Many places are underperforming in the OECD, with high economic and social costs. Over the 15‑year period between 2005 and 2020, more than half of OECD countries had at least one region with negative productivity growth. In Europe, while many less-developed regions have converged towards the EU average in terms of GDP per capita, many transition regions have stagnated or are diverging. As of 2021, one‑third of regions have yet to see a return to their level of GDP per capita prior to the global financial crisis in 2008. Similar patterns exist across other OECD countries. On-going transitions and shocks—climate change, demographic change, technological advances and new global trade patterns, amongst others—risk further undermining local economic and social structures, with potentially high social, economic, fiscal and political costs.
Geography matters for economic development. The concept of place-based policies is linked to economic geography. In traditional neo-classical ‘spatial equilibrium’ models with perfect capital, firm and worker mobility, places are anticipated to automatically adjust and converge over the long-term following a negative economic shock. However, mobility is not perfect and capital not fully fungible. The annual rate of inter-regional migration across the OECD is low, currently around 3% of the population each year and less than 1% in some OECD countries. Mobility can also exacerbate divergence as out-migration of highly skilled and younger workers can undermine local economic prospects and create a ‘vicious circle’.
‘Spatially-blind’ policies can be insufficient, ineffective or even problematic in the context of large place-specific challenges. Spatially-blind macro-structural and sectorial policies, such as national regulations or pricing of environmental externalities (i.e., carbon pricing), propose a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach that does not typically account for their asymmetric impact on different places. As a result, these policies can be inappropriate – and perhaps even harmful – for spatially asymmetric and multi-dimensional policy challenges, such as demographic and climate change. Furthermore, local institutions in an affected place may not be able to respond sufficiently to spatially-concentrated challenges on their own due to capacity constraints and fragmented administrative structures.
Place-based policies can efficiently address market failures. There are at least three main economic rationales for places-based policies. First, they can help to tackle a spatial mismatch between firms and workers that can create ‘untapped potential’ in local economies due to the underutilisation of local assets (e.g., human capital, physical capital). This is linked to inefficiencies in the spatial equilibrium that can potentially lead to over-concentration of firms or workers in some places and to the underutilisation of unmovable or less mobile resources in other places. Second, they can help to upgrade local public goods to create the foundations for local economic development and wellbeing. Third, they can help to respond to asymmetric shocks and transitions. They can also have other rationales such as supporting the strategic industrial and regional diversification of an economy, facilitating policy integration and enhancing innovation by reinforcing local and regional innovation networks.
Place-based policies also have an important role to support social cohesion and help limit regional inequality. Spatial inequalities are persistent in many OECD countries. Today, 70% of the OECD population live in a country experiencing regional divergence in economic performance (when comparing small TL3 regions). Persistent inequalities and economic underperformance can have high social, economic, fiscal and political costs. High levels of long-term unemployment in a community, for example, can result in intergenerational scarring, resulting in lower social and economic outcomes that represent lost potential. Persistent inequalities may ultimately reinforce a ‘geography of discontent’ that risks undermining trust in government, social cohesion and democracy.
Place-based policies can play a role in supporting national competitiveness. ‘Place-based industrial policies’ are becoming more prominent in OECD countries. These polices seek to boost national competitiveness by supporting the development of strategic industries through spatially-targeted incentives and investments. They seek to understand local needs and assets to support investment in strategic industries, complementary infrastructure and human capital. Where these policies are well designed, including the necessary complementary policies for supporting regional and local development priorities and for addressing market failures, they can help to support national competitiveness and facilitate the green transition in a spatially inclusive way.
Empirical evidence indicates that place-based policies have the potential to be efficient and effective. Place-based policies are complex to evaluate given that they are multi-dimensional and have various direct and indirect effects and aims. Systematic reviews covering nearly 15 000 local development policy evaluations (which includes place-based policies) highlight that only 2% of evaluations meet a minimum threshold to be considered as a ‘robust’ study. Of the robust studies, around half show a positive impact in terms of employment and GDP outcomes, and the other half show limited impact. Negative effects are extremely rare. The impact of place‑based policies ultimately depends on how they are designed and implemented.