In the context of measuring creativity and creative thinking, ideational fluency (i.e. being able to think of many ideas) and ideational flexibility (i.e. being able to think of very different ideas) are often used as proxies of creative abilities in divergent thinking tasks. Chapter 2 of this report focused on unpacking differences in the creative success of students in divergent and convergent thinking tasks included in the PISA CT Rescoring study, finding that students were more likely to propose creative ideas in the divergent thinking tasks in the study, on average across country-language. While students may ultimately have been more successful at thinking creatively in the divergent thinking tasks in the study, over a third of students across country-language groups were not able to come up with sufficiently different ideas according to judges in these tasks (two or three, depending on the task requirements) (Table B5.1).
One of the reasons individuals may find it difficult to think flexibly stems from a phenomenon known as “fixation effect”, which refers to the idea generation process being overly constrained to existing or obvious “known” solutions and thus limiting the generation of new and alternative solutions (Smith, 1995[1]). Fixation effects have been well documented in research on design thinking (Purcell and Gero, 1996[2]; Jansson and Smith, 1991[3]; Viswanathan and Linsey, 2011[4]), and research in cognitive psychology has also identified how various factors might induce fixation effects in creative tasks. These include through functional priming (Adamson, 1952[5]; Defeyter and German, 2003[6]) or activating individuals’ knowledge and memory by exposing them to existing solution examples or others’ ideas (Smith, Ward and Schumacher, 1993[7]; Agogué, 2015[8]). Studies have demonstrated that the type of examples shown to individuals can serve to strengthen or mitigate fixation effects (Agogué et al., 2014[9]), and that the age and expertise of individuals may determine how these factors interact with fixation effects (Cassotti et al., 2016[10]; Defeyter and German, 2003[6]; Viswanathan and Linsey, 2011[4]).
While the judges involved in the PISA CT Rescoring project awarded student responses a score for ideational flexibility as part of the criteria-based scoring method (see Annex A2 for more information), evaluating whether ideas are ‘sufficiently’ different or not in a cross-culturally valid way is challenging without a comprehensive rubric. Several of the studies cited above that focus on examining fixation effects employ a Concept-Knowledge (C-K) schema (Hatchuel and Weil, 2009[11]) to investigate the extent to which individuals can think flexibly and avoid idea fixations in divergent thinking tasks. The C-K approach involves creating an exhaustive mapping of combinations of concepts and knowledge within a given problem and solution space (see Box 5.1). This objective mapping, often conceptualised as a C-K ‘tree’ with branches, sub-branches and nodes, allows judges to map ideas onto a well-defined schema from which solution pathways can be inferred, as well as more granular idea flexibility and originality metrics.
We applied the C-K approach to two of the divergent thinking, problem-solving tasks included in the PISA CT Rescoring study: one relatively familiar social problem-solving task (Task 5 – Food Waste) and one more difficult, engineering-type task (Task 7 – The Exhibit). To what extent can students really ‘think outside of the box’ in different problem-solving tasks? Are different student groups more susceptible to fixation effects? Do we observe strong socio-linguistic differences in the types of ideas that students think of, or are students’ ideas more similar than we might expect across diverse socio-cultural and linguistic contexts?