This chapter reviews the challenges associated with urban development in Morocco, housing and habitat being the subject of a separate chapter (Chapter 5). It begins with an analysis of urban planning in Morocco, then suggests recommendations for improving coordination and promoting densification. The chapter then discusses the economic development and competitiveness challenges facing Moroccan cities and considers how territorial disparities can be reduced. This analysis is followed by an examination of policies to promote inclusive growth, leading to recommendations for supporting employment in cities, ensuring access to services and public spaces for all, and refocusing the City Policy on its initial objectives. Finally, the chapter examines the challenges linked to urban mobility and environmental sustainability, and offers recommendations for overcoming them and promoting sustainable and resilient cities.
National Urban Policy Review of Morocco
Abstract
To make the most of the country's rapid urbanisation and promote competitive, inclusive, sustainable and resilient cities, Morocco's urban policy must adopt a holistic and integrated approach, taking into account economic, social and environmental dimensions. To achieve this objective, urban planning needs to be improved. Indeed, urban development in Morocco is guided by a set of planning tools and urban planning documents that are often too rigid, not sufficiently adapted to new challenges such as those linked to climate change, and suffers from the multiplicity of players, the complexity and slowness of procedures, and the lack of data and indicators. In addition, some urban projects are developed based on land opportunities, rather than following a logic of densification. This, in turn, leads to urban sprawl. To improve urban planning, Morocco could promote better coordination and integration of urban planning across relevant government level and at the right territorial scale, i.e. at the level of functional urban areas. Moreover, Morocco could more systematically prioritise urban renewal and densification over urban sprawl, encourage a flexible approach to planning without resorting to exceptional urban planning, and further support an innovative and forward-looking approach to urban planning, based on the use of reliable data.
Morocco also needs to promote the economic development of cities and reduce territorial disparities. To achieve this, Morocco could clarify land rights, facilitate access to land for small and medium-sized enterprises and simplify the procedures for receiving planning permissions. In addition, the role of local authorities in supporting businesses could be strengthened, for example by creating regional digital platforms to facilitate communication about support programmes for businesses and project initiators. The benefits of digital transformation could also be better exploited to attract investment and promote economic growth by improving access to digital infrastructures and setting up smart city initiatives. Increasing the territorialisation of urban policies could help to reduce territorial disparities, in particular by strengthening initiatives in favour of small and intermediate towns and by reinforcing urban-rural links.
Reducing urban inequalities and promoting inclusive growth is also a key challenge for Morocco. To combat urban unemployment and underemployment, local action could be promoted to a greater extent. Sharing competences between the national and local levels would allow targeted local interventions for women and young people. To improve living conditions in disadvantaged urban areas, the City Policy could be refocused on its initial objectives, namely combating precariousness and exclusion and better targeting priority neighbourhoods. In addition, the role of the National Agency for Urban Renewal and the Rehabilitation of Buildings at Risk of Collapse (Agence nationale pour la Rénovation Urbaine et la Réhabilitation des Bâtiments Menaçant Ruine – ANRUR) could be strengthened in terms of coordinating urban renewal initiatives, funding projects and setting up monitoring and evaluation mechanisms. Finally, to reduce urban inequalities and promote access to opportunities for all in cities, it is crucial to ensure better to essential services and public spaces such as squares, gardens, green spaces and souks for all residents of all cities.
The shortcomings and challenges associated with mobility in Moroccan towns and cities, in particular poor public transport networks, poor quality of roads that make it difficult to walk safely, and problems of congestion and pollution, are all detrimental to the economic development of towns and cities and the quality of life of their inhabitants. Greater promotion of urban public transport would make it possible to respond to these challenges, while contributing to sustainable development objectives. Active mobility could be encouraged through the development of dedicated infrastructure, especially as it would facilitate walking, the most commonly used mode of transport in most Moroccan towns and cities. The inclusiveness of urban transport should also be strengthened to increase its use by women and other vulnerable population groups, thereby guaranteeing equal opportunities in terms of access to employment, education, public services and leisure, and contributing to reducing inequalities. Finally, transport governance in cities could be improved by setting up coordination mechanisms and partnerships between all stakeholders involved, harmonising policies and regulations across the different levels of government and adopting a metropolitan approach to urban transport.
Finally, a territorial approach to climate action and resilience would make it possible to build sustainable and resilient Moroccan cities. This involves promoting energy efficiency at the local level, for example in the building, transport and public lighting sectors; decarbonising the built environment; supporting the transition to more sustainable tourism in Moroccan cities; improving solid waste management by implementing circular economy strategies; integrating water issues into Morocco's national urban policy; and incorporating climate change adaptation priorities into urban planning.
Morocco’s rapid urbanisation has led to profound changes in the country, particularly in terms of its spatial structure. As discussed in previous chapters, the urbanisation rate has risen from less than 10% in 1912 to 65.2% in 2024, with forecasts of almost 70% by 2030. As such, the vast majority of Moroccans live in urban areas, where most of the country's wealth, industrial production and jobs are concentrated. Morocco must therefore rise to the challenge of urbanisation. This implies anticipating and controlling urban growth, but also mitigating deficits and meeting needs in terms of housing and infrastructure, in a context of economic and social transformation under the impetus of the New Development Model (Nouveau Modèle de Développement – NMD). To meet these challenges, urban planning needs to be better coordinated, integrated, flexible, innovative and forward-looking, with an emphasis on urban renewal and densification.
Rigid urban planning documents that no longer meet practical needs in the field
As seen in Chapter 3, Morocco has a long and rich history of urban policies, which has led to the development of numerous urban planning documents at different territorial scales. These include the Urban Development Master Plan (Schéma Directeur d'Aménagement Urbain – SDAU), a strategic planning document defining the general organisation of urban development in the area to which it applies, the Zoning Plan (Plan de Zonage – PZ), which ensures compliance with the provisions of the SDAU and defines land use, and the Development Plan (Plan d'Aménagement – PA), which plans land use at the municipal level (Box 4.1).
While these planning tools have enabled the development of public facilities, business parks, housing and leisure areas, urban planning documents in Morocco face four main challenges, which are particularly acute in large cities and metropolitan areas: rigid and unsuitable content; a multiplicity of stakeholders involved; the absence of tools for operationalisation and land equity; and finally, significant delays in implementation. Urban planning documents are not flexible enough to adapt to new needs that may emerge and require rapid responses, particularly in the areas of transport and local facilities. Moreover, these documents tend to be based on diagnoses that lack precision and are sometimes incomplete. This is due to their content being restricted by fixed and standardised zoning, and to restrictive regulations that are reproduced in areas of all types and scales, from metropolises to medium-sized towns or small cities, and regardless of geographical or socio-economic specificities. Urban planning documents are also poorly adapted to new challenges, such as those linked to the acceleration of climate change. For example, the issue of water stress is rarely included in planning strategies, while few planning documents provide for the prevention or management of natural risks and the impact of climate change (see section Building sustainable and resilient Moroccan cities). Current town planning legislation is therefore struggling to keep pace with regional development and to anticipate and respond to environmental challenges as well as social, economic and spatial changes. These challenges cannot be resolved within the current legal and regulatory framework, and are even exacerbated by the complexity of said framework, which is no longer adapted to a constantly changing context.
