Effectively addressing SAP requires more than isolated interventions, it demands a robust legal, governance and policy framework supported by co-ordinated action across the education system. In Ireland, existing governance, legal and policy structures have already laid important groundwork. Drawing on international practices, Heyne (2025[10]) identified four key drivers of successful attendance-related legal and policy reforms that were adapted for the purposes of this analysis: collaboration, engagement with stakeholders, monitoring and leadership. This section examines how these four drivers are reflected in the Irish education system in the context of tackling SAP, and outlines strengths and challenges within them.
3. Enablers of strong legal, governance and policy frameworks on school attendance
Copy link to 3. Enablers of strong legal, governance and policy frameworks on school attendance3.1. Collaboration among departments, agencies and school staff
Copy link to 3.1. Collaboration among departments, agencies and school staff3.1.1. A range of services share the common goal of improving attendance
Responsibilities for SAP at the school level can span across multiple roles. Teachers are often supported by other professionals, such as school leaders, counsellors, social workers, home school liaison community co-ordinators, school completion programme staff and others (Reid, 2013[16]). In regard to SAP, a multi-professional team composed of individuals from different professions can help address different aspects of the student’s and family’s situation (Mossberg, 2025[17]), which can have beneficial effects (Boaler and Bond, 2023[18]; Kearney and Graczyk, 2020[19]; Keppens and Spruyt, 2020[20]). However, for teamwork to be effective, all members need to clearly understand both their own roles and responsibilities as well as those of others and take accountability of them (Jahans‐Baynton and Grealish, 2021[21]; Zerden, Lombardi and Richman, 2019[22]).
Policies related to the engagement of non-teaching staff members around SAP vary among education systems (OECD, 2026[13]). Of 45 education systems, 21 reported that it is a requirement to engage with school counsellors around SAP, whereas it is encouraged to do so in 17 education systems. Social workers are another important non-teaching staff category to engage to tackle SAP. More specifically, it is a requirement to engage with social workers in 14 of education systems, and it is encouraged to do so in 19 education systems. In addition, 13 education systems require the engagement with school psychologists and 20 systems encourage the engagement with these non-teaching staff members. Engagement with home-school liaison officers is required in eight education systems and encouraged in nine education systems. Nine education systems require the engagement with therapists around SAP and eight systems encourage such engagement.
In Ireland, supporting attendance for students facing educational disadvantage is a specific priority in schools that are part of the DEIS programme (OECD, 2024[23]). DEIS offers a range of supports, including the Home School Community Liaison (HSCL) Scheme, the School Completion Programme (SCP), DEIS Grant and additional teaching posts in certain types of DEIS schools – all aimed at improving student attendance. The improvement of retention and attendance rates is seen as a central aim of the DEIS programme and is the responsibility of each school (Smyth et al., 2015[24]). The DEIS planning process requires schools to set targets for improved attendance rates and to devise and implement strategies to achieve these targets (OECD, 2024[23]).
An integrated services model in TESS combines the HSCL Scheme with the SCP and the Educational Welfare Service. All the support services share common outcomes: improved attendance, participation and retention. A recent report finds strong collaborative relationships between SCP staff, school leaders, HSCL Coordinators and Educational Welfare Officers (Smyth, Hingre and Darmody, 2024[4]).
The role of the HSCL Coordinator is to collaborate closely with parents, providing essential support to enhance their child’s education, particularly for those who are marginalised or disadvantaged. This support includes home visits, parent classes and events, personalised attendance assistance, parent-teacher meetings, co‑ordination with school departments and primary schools, as well as establishing community links and working with external agencies.
The SCP is designed to support children and young people with their school attendance, participation and retention. It offers targeted, referral-based support, fosters relationship building, models pro-social behaviours and collaborates with outside agencies to ensure positive outcomes for students. A recent report finds that the SCP helps make attending school a more positive experience for children and young people (Smyth, Hingre and Darmody, 2024[4]).
