Creativity is generally understood as resulting from the interaction among an individual’s aptitudes, process and their environment, with the outcome being defined as both novel and useful within a given social context (Plucker, Beghetto and Dow, 2004[1]). Any creative product is therefore embedded within a particular social context, that in turn is inherently shaped by cultural norms and expectations as well as other socio-environmental factors.
Cultural norms and expectations can influence the skills that individuals choose to develop, the values that shape their personality development, and differences in performance expectations within societies (Niu and Sternberg, 2003[2]; Wong and Niu, 2013[3]; Lubart, 1998[4]; Shao et al., 2019[5]). For example, Rudowicz (2003[6]) analysed differences in creativity perceptions between “Western” and “Eastern” cultures noting that, in the West, creativity often implies a break with tradition and is primarily valued for solving problems or achieving personal success, whereas in the East, an individual’s creativity is primarily valued for its social and moral contribution. Some studies have also investigated how cultural differences affect national measures of creativity and innovation, with differences along the individualism-collectivism spectrum significantly shaping how creative products can be defined and valued (Rinne, Steel and Fairweather, 2013[7]; Ng, 2003[8]).
Confluence approaches of creativity also emphasise the role that socio-environmental factors play in influencing an individual’s capacity to engage in creative work (Amabile, 1983[9]; 2012[10]; Amabile and Pratt, 2016[11]; Sternberg and Lubart, 1991[12]; 1995[13]; Sternberg, 2006[14]). Findings from organisational research have demonstrated that practices and extrinsic motivators like receiving informal feedback, appropriate recognition and encouragement, engaging in goal setting, working as a team, and enjoying task autonomy all enable individuals to develop creative ideas (Amabile, 2012[10]; Zhou and Su, 2010[15]).
From an education perspective, cultural norms will inevitably influence the outcomes an education system values for its students and the content it prioritises in the curriculum. In some cases, educational approaches might actively discourage creative thinking and achievement at school (Wong and Niu, 2013[3]). For example, the pressures of standardisation and accountability in educational testing systems might reduce opportunities for creative thinking in schoolwork (DeCoker, 2000[16]). Classroom practices will also be affected by their school environment. For example, school leaders and teachers can cultivate environments that help students learn when and how creative thinking is appropriate, encourage students to set their own goals and identify promising ideas, and take responsibility for contributing to creative teamwork (Beghetto and Kaufman, 2010[17]; 2014[18]). Certain classroom practices might also stifle creative thinking, for example by perpetuating the idea that there is only one way to learn or solve problems, by cultivating attitudes of submission and fear of authority, by promoting beliefs that creativity is a rare innate quality, or by discouraging students’ curiosity and inquisitiveness in formal learning contexts (Nickerson, 2010[19]).
In Chapter 1 of this report, we explored what makes ideas creative and how the different score criteria used in this study (appropriateness, originality and value) relate to judges’ holistic creativity scores. In this chapter, we focus on differences in how creativity is understood, manifested and evaluated across the different socio-linguistic groups included in the PISA CT Rescoring study. For example, what are the differences in terms of the quality of students’ ideas across country-language groups? Is the extent to which the criteria of appropriateness, originality and value determine holistic creativity scores similar across socio-linguistic contexts?
The goal of this chapter is not to “re-rank” country-language groups by students’ creative thinking performance. For a variety of reasons – including the limited subset of country-language groups, tasks and student data included in the study, as well as differences between the scoring methods involved – direct comparisons of student scores and the relationships between the different scoring methods across country-language groups should be interpreted with caution (see Box 4.1). Nonetheless, these data can still provide interesting insights that, when considered together as a whole, demonstrate that students and/or judges may differ in how they interpret “creative quality” across socio-linguistic contexts.