Moreover, the preparation of planning documents is still characterised by a multiplicity of players – up to 33 of whom may be involved in the process, which may require 133 signatures – who do not have clear and precise areas of intervention or responsibilities (Direction de l’urbanisme, 2022[1]). The preparation of planning documents also suffers from the complexity and slowness of the procedures (6 years on average), as well as difficulties in controlling timelines or accessing data. The effectiveness of town planning documents is hampered by the lack of tools to support implementation and ensure fairness in terms of land ownership. Indeed, strategic planning documents and land use documents are not accompanied by programmes, nor timetables to plan the implementation of various development operations or facilities planned. Very often, reserved land remains under a declaration of public interest for a long period (10 years), without the projects being carried out, thereby penalising many landowners and needlessly freezing land.
Lastly, the forecasts made in urban planning documents are not sufficiently considered by other departments when developing programmes and facilities. These departments tend to be rather guided by various land opportunities and emergencies, which has an impact on the coherence of public policies. In the absence of upstream consultation and downstream contractualisation of objectives, the operationalisation phase cannot make optimum use of the synergies between urban planning and other public policy sectors.
The main planning documents used at the local level in Morocco include:
The Urban Development Master Plan (Schéma Directeur d’aménagement Urbain – SDAU): The SDAU is a strategic planning document that takes account of the guidelines set out in the Regional Spatial Development Plan (Schéma Régional d'Aménagement du Territoire – SRAT). It plans the general organisation of urban development in the area to which it applies for up to 25 years. The Master Plan is binding on government departments, local authorities and public bodies. It is drawn up on the initiative of the government authority responsible for town planning, with the participation of the municipalities. Government departments and public bodies are required to submit programmes, strategies, action plans and projects of national and regional interest within three months. After a lengthy process of regulatory consultation, the SDAU is approved by decree published in the Official Bulletin after approval by the Minister of the Interior, Finance, Agriculture and Public Works. A new generation of SDAUs was introduced in 2011:
New Scale: the study area for Urban Planning Master Plans no longer encompasses just the city centre and its immediate suburbs, but wider areas (one or more Provinces or Prefectures, metropolitan areas, etc.). Priority is given to large cities, areas under demographic pressure or territories experiencing significant urban dynamics.
Refocusing objectives: the new generation has greater ambitions for territorial coherence, inter-territoriality and balanced, inclusive and sustainable polycentric development.
New contents: unlike the previous generation, which focused more on land-use regulations, the new generation is more concerned with integrated development and planning strategies.
Upstream collection of all sectoral strategies and programmes.
Dynamic and targeted consultation: in line with a participatory approach, four thematic workshops are planned (urbanisation and the environment, employment and the economy, mobility and infrastructure, and the development model), and an interactive web page dedicated to each SDAU will be set up, giving citizens and stakeholders the opportunity to make comments and proposals, and to find out about the progress of each document.
Central monitoring committees are planned to be held for all phases of the studies, monitoring the regulatory consultation phases and preparing the approval decrees.
The Zoning Plan (Plan de Zonage – PZ): A transitional instrument between the SDAU and the development plan (PA), it ensures compliance with the provisions of the former and defines land use. It is drawn up by the local government authority responsible for urban planning, in conjunction with the municipalities concerned. It is approved by a decree issued by the government urban planning authority and published in the official bulletin. Once approved, it takes effect for a maximum of 2 years from the date of publication in the official bulletin.
The Development Plan (Plan d’Aménagement – PA): The PA plans land use on a municipal scale, in accordance with the provisions of the SDAU. The text of approval constitutes a ten-year declaration of public utility for roads, public spaces, sports facilities, public facilities and areas to be restructured or renovated. The draft PA becomes the reference document from the date of closure of the public enquiry and for a maximum period of twelve months prior to its publication in the Official Bulletin. Prior to the drafting of the development plan, a six-month (renewable) study order may be issued by the president of the municipality (withholding of planning permission, possibility of authorisation if compatible with the guidelines of the SDAU or the purpose of the sector). The PA is drawn up on the initiative of the urban agency with the participation of the local authority councils concerned. The draft PA is submitted for approval to the local committee chaired by the Governor. The draft PA is submitted to the local authority councils for review for a period of two months. The draft PA is subject to a one-month public enquiry to gather comments from the public. The PA is approved by decree and published in the Official Bulletin. A new generation of development plans has been in place since 2011:
Completion of the Development and Safeguarding Plan (see below) and evaluation of the implementation of the documents prior to the launch of the PA.
Shared diagnosis in the form of thematic workshops.
Participatory web page and social networks.
Incorporation of the principle of the last paragraph of Article 19 of Law 12-90 on urban planning (possibility of modifying zoning and rules of use subject to conditions).
New approach to density instead of zoning and new programming of facilities.
The Development and Safeguarding Plan (Plan d’Aménagement et de Sauvegarde – PAS) of medinas is a development plan that defines the right to intervene within the ancient urban fabric (medina, ksour and kasbahs) of the area to which it applies. It transforms the guidelines for development and conservation (restoration, renovation, rehabilitation, etc.) into legal prescriptions that are enforceable against the authorities and third parties. Subject to the same procedures for drawing up and approving a development plan, the PAS is approved by Decree on a proposal from the Ministry responsible for urban planning. The declaration of public interest is valid for 10 years from the date of publication in the Official Bulletin. The relevant regulations define the actions to be taken in order to control the urban management of old areas and promote their socio-economic and spatial development. It also defines the requirements for specific actions, in particular restoration, rehabilitation and renovation in architectural and artistic terms (massing, semi-detached buildings, architectural typology, decorative elements, etc.) and in technical terms.
Source: Department of Urban Planning of the Ministry of National Territory and Urban Planning, Housing and City Policy (Ministère de l’Aménagement du Territoire National, de l’Urbanisme, de l’Habitat et de la Politique de la Ville).
Better coordinating and integrating the various levels of urban planning, at the right territorial scale
While there is a hierarchy of urban planning documents, the zoning plan and development plan having to comply with the provisions of the SDAU, the absence of a coordination framework between different urban planning levels poses the major challenge of ensuring consistency, especially in a context where there is a multiplicity of documents. It is essential that objectives are aligned to avoid contradictions and overlaps that could hinder effective and sustainable urban development. Regarding vertical consistency between planning levels, from the most general (SDAU) to the most specific (PA), a major difficulty lies in updating and adapting older documents to the guidelines of more recent or more general documents. For example, a SDAU may be drawn up without taking account of existing supra-documents, thus creating inconsistencies in development priorities.
Morocco is currently characterised by the cohabitation of two regional planning systems (OCDE, 2018[2]). Although Moroccan cities have been working to simplify their planning systems since 2015, there is no clear link between the old (PA, Urban Mobility Plans (PDU), SDAU) and new documents (Regional Development Programmes (PDR), SRAT) that govern planning in Moroccan cities. This is the case in Casablanca, for example, where two planning systems coexist (Box 4.2).