Educational Welfare Officers work with families and children to address barriers to school attendance and have the authority to take legal action against parents under the Education (Welfare) Act, 2000. The child’s voice is central to the plan developed by the Educational Welfare Officers, whose support is also rooted in open family and child discussions. Educational Welfare Officers provide guidance and assistance to children and families experiencing SAP. In the 2024/25 school year, there was a 16% increase in referrals, with over 8 000 children receiving support from an Educational Welfare Officer (TESS, 2025[25]).
3.1.2. Teachers may lack relevant capacity to support attendance
Teachers are key for responding to SAP and collaborating with other school professionals in supporting students. An Irish Inspectorate report revealed an important link between attendance and high-quality, responsive teaching (Department of Education, 2024[26]). Studies also emphasise the need for professional learning programmes for increasing student attendance (Hanno and Gonzalez, 2019[27]; Reid, 2007[28]).
To support students with SAP effectively, teachers need relevant training both for initial teacher education and continuing professional learning. Of 42 education systems, 15 reported that they have a policy framework that requires school attendance to be addressed as part of initial teacher education, whereas 27 education systems did not have such a policy framework (OECD, 2025[9]). Turning to continuing professional learning programmes to tackle school attendance, of 44 education systems, 15 reported that they have a policy framework requiring teachers to take continuing professional learning programmes related to addressing student absences, whereas 11 education systems had such policy framework for school leaders. In addition, 27 education systems responded that they did not have such framework in place.
In Ireland, tackling school attendance is not an explicit part of either initial teacher education or continuing professional learning (OECD, 2025[9]). This means that educators do not receive training on the importance of school attendance, strategies to promote student engagement, and ways to address student absences throughout their careers.
In some other countries, school attendance is an important component of continuing professional learning for teachers. For example, in England (United Kingdom) the national guidance “Working together to improve school attendance” is statutory for all maintained schools, academies, independent schools and local authorities. It emphasises that “school staff must receive adequate training on attendance” and that schools should have a structured attendance-improvement framework, including “regularly reviewing attendance data, discussing and challenging trends” and “sharing effective practice on attendance management and improvement across schools” (Department for Education, 2024[29]). These requirements imply that any teacher entering practice through initial teacher education and all existing staff (through continuing professional learning) need to be familiar with attendance law or regulations, how to maintain registers correctly, how to interpret attendance data, and how to implement attendance-improvement strategies.
In the Slovak Republic, school attendance is not covered as a standalone course but is integrated into various continuing professional learning programmes. Several programmes touch on absence within broader themes, such as social inclusion, dropout prevention, student well-being and school-family co‑operation (NIVAM, 2024[30]). For example, the Providing Support Measures for Children and Students programme helps participants develop skills in selecting, applying and evaluating support measures that promote social inclusion, prevent school dropout, and address mental and physical health issues. Another programme, System of Support Measures as a Tool for Social Inclusion, reflects current theoretical and practical knowledge on social inclusion, and aims to create an environment where all students are accepted, respected and have equal opportunities. Additionally, the Education for Pedagogical and Professional Staff Focused on Co-operation with Low-motivated Parents programme provides educators with strategies to engage families more effectively, recognising that parental involvement is a key factor in school attendance.
3.1.3. Some barriers for effective cross-agency co-ordination exist
Collaboration across agencies is recognised as essential for effectively addressing policy issues, including those related to SAP. Multi-agency approaches can foster shared responsibility, improve support systems and help overcome barriers to regular attendance. Collaboration across agencies can be vertical and horizontal. In addressing issues around SAP specifically, successful initiatives require time and a shift in organisational culture, with agencies working together to develop shared practices and professional guidance (Corcoran et al., 2023[31]). This can only work in systems where stakeholders are willing to co‑operate and co-ordinate (Kearney, 2021[32]). There are often barriers in the form of deep-rooted norms, traditions and bureaucratic cultures that can hinder the process of integration (UNESCO, 2020[33]). Other barriers may relate to obstacles associated within governance in general, such as ineffective communication with educators, lack of shared vision or overarching policy framework (Lawrence and Thorne, 2016[34]; Lord et al., 2008[35]; UNESCO, 2020[33]). Nevertheless, such collaborations can enhance the uptake of positive changes and ensure that all stakeholders are invested in solutions. Structures for collaborative problem-solving and regular communication can help address misunderstandings and improve service delivery.
