percentage in parentheses represents the share of tertiary-educated parents.
For data, see Table A1.4 (available on line). For a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section.
The persistence of educational advantage is mirrored by “sticky floors” at the lower end (OECD, 2018[10]). In the Slovak Republic, 55% of young adults whose parents lacked upper secondary education also remain below that threshold, while this share is 48% in both Hungary and Spain (Table A1.4, available on line). These patterns highlight how family background continues to shape educational trajectories across generations (OECD, 2024[11]). However, given the relatively small sample sizes for some countries, the associated estimates carry a high degree of uncertainty, and differences between countries may not be statistically significant. Results should therefore be interpreted as indicative of broad patterns rather than precise rankings.
Despite this, intergenerational mobility remains evident in many countries. In all countries, upward mobility (i.e. adults whose educational attainment is higher than that of their parents) is considerably more common than downward mobility. Among young adults whose parents attained upper secondary education, 44% exceed this by completing tertiary education on average, while just 8% fail to reach upper secondary. In Denmark, the share of young adults whose parents did not complete upper secondary education but who themselves attained tertiary education has risen by 20 percentage points since 2012, reaching 49%, which is above the OECD average for young adults of all backgrounds. Similar progress has been observed in England and the Flemish Community of Belgium, where tertiary attainment among this group has increased by 12 percentage points.
The contrast between strong upward mobility and limited downward mobility among young adults whose parents attained upper secondary education is particularly pronounced in countries such as France, Ireland and Korea. In these countries, both high levels of tertiary attainment among this group (upward mobility) and a low share of below upper secondary attainment (downward mobility) combine to produce large differences. In Korea, for example, 78% of young adults whose parents attained upper secondary education attain tertiary education, while just 1% attained below upper secondary – a 77 percentage-point difference. Similarly, the difference reaches 56 points in Ireland and 50 points in France (Table A1.4, available on line).
At the same time, downward mobility is not uncommon. Despite the general expansion of tertiary attainment across OECD countries, nearly 30% of young adults with tertiary-educated parents do not reach tertiary attainment themselves, most often completing only upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary education. While this may indicate constrained opportunities in some countries, it can also reflect high social mobility in others. In Sweden, for example, over half (51%) of young adults with tertiary-educated parents do not attain tertiary education themselves; combined with high levels of tertiary attainment among those with less educated parents, this suggests that tertiary educational attainment is influenced by parents’ education to a smaller extent (Figure A1.4). Similarly, in Germany, the strong VET system offers alternative pathways that may reduce the relevance of parental education to educational outcomes.
Age groups: Adults refer to 25-64 year-olds; younger adults refer to 25-34 year-olds.
Educational attainment refers to the highest level of education successfully completed by an individual.
Levels of education: See the Reader’s Guide at the beginning of this publication for a presentation of all ISCED 2011 levels.
Educational attainment profiles are based on annual data on the percentage of the adult population (25‑64 year‑olds) in specific age groups who have successfully completed a specified level of education.
In OECD statistics, recognised qualifications from ISCED 2011 level 3 programmes that are not of sufficient duration for ISCED 2011 level 3 completion are classified at ISCED 2011 level 2 (see the Reader’s Guide). Where countries have been able to demonstrate equivalencies in the labour-market value of attainment formally classified as the “completion of intermediate upper secondary programmes” – such as achieving five good General Certificates of Secondary Education (GCSEs) or equivalent in the United Kingdom (note that each GCSE is offered in a specific school subject) – and “full upper secondary attainment”, attainment of these programmes is reported as ISCED 2011 level 3 completion in the tables that show three aggregate levels of educational attainment (UNESCO-UIS, 2012[12]).
Most OECD countries include people without formal education under the international classification ISCED 2011 level 0. Averages for the category “less than primary educational attainment” are therefore likely to be influenced by this inclusion.
See the OECD Handbook for Internationally Comparative Education Statistics (OECD, 2018[13]) and Education at a Glance 2025 Sources Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/fcfaf2d1-en) for more information.
Data on educational attainment for most countries are taken from OECD databases, which are compiled from National Labour Force Surveys by the OECD Labour Market, Economic and Social Outcomes of Learning (LSO) Network. Data on educational attainment for Argentina, the People’s Republic of China, India, Indonesia and South Africa are taken from the International Labour Organization (ILO) database.
Data on subnational regions for selected indicators are available in the OECD Regional Statistics Database (OECD, 2023[14]).
Data on intergenerational mobility are based on the Survey of Adult Skills (PIAAC) (2012-15 and 2023). PIAAC is the OECD Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies.