Casablanca illustrates the concomitance of several planning systems, with a juxtaposition of documents between several policy sectors and several levels of government (Table 4.1). In terms of urban planning, the former Greater Casablanca region is subject to the Urban Planning Master Plan 2010-2030 (SDAU) drawn up by the Casablanca Urban Agency. Adopted in 2009 and approved in 2010, the SDAU was revised in 2014 and is structured around 9 ‘peripheral hubs’ for ‘non-exclusive use’. The SDAU also plans to open up 25,000 new hectares to urban development by 2030, including 5,000 hectares for industrial and tertiary activities. The provisions of the SDAU are binding on public administrations and apply to lower-level planning documents, such as Urban Development Plans. For its part, the new Casablanca-Settat region must also, in principle, adopt a Regional Spatial Planning Scheme (SRAT). Although the preparation and design of this scheme began several years ago, it has yet to be validated by the Ministry of the Interior.
At the same time, the 2015-2020 Greater Casablanca Development Plan (Plan de Développement du Grand Casablanca – PDGC) drawn up by the wilaya of the former Greater Casablanca region in 2014 focuses on four strategic areas: i) living environment (improving living conditions for residents); ii) platform (enhancing mobility); iii) excellence (promoting economic attractiveness); and iv) animation (establishing the region as a national and international destination). Following the regionalisation reform, which requires the new regions to draw up their own strategic roadmap during their first year, the Casablanca-Settat region adopted its 2017-2023 Regional Development Programme (PDR) in 2017, focusing on five new strategic areas: i) transport; ii) socio-cultural appeal and quality of life; iii) enterprise, innovation and employment; iv) future generations and the environment; and v) integrated rural areas.
This PDR marks an important turning point, as it takes precedence over other planning documents such as the municipal action plans (Plans d’action communaux – PAC). The introduction of this PDR will enable efforts to be made to ensure the consistency of other local planning documents. The second PDR for the period 2022-2027 also has 5 priorities. These differ from those of the first PDR, reflecting new priorities in response to a changing context and a new urban paradigm: i) local living environment; ii) regional mobility; iii) locomotive of the national economy; iv) international hub; v) adaptation and environmental resilience.
Source : OCDE (2018[2]), Dialogue Maroc-OCDE sur les politiques de développement territorial : Enjeux et Recommandations pour une action publique coordonnée, OCDE Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264302884-fr.
Since the new documents have not replaced the old ones but have been juxtaposed with them, the content of the old documents must be integrated into the new ones to avoid the superposition of contradictory frameworks. While this stage of inventorying and matching planning documents has begun, it must be completed by ensuring better articulation of these two "generations" of documents. To this end, it is necessary to set up coordination mechanisms between the different levels of government, for example through a unified urban planning document that allows for consistency between the different levels of regulatory documents in force, to encourage better communication between the different planning stakeholders, and to provide for a periodic review of planning documents to ensure their alignment and timeliness, relying in particular on the Walis who have a central role in coordination as representatives of the central government and presidents of the Regional Coordination Committees. There is also a lack of intersectoral coordination, and Moroccan cities often continue to adopt an approach where different sectors related to urban development are addressed in silos. To foster better coordination between planning levels and between urban policy sectors, Morocco could for example draw inspiration from the approach to spatial planning adopted by Austria, which established the Austrian Spatial Planning Conference (Österreichische Raumornungskonferenz – ÖROK) in 1971. This is a political body specifically tasked with coordinating planning. Its members include representatives from all levels of government (national, regional, municipal) as well as economic and social partners in an advisory capacity. The ÖROK reviews the Austrian Spatial Development Concept every ten years, which is designed to consider the spatial diversity of Austrian cities (ÖROK, s.d.[3]) (see also Chapter 6 for more details on cross-government and cross-sectoral coordination).
There is also a lack of coordination at the territorial level between the different development plans in the same functional urban area, i.e. very densely populated municipalities (urban centres) to which are added adjacent municipalities which have strong economic integration, measured by the importance of home-work journeys with the urban centre, according to the definition of the OECD and the European Union (OCDE, 2013[4]). Fragmented approaches within a single functional urban area can lead to inconsistencies in land use and inadequate infrastructure. Better coordination within functional urban areas, i.e. according to living and employment areas, has many benefits. For example, according to OECD work, countries that implement planning tools at the functional urban area level use on average 32% less land than countries that use fragmented urban planning approaches. (OCDE, 2018[2]).
To strengthen the coordination of planning between levels of government and between territories, Morocco can rely on the New Development Model, in particular the strategic choices of Axis 4 “Resilient territories, anchoring places for development” which affirms the central place of territories and advocates a renewal of territorial governance and the articulation of territorial levels. Strengthening coordination concerns not only the articulation between the various existing planning documents, their programming and implementation, but also between the various sectoral plans and strategies. These objectives of greater coordination and coherence can be achieved thanks to the reform proposals resulting from the National Dialogue on Urban Planning and Housing held in September 2022, which confirmed the strong desire to establish anticipatory, integrated and coherent territorial planning supported by multi-scale and partnership governance. Three levels of planning are thus proposed with the aim of controlling all functional links to go from the metropolis to the municipality, and from the municipality to its districts:
A long-term prospective metropolitan and agglomeration strategic level which defines the major orientations of territorial, economic, social and environmental development making it possible to establish the rules and prerequisites for opening up to urbanisation, to strengthen and balance the structuring framework, to strengthen the urban-rural functional link, to territorialise strategies and programmes in an integrated, complementary and convergent manner and to plan structuring projects.
A level of operational planning of land use at the municipal and/or inter-municipal level, without urban-rural distinction, integrating peri-urban areas under high pressure, with fixed and variable rules, performance and sustainable development indicators, free negotiated areas of economic impetus. This level of planning requires better access to land and plot information allowing for a fair sharing of added value and a balanced participation of landowners.
An operational level of detail and neighbourhood unit which can be the support for development operations at the neighbourhood scale to launch operations of urban renovation or restructuring; to create sectors with a special legal regime; to accommodate large urban projects; to develop sectors with progressive equipment; or finally to create urban free zones to accommodate large investment projects in the spirit of negotiated urban planning.
Simplifying, adapting and improving the content of the documents would also allow for greater coordination and integration of urban planning.
In Morocco, urban agencies could see their role strengthened to ensure this coordination, both between the different levels of urban planning, as well as between sectoral policies, and at the right territorial scale. Currently, urban agencies already play an essential role in regional planning, thanks to their expertise, their local roots and their contribution to urban planning and development. For them to fully play this coordination role, it is essential to review the function and role of urban agencies in the territorial structure. Institutional reforms and the shift of authority to the regional level thus offer an opportunity to redefine their mission and place. To do this, it is necessary to geographically reposition these agencies by expanding their area of intervention to become large regional entities, thus promoting increased coherence between the different levels of planning (SRAT, SDAU, PA) and greater coordination between regions, agglomerations and municipalities (see Chapter 6).
Prioritise urban renewal and densification over urban sprawl
As seen in Chapter 2, the urbanisation of Morocco has been accompanied by a phenomenon of metropolisation and peri-urbanisation over large territories. Peri-urbanisation and urban sprawl have been encouraged by certain planning tools or urban development programmes that have allowed new constructions on the outskirts of city centres, to the detriment of densification or rehabilitation logics.