In Ireland, TESS is responsible for ensuring that every student attends a school regularly, or otherwise receives an appropriate minimum education. It also advises the government on school attendance and education provision. Moreover, TESS co-operates and advises schools on School Attendance Strategy that must be prepared by each school and sent to TESS.
While TESS is funded and overseen by the Department of Education and Youth (DEY), TESS’ independent status can occasionally lead to less streamlined co-operation. For instance, it does not have access to common datasets, such as academic outcomes. It is also unable to share personal or sensitive data about individual students with the DEY. Furthermore, schools in Ireland are managed by local Boards of Management rather than being directly governed by the DEY or another entity. This decentralised management system creates challenges for TESS in collaborating with schools, e.g. in gathering necessary data, as there are no penalties for schools that fail to submit information.
Co-ordinated efforts among key stakeholders – such as national ministries, local authorities, schools and communities – have proven effective in aligning diverse perspectives to collectively address attendance challenges in several countries (Heyne, 2025[10]). Such an approach, which combines vertical collaboration (e.g. between ministries and local authorities) with horizontal partnerships (e.g. among educators and professional associations), can help ensure that reforms are rooted in shared priorities and day-to-day realities, rather than imposed through top-down mandates (ibid.). Ireland could look for examples in these countries, such as in Norway (Box 1).
Box 1. Collaboration across sectors to tackle SAP in Norway
Copy link to Box 1. Collaboration across sectors to tackle SAP in NorwayNorway provides an example of how cross-sector collaboration can translate shared priorities into effective policy implementation. At the core of Norway’s approach to tackling SAP and applying new legal obligations was close co-operation between the education, health and social services sectors. This inter-agency model aimed to ensure alignment between policy and practice, underpinned by the development of national guidelines that support schools in interpreting and operationalising legal requirements. Statped, the national service for special needs education, played a vital role by contributing specialist knowledge to address diverse learner needs. A central element of this work was the inter-agency working group, led by the Norwegian Directorate for Education and Training, which brought together professionals, parents, students and researchers to co-create evidence-based and practical guidance. These forthcoming guidelines might illustrate how inclusive and co-ordinated processes could transform legal mandates into actionable, context-sensitive strategies, reinforcing the value of collaboration in driving sustainable change.
Source: Heyne (2025[10]), From Absence to Attendance: Steering Towards Proactive Laws and Policies to Promote Learning and Well-Being, http://dx.doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.32745.61288.
3.2. Engagement with stakeholders
Copy link to 3.2. Engagement with stakeholders3.2.1. Communication efforts promote school attendance
Various OECD countries have implemented awareness-raising campaigns to curb student absences. These campaigns range from mass media initiatives to school-based and community outreach programmes. Awareness-raising campaigns aim to improve school attendance by informing schools, students and families about the importance of regular attendance and equipping them with strategies to address absences. Although evaluations that could establish a causal link confirming the effectiveness of these campaigns are generally lacking, their implementation can coincide with reduced absence rates. For instance, an early study involving 39 primary and secondary schools participating in a range of attendance‑focused activities during 2001 in the United States found that efforts focused on family and community engagement coincided with a significant decrease in the percentage of students missing 20 or more days (Sheldon and Epstein, 2004[36]). Strategies, such as communicating with families, celebrating good attendance and connecting chronically absent students with community mentors, contributed to a year-over-year reduction in chronic absence (ibid.). In another study from Ohio (United States), school‑wide outreach was associated with a 0.5% attendance improvement, as intervention schools fared better than comparison schools (Sheldon, 2007[37]).
In Ireland, TESS launched a five-year strategic plan (2023-28) aimed at promoting school attendance (TESS, n.d.[38]). As part of this initiative, TESS developed a series of webinars in collaboration with education partners to support schools and leadership teams in understanding their attendance data and taking appropriate measures to address SAP. To promote the benefits of being present in school every day, a national multimedia campaign was also launched in September 2025, including television, radio, social media and outdoor advertising, and a national Attendance Conference is planned for 2026 to share best practices and promote whole-system engagement (Department of Education and Youth, 2025[39]; Department of Education and Youth, 2025[40]).