References
[7] Hermannsson, K., R. Scandurra and M. Graziano (2019), “Will the regional concentration of tertiary education persist? The case of Europe in a period of rising participation”, Regional Studies, Regional Science, Vol. 6/1, https://doi.org/10.1080/21681376.2019.1680313.
[9] OECD (2024), Do Adults Have the Skills They Need to Thrive in a Changing World?: Survey of Adult Skills 2023, OECD Skills Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/b263dc5d-en.
[11] OECD (2024), “Equity in education and on the labour market: Main findings from Education at a Glance 2024”, OECD Education Policy Perspectives, No. 107, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/b502b9a6-en.
[5] OECD (2023), Education and Skills Policy Programme, OECD, https://www.oecd.org/en/about/programmes/education-and-skills-policy-programmes.html.
[3] OECD (2023), Education at a Glance 2023: OECD Indicators, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/e13bef63-en.
[4] OECD (2023), OECD Employment Outlook 2023: Artificial Intelligence and the Labour Market, OECD Publishing, Paris., https://doi.org/10.1787/08785bba-en.
[14] OECD (2023), OECD Regional Database - Education, OECD, https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=REGION_EDUCAT (accessed on 20 July 2022).
[6] OECD (2023), OECD Regional Outlook 2023: The Longstanding Geography of Inequalities, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/92cd40a0-en.
[8] OECD (2023), OECD Territorial Grids, OECD, Paris, https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/data/datasets/oecd-geographical-definitions/territorial-grid.pdf.
[2] OECD (2019), Education at a Glance 2019: OECD Indicators, https://doi.org/10.1787/f8d7880d-en.
[10] OECD (2018), A Broken Social Elevator? How to Promote Social Mobility, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264301085-en.
[13] OECD (2018), OECD Handbook for Internationally Comparative Education Statistics: Concepts, Standards, Definitions and Classifications, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264304444-en.
[1] OECD (2018), “Preparing students for the future: Policy trends, progress and impact”, in Education Policy Outlook 2018: Putting Student Learning at the Centre, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264301528-en.
[12] UNESCO-UIS (2012), International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) 2011, UNESCO-UIS, Montreal, http://uis.unesco.org/sites/default/files/documents/international-standard-classification-of-education-isced-2011-en.pdf.
To download the data for the figures and tables in this chapter, click StatLink above.
To access further data and/or other education indicators, please visit the OECD Data Explorer: https://data-explorer.oecd.org/.
Data cut-off for the print publication 13 June 2025. Please note that the Data Explorer contains the most recent data.
Table A1.1. Educational attainment of adults (2024)
Note: In most countries data refer to ISCED 2011. For Argentina and India data refer to ISCED-97. Total might not add up to 100% for the averages because of missing data for some levels for some countries. Data for Argentina, China, India, and Indonesia are based on ILO (2025).
1. Year of reference differs from 2024: 2023 for Argentina, Brazil, Iceland, India and the United States; 2022 for Chile and Indonesia; and 2020 for China.
Table A1.2. Trends in the educational attainment of 25-34 year-olds, by gender (2019 and 2024)
Note: In most countries data refer to ISCED 2011. For Argentina and India data refer to ISCED-97. Columns showing data for men and women, and for short-cycle tertiary and doctoral or equivalent attainment are available for consultation on line. Data for Argentina, China, India, and Indonesia are based on ILO (2025).
1. Year of reference differs from 2024: 2023 for Argentina, Brazil, Iceland, India and the United States; 2022 for Chile and Indonesia.
2. Year of reference differs from 2019: 2020 for Chile; 2021 for Finland; and 2022 for Peru.
Table A1.3. Field of study among tertiary-educated adults (2024)
Note: Category totals may not be equivalent to the sum of the subcategories because some programmes cannot be classified into a specific subcategory but are included in the total. In addition, data on humanities (except languages), social sciences, journalism and information might refer to the broad field social sciences, journalism and information only. Columns showing data for the categories Total are available for consultation on line.
1. Year of reference differs from 2024: 2022 for Chile; 2021 for Canada, Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom; 2017 for the United States.
a – category not applicable; b – break in series; c – there are too few observations to provide reliable estimates; d – contains data from another column; m – missing data; r – values are below a certain reliability threshold and should be interpreted with caution x – contained in another column (indicated in brackets). For further control codes, see the Reader’s Guide.
For further methodological information, see Education at a Glance 2025: Sources, Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/fcfaf2d1-en)
Percentage of 25-64 year-olds with a given level of education as the highest level attained
Note: For notes on this table and a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section above.
Percentage of 25-34 year-olds with a given level of education as the highest level attained
Note: For notes on this table and a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section above.
Percentage of 25-64 year-olds with tertiary attainment
Note: For notes on this table and a link to download the data, see Tables and Notes section above.