Peri-urbanisation in Morocco has been largely facilitated by a shift in public policies in recent decades that has favoured the development of projects outside city centres. For example, “new town” projects (Villes Nouvelles) and the production of social housing intended to rehouse the most deprived populations far from city centres have favoured urban sprawl in Morocco. These projects are essentially developed according to a logic of land opportunity, to the detriment of rational land use. For example, since the end of the 1990s, the outskirts of Marrakech have been marked by a logic of urban sprawl, associated with the proliferation of tourist complexes including leisure facilities (golf courses, swimming pools) that require large land areas. The urban sprawl of Marrakech is also the result of many peri-urban real estate operations aimed at the middle classes. The built-up area of Marrakech has practically doubled since the end of the 1990s, the result of a desire by the public authorities to encourage investment, particularly in the tourism and residential sectors. The urban area thus experienced a real estate euphoria between 2000 and 2008, with a very strong increase in real estate investments. Most of these developments were carried out based on land opportunities and on the basis of exemptions. Indeed, more than 1 700 exemptions were approved in principle between 1999 and 2013 for a total area of 17 705 hectares, three quarters of which concerned the outskirts and mainly tourism and housing projects. More than half (55.1%) of these projects were authorised in areas not covered by urban planning documents.
This logic of peri-urbanisation and urban sprawl leads to negative externalities, particularly due to the environmental impact of the multiplication of these vast land areas on the outskirts of Moroccan cities. Urban sprawl also creates significant constraints in terms of equipment needs and connections to transport, water and sanitation networks, and energy supply (OECD, 2018[5]). In the case of Marrakech, for example, the exemptions may have led to the development of projects in a discontinuous form, depending on the availability of land rather than in response to planned urban planning action. It is therefore appropriate to limit urban sprawl and to promote more compact urban development.
To achieve this, densification must be prioritised, in particular by optimising the use of existing urban spaces. In this regard, controlling urban sprawl is an objective of Law 99-14 relating to urban planning documents: “Controlling urban sprawl through the rationalisation of land consumption and encouraging the renewal and revitalisation of spaces, avoiding urban sprawl and the dispersion of peripheries". In addition, to optimise the consumption of space (particularly agricultural) and combat urban sprawl, a Density and Urban Forms Reference Framework was established in 2016 for the benefit of decision-makers, planners and developers (MATNUHPV, 2022[6]). The emphasis is on urban renewal to limit urban sprawl, notably through the action of the National Agency for Urban Renewal and the Rehabilitation of Buildings at Risk of Collapse (Agence Nationale pour la Rénovation Urbaine et la Réhabilitation des Bâtiments Menaçant Ruine – ANRUR), which aims to promote urban renewal through an integrated model serving the socio-economic and sustainable development of target populations (ANRUR, n.d.[7]). Several flagship urban renovation projects have thus been launched, such as the Royal Avenue in Casablanca or the Casa Anfa project aimed at transforming the city's former historic airport to create a new urban centre housing around 100 000 inhabitants and 100 000 jobs (Casa Anfa, s.d.[8]). Based on the principles of sustainable development, the project provides for the creation of a large central park and a network of green spaces, the construction of a public transport network, as well as the development of a business district and facilities (education, health, leisure, culture, etc.) meeting the needs of the residents of Casa Anfa and neighbouring districts (Médias24, 2022[9]).
Urban renewal is also the subject of a national strategy dating from 2023, which aims at combatting urban sprawl and limiting the negative impacts of land scarcity on real estate markets. The densification and development capacity of 15 pilot cities was assessed (Casablanca, Fez, Tangier, Marrakech, Agadir, Rabat, Salé Meknès, Oujda, Kenitra, Tetouan, Temara, Safi, El Jadida and Beni Mellal), by identifying their land potential for urban renewal (urban wastelands, military land, urban mutation sites, etc.). The definition of the major axes of the urban renewal areas is structured around a territorial, urban and environmental diagnosis (Direction de l’Urbanisme, 2023[10]).
Several cities have also made a shift in urban planning and development, by adopting the logic of "frugal urban planning" or "reconstruction of the city on the city". This implies mobilising land already built in order to adapt buildings to different uses, following a logic of renovation, rehabilitation, reuse, multi-use or densification. This is the case, for example, of the unified development plan of Rabat which has used incentive urban zoning to plan the urban transformation of several districts within the framework of an integrated vision of urban renewal. To allow the development of these renovation and densification strategies, Moroccan cities must have the possibility of implementing flexible urban zoning, in particular to authorise the change of commercial or industrial use to residential use or the densification of already built-up areas.
Furthermore, citizen participation must be central to achieving these urban renewal and densification goals. In Chile, for example, the “I stay here” (“Aqui me quedo”) housing programme aims to densify plots where housing has been built several decades ago for low- and middle-income households, under the national housing policy. This strategy of “building the city on the city” therefore offers an alternative to traditional housing policy programmes, which often tend to build new social housing in peripheral locations. Participation and collaboration with residents of these plots has been central to the implementation of this programme (OECD, 2022[11]).
Combating urban sprawl, and prioritising densification and reconstruction of the city over the city, can have many economic, environmental and social benefits, including:
Rehabilitating the existing urban fabric and buildings is often more environmentally friendly and cost-effective than building new buildings on the outskirts of cities. It also helps preserve architectural heritage and reduce energy and material consumption.
Densification makes it possible to optimise available space, by constructing taller buildings, creating multifunctional spaces or transforming underused spaces (such as parking lots) into residential or commercial spaces.
Densification helps reduce dependence on private cars where credible alternatives exist, particularly in terms of public transport, helping to reduce pollution and traffic congestion problems.
Dense urban areas often offer greater social diversity and better accessibility to services and public facilities, thus helping to reduce inequalities.
Encourage a flexible approach to planning without systematically resorting to exceptional urban planning
As seen previously, urban planning and development documents in Morocco are considered too rigid and difficult to modify, and they do not adopt a forward-looking approach that would allow them to absorb shocks and socio-economic changes. This challenge is largely due to the complexity and the legal and technical slowness of the development of urban planning documents.
Faced with the rigidity and lack of flexibility of the urban planning documents in force, Morocco has initiated a new urban development policy in the form of major urban development operations, frequently carried out within a derogatory framework. Major urban operations falling under operational urban planning with a special development plan (Plan d’Aménagement Spécial – PAS) are indeed numerous in Morocco, such as the development projects of Casa Anfa, the Bouregreg Valley (Box 4.3) and Tangier Med. The process of exemption, designed to facilitate investments and to compensate for the lack of urban planning documents, was introduced in 1999 and has been widely used since then (PPIAF, 2019[12]). For example, through exemptions, agricultural land can easily be open to development. The process has often been deployed to make real estate and development operations viable by allowing a higher land value gain through the change of use or the densification of large areas. The counterparts provided by the beneficiaries can notably consist of transfers of land to the community (for equipment in particular), or the financing or construction of equipment on site or off site. However, this practice has had many limitations, such as the deregulation of real estate markets or the fragmentation of the urban fabric on the outskirts of cities.
To avoid adverse consequences, the use of exemptions has been progressively restricted by successive government letters in 2003 and 2010. For example, in the Casablanca-Settat region, urban planning exemptions can only be granted for the development of social housing or economic activities, and project initiators must prove that the project is in line with the SDAU guidelines (PPIAF, 2019[12]). Faced with a poorly controlled use of exemptions during the 2010s, the Moroccan State now wishes to limit their scope. The exemption process has been questioning, in particular due to the lack of objective criteria for granting exemptions and requesting compensation, the lack of monitoring of the fulfilment of beneficiaries' commitments, and the failure to take into account the urban impacts of authorised projects (Conseil Économique, Social et Environnemental, 2014[13]). In addition, Law 47-18 on the reform of Regional Investment Centres (Centres Régionaux d’Investissement – CRI) in Morocco and the creation of Unified Regional Investment Commissions (Commissions Régionales Unifiées de l’Investissement – CRUI) (law promulgated in 2019) provided a legal basis for the exemption procedure via Article 30 which provides that (“[…] the Regional Commission is responsible […] for granting exemptions in terms of urban planning for the benefit of productive and job-generating investment projects […] however, no exemption in terms of urban planning may relate to land intended for public facilities, green spaces, […]” (Secrétariat Général du Gouvernement, 2019[14]).