Moreover, a range of resources has been published to support schools and families in promoting consistent attendance (Department of Education and Youth, 2025[41]). TESS provides guidance on the role of Educational Welfare Officers (including contact details) and offers tools to help schools encourage regular attendance, such as webinars and campaign posters. The National Parents’ Council operates a confidential helpline to assist parents with concerns related to their child’s schooling. The Health Service Executive has also issued advice to help parents determine when children are well enough to attend school. Further support is available through dedicated guidance for parents on recognising and addressing school reluctance, reinforcing the shared responsibility of schools, families and services in fostering positive attendance behaviours (ibid.).
3.2.2. Limited inclusion of student and family voices may constrain effective attendance solutions
Listening to the voices of students and parents is crucial in shaping effective policies to SAP. Active family involvement, especially through regular and meaningful communication with schools, can improve student attendance (Heyne, 2025[10]; McConnel, 2014[42]). When parents are engaged as partners, they might be motivated to help identify attendance barriers early and contribute to more sustainable solutions. Full‑service community school models further highlight the value of incorporating stakeholder perspectives – particularly those of families and communities – into school culture and decision-making structures. These models blend academic, emotional and social supports within the school environment, reducing access barriers while amplifying collaboration among educators, families and service providers (Hunter, Elswick and Casey, 2017[43]; McKinney de Royston and Madkins, 2019[44]; Valli, Stefanski and Jacobson, 2016[45]).
Moreover, qualitative studies that capture the lived experiences of students, parents and education professionals provide insights for understanding the root causes of absences and designing more responsive interventions. While such studies remain limited in number and scale, they offer a powerful method for elevating stakeholder voices that might otherwise go unheard (Heyne et al., 2019[46]). Including diverse perspectives – from students with varying attendance patterns to culturally specific communities – can enrich the development of support programmes, inform school-based interventions and guide policy reforms. As SAP continue to evolve alongside changing service provision landscapes, maintaining an open channel for ongoing stakeholder input becomes not just beneficial, but essential to crafting relevant and equitable attendance strategies (ibid.).
In Ireland, while formal requirements for consulting students and parents about school attendance are limited, national guidance encourages schools to engage families when concerns arise. TESS recommends that schools include consultations with students and their families as part of their Statement of Strategy for school attendance (TESS, 2015[47]). Such engagement is critical, especially given anecdotal reports of shifting parental attitudes toward attendance since the COVID-19 pandemic, with school staff observing increased parental tolerance for absences and growing instances of school avoidance and term‑time holidays. These developments suggest a potential change in how school attendance is valued, though the full scope remains unclear. To support inclusive policy making, Ireland has implemented mechanisms such as the Youth Participation Office, the Student Participation Unit in the DEY, and the Lundy model to ensure student and parent voices inform education policy decisions. TESS also holds regular consultations with a broad range of stakeholders, including students, parents, school staff and social workers, reinforcing the importance of collaborative, community-based approaches in addressing SAP. While engagements with stakeholders, including students and parents are ongoing in Ireland, it will be important to continue providing targeted messaging for both school and parents in their information campaigning efforts. An example of such approach can be found in New South Wales (Australia) (Box 2).
Box 2. Every Day Matters campaign in New South Wales (Australia)
Copy link to Box 2. Every Day Matters campaign in New South Wales (Australia)New South Wales (NSW) is actively addressing SAP through targeted information campaigns aimed at both parents and schools. The NSW Department of Education's "Every Day Matters" campaign underscores the importance of consistent school attendance, emphasising that even missing one day every two weeks can amount to a full year of lost learning over the course of a student’s education. The campaign provides examples to help parents understand the long-term academic and social consequences of irregular attendance. Messaging focuses on dispelling myths, for example, clarifying that early absences in early childhood education and care and primary school do matter, and highlights how attendance has a positive impact on learning, friendships, classroom belonging and future opportunities. Materials explain legal obligations, while also offering supportive advice for building positive morning routines and managing anxiety or reluctance around going to school. These messages are distributed through a variety of accessible platforms, including social media, television and radio, ensuring they reach diverse audiences, particularly regional and culturally diverse communities.
To support schools, the NSW Department of Education provides a suite of resources designed to promote regular attendance. These include posters, flyers and communication toolkits that schools can use to engage with their communities. For instance, schools are encouraged to display materials that convey the message "Every Day Counts", emphasising the cumulative impact of missed days on a student's education. Additionally, specific schools have implemented their own strategies, such as personalised postcards for students with high attendance and consistent messaging through newsletters and social media to reinforce the importance of daily attendance. These combined efforts aim to foster a culture where regular school attendance is valued and prioritised by both students and their families.
Source: NSW Department of Education (n.d.[48]), Attendance matters – resources for schools, https://education.nsw.gov.au/schooling/school-community/attendance-matters-resources-for-schools (accessed on 14 May 2025), and NSW Department of Education (2025[49]), School attendance - information for parents, https://education.nsw.gov.au/schooling/parents-and-carers/going-to-school/school-attendance-information-for-parents (accessed on 14 May 2025).
3.2.3. Interpretation and follow-up to reporting of absences might undermine national and school-level efforts
In Ireland, the Education (Welfare) Act, 2000, mandates that schools report any student between 6 and 16 years of age who misses 20 or more days in a school year to TESS (Government of Ireland, 2000[11]). This legislative requirement applies regardless of whether the absences are explained or unexplained. Although the statutory aim is to support students in returning to regular attendance, the reporting threshold primarily operates as an administrative data collection mechanism and does not in itself trigger a TESS service response. This may contribute to varying interpretations and responses among stakeholders.
For parents, the 20-day notification can create confusion or anxiety about what the report signifies, particularly when absences are due to legitimate reasons such as illness (Hennessy, 2022[50]). Some parents perceive the threshold as a strict limit, while others might interpret it as a flexible allowance that enables discretionary absences, for example for travel, considering that “holiday” is a legitimate reporting category (TESS, 2024[7]; Citizens Information, 2023[51]). Similar attitudes appear in Northern Ireland (United Kingdom), where half of surveyed parents indicated that term-time holidays are acceptable due to cost pressures (Parentkind, 2024[52]).
Schools need to manage automated reporting processes and communicate clearly with families while also navigating internal procedures. They must demonstrate that all available interventions (such as communication with parents, review meetings, and work with support staff) have been exhausted before making a formal referral for an EWO service response through TESS prior to the 20-day threshold (TESS, n.d.[53]). Differences across school reporting systems create variability in practice and may lead to inconsistent reporting of absences above 20 days (O’Toole and Ćirić, n.d.[54]).
TESS staff also face challenges: Educational Welfare Officers cover large caseloads and cannot always respond to each referral received submitted in a timely manner (the service operates a waiting list) (Houses of Oireachtas, 2025[55]; Casey, 2024[56]). While schools are required to report students who miss 20 school days or more, the threshold should not be viewed as a rigid trigger for intervention. Schools may request casework support from an EWO at an earlier stage where there are ongoing attendance concerns that have not improved following school-based interventions (Houses of Oireachtas, 2022[57]).
A market research poll in Ireland highlights broad public agreement on the importance of regular attendance, yet also a tolerance for occasional absences and term-time travel among many parents (RED C, 2025[58]). National awareness campaigns aim to address these differing stakeholder perceptions by reinforcing shared understanding of why attendance matters.
3.3. Monitoring of school attendance and the role of school evaluations
Copy link to 3.3. Monitoring of school attendance and the role of school evaluations3.3.1. Inspectorate’s insights have the potential to inform attendance policies
External evaluations can play an important role in school attendance. In many education systems, attendance is considered as a separate priority or integrated within other priority items in inspection reports. The existence of a policy framework to address school attendance through external school evaluations varies across education systems. Of 44 education systems in 2025, 24 reported that they have a policy framework to address school attendance through external evaluations whereas 20 education systems indicated they did not have such a policy framework (OECD, 2025[9]). In Norway, for instance, the county governor supervises public schools, primarily overseeing compliance with regulations at the municipal level, but school attendance practices have not yet been included in these evaluations. In the Slovak Republic, the school inspectorate conducts annual evaluations of the educational process, school management and environment, considering student absences and bullying as part of assessing school climate and safety. In England (United Kingdom), Ofsted (school inspectorate) has incorporated absence tracking into school inspections since 2025 (Ofsted, 2025[59]).