From integrated and sustainable urban development goals to ambitious achievements
The Rabat-Salé-Témara region, second largest demographic and economic agglomeration in Morocco and political centre of the country, is divided in two by the Bouregreg River Valley. The Bouregreg Valley Development Project was launched in January 2006 to rehabilitate the banks of the river, provide a pleasant living environment for the region’s inhabitants, and meet a need for integrated and sustainable urban development. This development project is based on the creation of new urban spaces based on four objectives: i) protecting the valley’s environment; ii) social approach and citizen action; iii) preserving and rehabilitating heritage; and iv) improving the living environment of the population of the agglomeration. The project covers an area of 6 000 ha stretching over 17 km, from the estuary of the Oudaïas Kasbah to the Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdellah dam upstream.
The development project provides for major urban restructuring, including two new crossing infrastructures – a tramway serving the two cities of Rabat and Salé and a new bridge 14 m high and 46 m wide – two urban ring roads in the heart of the plain, a 1.5 km tunnel under the walls of the heritage sector of the kasbah, the development of a luxury district with a programme of facilities and shops with metropolitan and international influence (marina, grand theatre, 250 m high tower). The first phase of this development project has been completed, including the inauguration of the Rabat-Salé tramway and the Hassan II bridge as well as the commissioning of the Oudayas tunnel in 2011.
A development project made possible by a series of exemptions
The entire development mission was entrusted to the Bouregreg Valley Development Agency (Agence d’Aménagement de la Vallée de Bouregreg, AAVB), a public institution with financial autonomy and under the supervision of the State, which was created under Law 16-04 on the development and enhancement of the Bouregreg Valley. In accordance with the provisions of this law, the AAVB exercises three roles: i) the role of urban authority; ii) the role of planner; and iii) the role of developer. The agency has project management in matters of urban planning, environment, social and economic programming and heritage management. It also has all the decision-making powers that can be granted to a public authority in matters of development, thus being able to proceed with land acquisitions or act in derogation from the law on urban planning.
Law No. 16-04 provided for the establishment of a special development plan (PAS). In addition to aspects common to usual development plans, the Bouregreg PAS provides for a series of exceptions concerning in particular the procedure for developing, approving and implementing the PAS, the terms for granting building, subdivision or allotment permits and the creation of housing groups, the implementation of allotments as well as the repression of violations of urban planning and construction laws. Law No. 16-04 also provided for limiting the amount of expropriation compensation to the market value of the building or real estate rights on the date of publication in the Official Bulletin of the Bouregreg law (December 2005), rather than considering the value of the property on the day of the decision ordering the expropriation, i.e. October 2009, as stipulated in the law on expropriation.
The necessary consideration of citizens
The consultation and consideration of citizens’ interests in the context of the Bouregreg Valley development project took place in several stages. Faced with the expropriations planned by the development project and the importance of the power granted by Law 16-04 to the AAVB, opposing citizens organised. In response to this emergence of protest movements, the AAVB started implementing a participatory approach, asking the Bouregreg Association in 2002 to organise a roundtable on citizens’ view on the future of the Bouregreg Valley. This brought together international experts, ministerial representatives, representatives of the academic sector, and citizens of Rabat and Salé. This roundtable was followed by five citizen meetings called Bouregreg works (Chantiers du Bouregreg). However, these initiatives were seen more as a means of legitimising the development of the valley rather than as a real approach to citizen involvement.
Citizens were also invited to comment on the PAS via a public inquiry that took place after the launch and development of the PAS. A total of 906 observations were recorded – a number much higher than the number of observations recorded during the public inquiries relating to the former municipal development plans of Salé. These observations mainly came from residents directly affected by the development plan and the expropriation procedure. Almost all the objections (except two) were written in Salé, from residents of the Bab Chaafa-Sidi Ben Acher sector or the Rmel district of the Salé Lamrissa district. This citizen mobilisation allowed for a compromise between the AAVB and citizens, with the AAVB’s backing down on certain expropriation procedures, and the support of elected officials, particularly from Salé. Thus, the final version of the PAC concerning the Ben Acher district indicates that the project will only involve a redevelopment of public spaces, walking areas and green spaces and that "the local population will be kept on site and the existing buildings will be equipped with various equipment necessary for their upgrading".
Source : UPFI (n.d.[15]), Projet d'aménagement de la vallée du Bouregreg à Rabat, https://upfi-med.eib.org/fr/projects/projet-damenagement-de-la-vallee-du-bouregreg-a-rabat-sequence-3/ ; Rachid (2022[16]), Gouvernance des projets d’aménagement de la Vallée du Bouregreg (Rabat-Salé) et de l’Ecocité de Zenata (Grand Casablanca), https://revues.imist.ma/index.php/AMJAU/article/view/32834 ; Mouloudi (2016[17]), Le projet d'aménagement de la vallée du Bouregreg à l'épreuve de l'enquête publique et des délibérations communales, https://www.cairn.info/revue-participations-2016-2-page-221.htm ; Hajar (2020[18]), La participation citoyenne dans les projets urbains, https://issuu.com/nizarh10/docs/participation_citoyenne_nh_memo ; and information collected as part of an interview with the Bouregreg Valley Development Agency, December 2022.
To adopt more flexible and strategic urban planning approaches mindful of territorial specificities – without systematically resorting to exceptional urban planning –, Morocco could turn to codified project urban planning. As part of the development of the Bouregreg Valley, the agency in charge of the project, the AAVB, also has a project to transform the example of exceptional urban planning set up for Bouregreg into common law. Economic Interest Groups (Groupements d’Intérêt Économique – GIE), defined by Law No. 13-97 by Dahir No. 1-99-12 of 5 February 1999 aim to facilitate and organise the implementation and financing of overall development operations and necessary facilities via contracts between private landowners and/or operators. For future major urban development projects, Morocco could also draw inspiration from the National Interest Operations (Opérations d’Intérêt National – OIN) or the Concerted Development Zones (Zones d’Aménagement Concerté – ZAC) in France. These two formats, set up for large-scale urban planning operations in France, offer a framework for the development and partnership implementation of urban planning projects within defined perimeters, with constant legislation and with regulatory development if necessary. These tools thus make it possible to avoid the pitfalls linked to exemptions by establishing a binding framework, while allowing for the possibility of introducing modifications to unblock possible obstacles (Box 4.4).
Operations of National Interest (OIN) are development operations that respond to issues of such importance that they require the operational and financial mobilisation of the State. The OIN is a tool used in the context of development operations for districts, sectors or territories, such as the La Défense business district. In the context of the development of La Défense, the OIN was superimposed on the planning documents in force in Greater Paris (the Ile-de-France Regional Master Plan (SDRIF), the Regional Development Plan (SAR), and the regional plan for development, sustainable development and territorial equality (SRADDET)). Other examples of OIN include the development of the Fos-sur-Mer area and the construction of certain Olympic works in Seine-Saint Denis in preparation for the 2024 Olympic and Paralympic Games.