In Ireland, the Inspectorate reviews school attendance policies in DEIS schools during inspections, checking for (and reporting on) compliance with TESS (2015[47]) guidelines, and providing recommendations, with attendance being a key focus in 2025. Inspection findings in Ireland have highlighted the value of a responsive and supportive approach to encouraging school attendance, one that recognises improvements in attendance without placing blame on children or young people for being late or absent (Department of Education, 2024[26]). During evaluations of Home School Community Liaison Coordination (Department of Education Inspectorate, 2024[60]), students shared with inspectors that strategies overly focused on sanctions were largely ineffective in motivating them to attend school. Inspectors also observed that some attendance strategies relied heavily on extrinsic rewards, such as prizes, to incentivise attendance. However, several young people expressed to inspectors that such rewards had limited impact in encouraging regular school attendance (ibid.).
3.3.2. Data quality and fragmentation might limit analysis of school attendance problems
Accurate and reliable data collection is essential for addressing SAP effectively. Yet, attendance data often suffer from issues related to quality, utility and integrity. For instance, aggregated data, while useful for large‑scale analysis, can obscure important variations at the individual level and mask underlying causes of SAP. This can distort detailed modelling and limit the ability to identify disparities among different student groups (Dougherty and Childs, 2019[61]; Kearney and Childs, 2022[62]).
Connecting SAP data with other student characteristics and outcomes can be a crucial strategy for developing a comprehensive understanding of SAP. Such data analytics can reveal specific mechanisms behind SAP, such as the link with poverty, which also varies depending on local factors like access to resources, teacher quality and parental engagement (Echeverría et al., 2014[63]; Hancock et al., 2017[64]). Additionally, disaggregating data by characteristics, such as SEN and socio-economic background, can help identify at-risk groups, providing more precise insights for targeted interventions. For example, students with learning disabilities often exhibit persistent SAP, driven by factors like early withdrawal from school and declining engagement (Chen et al., 2015[65]). While this complexity makes it important for monitoring systems to link SAP data with broader outcomes to fully understand the causes of SAP and develop effective interventions, these connections are not always straightforward.
Monitoring of attendance is a common practice among OECD countries (OECD, 2026[13]). Of 45 education systems, only 7 reported that they do not collect data on school attendance or absence. In these instances, data are gathered by schools, but they are not transferred to the national (sub-national) level. In several of these cases, the jurisdictions are also working on implementing an infrastructure that will allow them to see such data at the central level in the future. In most education systems, data are available for primary and secondary education, but less so for vocational upper secondary education and early childhood education and care.
Despite Ireland's structured approach to monitoring school attendance (see Legislation on school attendance in Ireland and other countries), several issues may limit the effective use of attendance data to address underlying causes and improve outcomes. A key challenge lies in limited analytical capacity. To address this challenge, TESS is working with the Economic and Social Research Institute to support data strategy development (TESS, n.d.[66]). The lack of individual-level data is another barrier. Since TESS can only collect information on SAP at the school level, this limits their potential to follow individuals over time (thus estimate long-term implications of SAP), and merge attendance with other student-level characteristics, such as gender, socio-economic background, ethnicity (including Traveller and Roma), immigrant background and others, despite these factors being identified as potentially driving SAP in Ireland (TESS, 2015[47]). Moreover, aggregated data do not reveal attendance patterns. In England (United Kingdom), for example, student-level data foster important insights into the proportions of students with relatively few absences (majority) and with severe absence (Department for Education, 2025[67]). However, even if TESS collected student-level data, data fragmentation is another concern. A recent report identified a wider concern in Ireland about the lack of integrated data infrastructures (OECD, 2024[23]). This stands in contrast to systems like that of New Zealand, where school attendance data is combined with other state‑owned datasets to gain a more comprehensive understanding of students’ circumstances and needs (Box 3).