Concerted Development Zones (ZAC) are public development operations for the urban space, established by the Land Orientation Act (Loi d’Orientation Foncière – LOF) of 1967. Amended by the Act on Solidarity and Urban Renewal (Solidarité et Renovation Urbaine – SRU) of 2000, ZACs are, according to Article L.311-1 of the Urban Planning Code, “zones within which a competent public authority or a public establishment decides to intervene to carry out or have carried out the development and equipment of land, in particular that which this authority or establishment has acquired, or will acquire with a view to transferring or granting it subsequently to public or private users”.
The main distinction between these two framework tools lies in the government level that has the decision-making prerogative over the development project. For OINs, it is always the State that develops and issues land use permits and building permits. In the context of a ZAC, a municipality may have the decision-making prerogative, for instance to issue of urban planning tools.
Source : CEREMA (2021[19]), Projet d'intérêt général et opération d'intérêt national : Présentation comparée ; CEREMA (2020[20]), Aménagement opérationnel – ZAC.
Adopt an innovative and forward-looking approach to urban planning, based on reliable data
The COVID-19 crisis has led to the acceleration of the adoption of e-services by Moroccan cities, such as geoportals, online requests, instructions and payments, virtual offices and videoconference-enabled instruction commissions. Only 55% of these procedures were carried out virtually in March 2020, compared to 97% today. (Raqui, 2021[21]). At the same time, more than 1 200 urban planning documents have been digitised and uploaded in open access on the national geoportal of urban planning documents. This supports efforts made to improve the approval and georeferencing of urban planning documents, as well as illustrates the shift towards e-urban planning taken by Moroccan cities. This work of unified nomenclature, accessible to citizens and professionals, results from the application of Law 31.13, which establishes the right of access to public information by citizens, and Law 55-19, which establishes new measures to facilitate the relationship between the administration and users through the simplification of administrative procedures. These efforts deserve to be continued and generalised to the entire Moroccan territory. Morocco could in this regard learn from the National Zoning Atlas in the United States, which has made more than 30 000 municipal urban planning codes accessible (Box 4.5). Other innovative initiatives are also beginning to be implemented in Morocco, such as the use of artificial intelligence and the establishment of digital twins. In Rabat, for example, the Rabat-Salé Urban Agency set up the country’s first digital twin platform in 2020. This twin city makes it possible to test pilot developments before their implementation. The more widespread adoption of such innovations by Moroccan cities would promote more efficient urban planning. In addition, a forward-looking approach to urban planning is essential, in particular to prioritise densification and renewal rather than urban sprawl. This may imply, for example, conducting upstream studies of the urban areas to be densified.
The National Zoning Atlas is a collaboration of researchers who are digitalising, interpreting, and making accessible more than 30 000 municipal planning codes. In the United States of America, zoning is highly fragmented and virtually unharmonised from one state to another. Yet, it has direct repercussions on key dimensions of urban quality of life, such as housing availability, transportation systems, and the environment. This collaborative platform, currently under construction, helps users and professionals better understand these sometimes opaque but highly influential laws by describing their main attributes through an easy-to-use mapping tool. This data science project is deploying new systems for collecting, analysing, and displaying geospatial and regulatory data. It is also a digital humanities project, innovative in its methodology and with the potential to unlock new research on the central instrument that shapes the urban built environment. Finally, it is a computer science and machine learning project, since it deploys a series of algorithms to read and translate this substantial body of complex regulatory texts. The National Zoning Atlas also allows comparisons to be made between different territories, in order to shed light on regional and state trends and to strengthen the planning of American cities.
Source: (Atlas, s.d.[22]).
The economic development of Moroccan cities faces many challenges
As seen in Chapter 2, Moroccan cities concentrate the country’s economic activities, with 80% of productive activity (industry and services) and 75% of jobs. The three regions of Casablanca-Settat, Rabat-Salé-Kénitra and Tangier-Tétouan-Al Hoceima alone, home to 44.7% of the country’s population and 50.7% of the urban population, were responsible for the creation of approximately 59% of national wealth in 2020. Cities are also the main sources of state tax revenues. However, Morocco’s urbanisation is currently failing to take full advantage of the economic growth levers it generates, leading to low levels of productivity, fostering the creation of social and territorial imbalances, and contributing to the persistence of significant territorial disparities between rural and urban areas. As cities are the main engine of the Moroccan economy, better exploiting their economic potential is a major challenge for Morocco and could allow the country to move from the “lower middle income” category to the “upper middle income” or “high income” category according to the World Bank’s income-based classification of countries (World Bank, 2022[23]).
Investments and economic growth in Moroccan cities are currently limited by several obstacles. Although the business climate in Morocco has seen a remarkable improvement over the last decade, with Morocco moving from 130th in 2009 to 60th in 2019 in the World Bank’s world ranking, many factors continue to hamper the economic development of cities in Morocco. These factors include the difficulty of accessing land, the lack of transport infrastructure, and the persistence of a large informal sector. According to the Moroccan Business Survey conducted by the World Bank in 2019, 6.7%, 8.7% and 9.1% of companies respectively point to these three factors as the main obstacle to doing business, which represents figures significantly higher than the averages of 2.5%, 4.0% and 7.3% in the Middle East and North Africa countries (The World Bank, 2020[24]).
First, the difficulty of accessing land, as well as the weaknesses of land administration and management, constitute a major obstacle to public and private investment projects and harm the economic development of Moroccan cities. The constraints related to access to land are multiple and are due in particular to: a complex Moroccan land structure, a legacy of historical, social and economic factors generating a diversity of legal regimes governing land; the obsolescence of the legal arsenal governing land; the absence of a global and integrated vision of land management; the duality of the Moroccan land regime between that of registered buildings and that of unregistered buildings outside the scope of the provisions of land registration; heterogeneous modes of exploitation and transmission and the coexistence of lands that fall under the private domain of the State, collective lands or habous lands; the multiplicity of actors involved in its management (Bronin, 2021[25]), (Conseil Économique Social et Environnemental, 2017[26]) the failure to update land titles (the updating of land titles being optional and dependent on the wishes of the owner) and obsolescence of land use rights; and the absence of a global land register for all legal regimes combined (Assises nationales sur la politique foncière de l’État, 2015[27]). This complexity results in a slowness and lack of updating of the land register (land registration is not mandatory in Morocco, which is why the legal register only reflects the situation of properties that are either registered or in the process of being registered), making the mobilisation of land complicated and hindering coherent and sustainable urban development. The lack of transparency on ownership and the costs associated with it slow down operations on the land market, preventing businesses from developing. As seen in the previous section, it is a priority to improve the quality of information on land, by ensuring the registration of all land in urban areas, not only to improve urban planning but also to promote the economic development of cities.
Second, the lack of efficient transport, communication and logistics infrastructure between cities (see section in the same chapter Improving mobility in Moroccan cities) hinders the mobility of goods, services, labour and ideas, thereby limiting the potential benefits of agglomeration economies. By limiting access to jobs and services, congestion problems and high transport costs reduce the attractiveness of cities for workers and businesses, as well as the agglomeration effects that can result. The high cost of transporting goods between cities and the lack of infrastructure are major obstacles to Moroccan economic integration. Indeed, transport costs represent 17% of the value of goods in Morocco, compared to 7% in neighbouring countries, while the insufficient level of connectivity (the fixed broadband penetration rate is half as high in Morocco as the average for the Middle East and North Africa) slows the circulation of ideas (World Bank, 2019[28]).
Moreover, the strong presence of the informal sector in Moroccan cities can limit opportunities for formal collaboration and economic exchanges in Moroccan urban areas. The strong presence of the informal sector hinders the accumulation of human capital due to non-compliance with regulations, and the tendency to hire less qualified workers, which can slow down the process of technology adoption by these companies. Informality is indeed associated with lower productivity due to a lack of access to resources, modern technologies, and vocational training, hampering the informal sector’s ability to contribute to the economic growth of cities in terms of creating quality jobs, developing new skills, and promoting innovation and productivity. In addition, many informal companies have limited access to finance and are constrained to small-scale production, which hinders their potential to grow.
Finally, the fragmentation of economic development policies and initiatives across different levels of government (see Chapter 6) can hamper strategic planning at the urban level, making it difficult to exploit the potential economic synergies offered by the geographic proximity of businesses and workers.
Improving the competitiveness of cities by attracting investment and promoting entrepreneurship
The urban development paradigm in Morocco has evolved in recent decades, moving from a catch-up logic to a vision of cities as competitive and attractive economic development hubs. A new vision of cities as a driver of the country's economic development has thus emerged in Morocco, notably with the revision of the National Urban Development Strategy (Stratégie Nationale de Développement Urbain – SNDU) in 2007, and more recently with the National Urban Structure Plan (Schéma National d’Armature Urbaine – SNAU) in 2020.
The revised SNDU in 2007 sought to promote cities as economic hubs by encouraging economic diversification and the creation of economic “clusters” in different regions of the country, so as to stimulate growth and job creation in cities. The SNDU also created measures to encourage investment in cities, in particular the simplification of several administrative procedures, tax incentives and the facilitation of access to land for investment projects. The SNAU then made it possible to establish a vision of urban development for 2050 focused on the growth and economic development of Morocco, by continuing to establish cities as real hubs of development, competitiveness and attractiveness, and above all by encouraging the reduction of territorial disparities in development. The OPPAT (Public Policy Guidelines for Land Use Planning or Orientations de la Politique Publique de l’Aménagement du Territoire) also aim to promote balanced and sustainable development in Morocco, by seeking to reduce regional disparities, improving access to basic services, and increasing the infrastructure offer.
However, as seen above, Moroccan cities, although the country's main economic engine, are struggling to take full advantage of agglomeration economies, in particular due to an unfavourable investment climate. To encourage business creation and make the investment climate more favourable, Morocco will first have to clarify land rights, facilitate access to land for small and medium-sized enterprises and simplify the procedures for granting planning permission, for example by dematerialising installation permit applications. Indeed, land is a key pillar for stimulating productive investment, generating income and creating job opportunities, and for launching investment projects in the various areas of industry, agriculture, tourism and services (Assises Nationales du Foncier, 2015[29]). The 2015 National Land Conference, which recognised the essential role played by land in urban development, has already been followed by the development of the National Land Strategy. This highlights the need to improve land registration and information on land, with a lever dedicated to the generalisation of land registration in Morocco, as well as the need to strengthen technical and legal capacities to improve knowledge and management of land within local governments. This Strategy is now finalised and in the deployment phase. This is an essential step to be taken as a priority to enable the improvement of the quality of information on land, by ensuring the registration of all land in urban areas. The simplification and dematerialisation of the procedures for granting authorisations for all acts of an urban planning and economic nature through a dedicated platform “Rokhas” initiated by the Ministry of the Interior, is another important step forward to facilitate procedures, allow traceability of the procedure for processing and granting the authorisations, and shorten the deadlines.
In addition, the role of local authorities in supporting businesses should be strengthened, for example by creating regional digital platforms to facilitate communication regarding support programmes for businesses and project leaders, based on the model of the national entrepreneurship support portal. (Portail national d’appui à l’entrepreneuriat, s.d.[30]). The creation of incubators, accelerators and co-working spaces in Moroccan cities can also help promote business creation in Moroccan cities, by offering mentoring, training and low-cost space to young companies. This movement is already underway in some cities such as Casablanca: the Technopark offers multiple services and supports start-up creators from the design of their business model and their administrative procedures to the search for customers or financing. While these initiatives are developing in more and more Moroccan cities, they are still limited and could be rolled out on a larger scale.
To extend this type of initiative to a larger number of cities, the Moroccan government could set up a national programme aimed at developing the entrepreneurial ecosystem in cities and improving their competitiveness. To this end, Morocco could draw inspiration from the case of Estonia and its Startup Estonia programme, which aims to develop and strengthen the start-up ecosystem by encouraging local entrepreneurship and attracting foreign entrepreneurs to develop their businesses in Estonia. Moroccan local governments could also promote collaboration between businesses and universities, invest in training programmes, particularly for young people, in digital skills, and organise events (e.g. hackathons) to encourage innovation.
Investments to promote the productivity and competitiveness of cities and increase agglomeration economies could also be stimulated by taking advantage of the new Investment Charter promulgated at the end of 2022 (Centre Régional d’Investissement Casablanca-Settat, s.d.[31]). Indeed, it aims to encourage investment in areas with high development potential, particularly urban areas. The Charter also includes tax incentives and benefits for companies that invest in projects related to urban development, thus encouraging companies to invest in these cities and develop their activity there. The promotion of cooperation between companies, universities and research centres is also an integral part of the Charter and aims to stimulate innovation and the creation of new companies. To make the most of the new Investment Charter and attract investment to cities, an attractiveness strengthening committee could be established to develop targeted strategies, promote local opportunities, and facilitate administrative procedures for investors. The Charter also promotes a territorial approach by relying on the Regional Investment Centres (Centres régionaux d’investissement – CRI). CRIs can play an important role in promoting investment and the economic development of Moroccan cities. They play a dual role of supporting business creation and investment assistance. They can thus facilitate investments in Moroccan cities by informing and guiding investors through administrative processes. CRIs can also collaborate with local authorities to identify the infrastructure needed to make cities more attractive to investors and can help mobilise the financial resources needed to carry out these projects. Finally, CRIs can help promote certain sectors such as the tourism sector by supporting the development of infrastructure. To attract investments in Moroccan cities, the mandatory land registration recommended above will improve transparency on ownership and make it easier for companies to set up in cities.
To attract investment to Morocco’s cities, it is also necessary to rethink and improve the areas in the industrial zones of urban hubs for investors. A menu of actions could be considered, such as the creation of “territories of impulse” and “spaces of integrated development”. Territories of impulse could offer modern infrastructure, business support services and tax incentives, thus serving as catalysts for innovation and growth. Spaces of integrated development, on the other hand, would aim to bring together industrial, residential and commercial activities. Other initiatives such as improving transport networks, establishing free zones and developing technology parks could strengthen the attractiveness of Moroccan cities for national and international investment.