Box 3. Attendance data and Integrated Data Infrastructure in New Zealand
Copy link to Box 3. Attendance data and Integrated Data Infrastructure in New ZealandNew Zealand releases daily attendance figures through an open, interactive dashboard. Because data are uploaded automatically from schools’ student-management systems, they impose no extra administrative costs on staff, yet give policymakers, school leaders and the public almost real-time visibility on the scale of SAP in the country. These records can be disaggregated by region, school type, a school equity index, year-level and absence reason. For deeper insights, these statistics are complemented with the lived experiences captured in large-scale surveys and interviews with students, parents and school staff. Bullying, mental-health challenges, family stress and alienation from schooling all emerge as root causes.
Moreover, attendance data are combined with the Integrated Data Infrastructure (IDI). IDI is a secure databank that links de-identified person-level information from education, health, justice, welfare, tax, housing and other state agencies. Using the IDI, researchers built models to identify the strongest predictors of chronic absence and then tracked matched cohorts over time. Because every individual keeps the same anonymous identifier across datasets, the analysts were also able to cost the use of public services and test whether specific attendance interventions (for example, referral to the Attendance Service) shift trajectories compared with similar students who were not referred.
The analysis of long-term outcomes shows that young people who were chronically absent in compulsory schooling were less likely to attain upper secondary education (NCEA Level 2), and more likely to be disengaged from work, receive benefits, be charged with an offence, or live in social or emergency housing. By age 23 they incurred almost triple the per-capita government expenditure on welfare, health and justice compared with their peers.
Taken together, New Zealand’s approach couples real-time monitoring, whole-of-government longitudinal data and qualitative insights to understand not only which students are missing school, but why it matters and what it costs, laying a robust evidence base for a timelier and better-targeted support.
Source: Education Counts (2025[68]), Daily attendance, www.educationcounts.govt.nz/statistics/daily-attendance-dashboard (accessed on 15 May 2025); Education Review Office (2024[69]), Left behind: How do we get our chronically absent students back to school?; and Education Review Office (2024[70]), Technical report: How do we get our chronically absent students back to school.
Recent developments in data infrastructure in several education systems allow for data collections more frequent than just once or twice a year without significant additional administrative barriers imposed on school staff. In four systems (out of 45), attendance or absence data are reported daily (Flemish Community of Belgium, Greece, Indonesia, New Zealand and England (United Kingdom)), while Malta and Türkiye track attendance in real time (OECD, 2026[13]). More frequent collection can enable more timely and targeted response to emerging SAP. It can also allow for more dynamic co-ordination between schools and support services, ensuring interventions are responsive to students' current situations rather than retrospective patterns.
In Ireland, several of these challenges are being addressed. An evidence-based framework (Anseo) was announced to help schools analyse and respond to attendance data (Department of Education and Youth, 2025[39]). It is being rolled out in 60 schools, with the potential to introduce it into more in the current school year and to all schools by 2028 (Department of Education and Youth, 2025[40]). A scoping project is also planned to deliver real-time attendance data for better decision making and intervention in schools (Department of Education and Youth, 2025[39]).
3.4. The importance of leadership
Copy link to 3.4. The importance of leadership3.4.1. Consistent government commitment enables long-term support for attendance initiatives
Strong political commitment and clear vision are necessary to ensure that reforms aimed at improving attendance are not only launched but also sustained over time (OECD, 2020[71]; OECD, 2022[72]). Central leadership can provide the policy direction, governance capacity and cross-party support needed to keep attendance high on the education agenda. Without this backing, promising initiatives often falter when political attention shifts or coalitions break down (OECD, 2010[73]). Leadership at the central level also plays a co-ordinating role, aligning stakeholders, mobilising resources and fostering a policy environment in which schools are supported in their efforts.
In Ireland, several Ministers for Education launched initiatives that prioritise school attendance via a series of interventions (Department of Education and Youth, 2023[74]; Department of Education and Youth, 2025[39]; Department of Education and Youth, 2025[40]). These include a national media campaign on school attendance; the scaling of the multidimensional multi-tiered system of supports to enable schools to analyse their data; additional funding for staffing to respond to emerging needs identified for 2025; an expansion and re-envisaging of the HSCL Scheme and School Completion Programme that will increase service provision to children and young people at risk of educational disadvantage; continued investment in the Educational Welfare Service; and others (ibid.). Additionally, TESS has been resourced to address key actions under the Traveller and Roma Education Strategy (Department of Education, Government of Ireland, 2023[75]), and to provide a range of targeted services to vulnerable groups who may experience SAP, including children in care, Traveller, Roma and migrant children, children experiencing homelessness, and others.
3.4.2. System priorities may not consistently shape school practice without leadership engagement
At the school level, leadership has long been identified to shape the immediate conditions that influence professional development, collaboration and a safe learning climate (Pont, Nusche and Moorman, 2008[76]). School leaders who focus on instructional improvement and support teacher collaboration can help create a positive climate for learning – an important factor in encouraging regular attendance (OECD, 2016[77]). While the impact of school leadership is often indirect, it is powerful, as it can impact the quality of teaching and the inclusiveness of the school environment (OECD, 2023[78]). By aligning leadership efforts across system and school levels, education systems can take a coherent and effective approach to improving student attendance.
Therefore, reinforcing the connection between system-level initiatives and the everyday practices that shape a strong attendance culture becomes particularly important, with school leaders serving as the crucial link between the two. Ireland has invested significantly in supporting schools, including through the national school attendance campaign and the work of Educational Welfare Officers, both of which provide valuable guidance and resources to promote attendance (Department of Education and Youth, 2025[41]; TESS, n.d.[15]). Yet, shifting the broader culture around attendance may require engaging school leaders more directly, as they shape the priorities, routines and expectations that influence students’ daily experience. One indirect indication of the need for deeper, sustained engagement is the fluctuating response rate to Annual Attendance Reports over recent years: 64% and 60% of primary and secondary schools, respectively, in 2019/20; 64% and 46% in 2020/21; 78% and 65% in 2021/22; 78% and 71% in 2022/23; and 76% and 75% in 2023/24 (TESS, 2025[3]). Strengthening the role of school leaders in translating national efforts into consistent, school-level action could, therefore, be key to fostering long‑term improvements in attendance. Ireland could draw inspiration from initiatives in England (United Kingdom) that aim to change attendance culture with a strong role for school leadership (Box 4).
Box 4. Initiatives to change attendance culture in England (United Kingdom)
Copy link to Box 4. Initiatives to change attendance culture in England (United Kingdom)In England (United Kingdom), the government has emphasised the need to connect system-level reforms with the everyday practices of schools, which are expected to embed a whole-school culture of high attendance and ensure that attendance work is everyone’s responsibility. The statutory guidance requires every school to have a written attendance policy that is understood by leaders, staff, students and parents, setting out expectations for punctuality, communication procedures and internal responsibilities, among others. The guidance also mandates a Senior Attendance Champion, ensuring that accountability for attendance sits at senior leadership level and not solely with administrative staff. It highlights that attendance should be continuously reviewed and explicitly links absences to safeguarding responsibilities, noting that non-attendance can be a warning sign of wider risks.
To reinforce leadership capacity, England (United Kingdom) has also introduced targeted initiatives. As of 2025, around 800 schools will receive direct support through the new RISE Attendance and Behaviour Hubs, benefiting from strategies developed by school leaders who have successfully turned attendance and behaviour around. Moreover, the new Attendance and Behaviour Ambassadors will help ensure the sector’s voice is reflected in shaping the programme.
Source: Department for Education (2024[29]), Working together to improve school attendance, www.gov.uk/government/publications/working-together-to-improve-school-attendance (accessed on 7 October 2025); and Department for Education and The Rt Hon Bridget Phillipson MP (2025[79]), Government to crackdown on bad behaviour and boost attendance, www.gov.uk/government/news/government-to-crackdown-on-bad-behaviour-and-boost-attendance (accessed on 28 November 2025).