Strengthening the implementation of the territorialisation of urban policies to reduce territorial disparities
As seen in Chapter 2, Morocco’s urban landscape is characterised by the presence of a few large cities along the Atlantic coast and many small and medium-sized cities in the interior of the country, the latter lagging behind the large cities in terms of economic dynamism. Building on the SNAT, the SNAU vision promotes a new reading of the urban framework with the channelling of urbanisation towards the interior of the country (as opposed to the historical littoralisation of urbanisation in Morocco, as seen in Chapter 2) along with the development of new development corridors and nine metropolitan areas. This involves consolidating international integration corridors (Euro-Mediterranean, trans-African and trans-Maghreb) and developing the internal corridor (Agadir-Marrakech-Beni Mellal-Fez towards the Mediterranean) by supporting metropolises as drivers of development and by strengthening the role of intermediate cities and small towns as strategic links in regional urban systems that can stimulate local dynamics.
The SNAU also adopts a differentiated approach according to the degree of urbanisation and the size of cities. Intermediate cities are thus considered as factors of resilience of the urban framework, while small cities allow the supervision of rural systems. As seen in Chapter 2, Morocco is characterised by a predominance of small cities. Given the challenges that this category of cities implies in promoting balanced territorial development, Morocco has adopted a territorially differentiated development strategy for small cities (Box 4.6) (MATNUHPV, 2022[6]).
Morocco has adopted a territorially differentiated small town development strategy to support, strengthen, revive or redesign the socio-economic and spatial structure of small towns based on their performance. This strategy identifies four categories of small towns for which the policy objectives are different:
Small towns on the outskirts of large cities and metropolises – objective: to raise the level of socio-economic and spatial development
Small towns located in productive areas – objective: to support their role in the implementation of rural development strategies
Small towns located in disadvantaged rural areas – objective: to strengthen their relations with regional development programmes in a spirit of territorial solidarity
Small towns located in sensitive areas – objective: to safeguard and enhance their specific territorial identity
Source : MATNUHPV (2022[32]), Rapport national sur la mise en œuvre du nouvel agenda urbain 2016-2020, https://www.urbanagendaplatform.org/sites/default/files/2022-03/Kingdom%20of%20Morocco%20NUA%20Report%2018%20March%202022.pdf.
If the SNAU encourages the territorialisation of urban policies, the adoption of a differentiated approach according to the degree of urbanisation and the size of cities must be strengthened by relying more on the local level and encouraging partnerships with the various stakeholders. Morocco could, for example, implement a targeted policy for intermediary cities. The MATNUHPV launched a project to develop the National Strategy for Intermediary Cities. The first phase of the development of this strategy, “State of play and territorial strategic diagnosis”, allowed the common definition of the concept of the intermediary city in Morocco by means of intermediation indicators, the diagnosis of the issues and challenges that these cities are and will be facing, as well as the identification of homogeneous categories of intermediary cities that will be the subject of specific intervention strategies. The second phase “Prospective vision and national strategy for intermediary cities” will establish and formulate a prospective vision and break it down into differentiated strategies and action programmes likely to strengthen the role of intermediary cities in the national urban framework and increase territorial equity and the development of decentralised territories. This phase will end with the choice of pilot intermediary cities that will be the subject of implementation of the strategy and action programme. For the implementation of this strategy, Morocco can draw inspiration from the “Heart of the City Action” programme (Action Cœur de Ville, ACV), which specifically targets the development of intermediary cities (Box 4.7). This programme is ambitious not only in its objectives of revitalising the city centres of medium-sized towns by acting on all the factors of attractiveness of these towns (housing, economic development and commerce, accessibility and living environment), but also in its means – EUR 5 billion committed by the French State and its partners – and governance, which focuses on territorialising the action, taking into account local specificities and prioritising the local level (Cour des Comptes, 2022[33]). After five years of implementing the ACV plan, most elected officials have shown an attachment to the plan, whose label is widely recognised, while a knock-on effect has been observed on local policies that prioritise the rehabilitation of medium-sized towns and their centres. Furthermore, the ACV plan has led the various partners in the programme to adapt their resources and methods to these priorities.
To reduce territorial disparities and trigger endogenous economic development dynamics, Morocco can combine actions in terms of redistribution and subsidies to disadvantaged territories. In addition, it is necessary to strengthen access to basic and essential services, including digital services, in cities of all sizes, as well as in peri-urban areas that are essential to the economic development of Moroccan cities.
Urban-rural linkages must also be strengthened. Exploiting the links between urban and rural areas is essential to promote the economic growth of cities and more broadly of the entire territory. Indeed, urban and rural areas benefit from different and often complementary assets, making their integration important for the socio-economic performance of the country. Potential links between urban and rural areas include aspects related to demographic dynamics, the labour market, public services and the environment through land use, water consumption, etc. (OECD, s.d.[34]). To strengthen these links, Morocco could rely on the Emerging Rural Centres (Centres Ruraux Émergents – CREM) which are at the heart of its strategy to exploit the interdependencies between urban and rural areas and go beyond the binary management of the urban framework between large and medium-sized cities on the one hand and rural areas polarised with small towns on the other. Morocco has also carried out an upgrade and revitalisation of these centres through the National Programme for the Integrated Development of CREM (PNDI-CREM), in order to make them centres of intermediary urbanisation allowing the growth and development of the rural areas in which they are located. A study of 12 pilot CREMs (i.e. one CREM per region) resulted in proposals for action plans currently being examined and validated by the Governors, Presidents of the Regional Councils, Presidents of the Councils of the communes and by the decentralised services of the sectoral departments. CREMs have many objectives, the first being to promote collaboration between urban and rural areas by facilitating exchanges, synergies and partnerships. They also promote the transfer of knowledge and skills between urban and rural areas by encouraging partnerships between urban and rural actors such as local authorities, businesses and civil society organisations, creating synergies for the economic development of rural areas. However, the establishment of CREMs in Morocco is still in its early stages. In addition, CREMs often face challenges such as a lack of financial, human and material resources, and weak coordination between actors. CREMs could strengthen interdependencies and collaboration between urban and rural areas by establishing urban-rural partnerships in several sectors, such as transport, housing, infrastructure, or certain economic sectors such as tourism, in the territory where they are located. In Poland, for example, local and regional authorities have engaged in urban-rural partnerships in many areas such as public transport, business promotion (in collaboration with the private sector), tourism, food supply chains, digitalisation of public services, and to provide certain public services jointly (OECD, 2022[35]).
For the territorialisation of urban policies to yield economic development, it is necessary for these urban policies to be articulated with other territorial policies. Indeed, the first four years of the ACV plan in France have shown the difficulties in articulating this plan with other policies that can be implemented in medium-sized cities, and the risk of creating competition between the target cities of the different types of territorial programmes. These challenges therefore call for increased articulation and coherence between public policies implemented at the territorial level (Cour des Comptes, 2022[33]).
A programme aimed at revitalising medium-sized cities
Launched in 2018, the Action Cœur de Ville (ACV) plan is a French government programme with national ambitions that aims to give new impetus to medium-sized cities in France, improve the living conditions of their residents and strengthen the role of these cities as drivers of regional development. Developed in consultation with elected officials and economic stakeholders in the regions, the Action Cœur de Ville plan aims to support local authorities, encourage housing and urban planning stakeholders to reinvest in city centres, and promote the maintenance or establishment of activities in the heart of cities. The ACV plan concerns 234 municipalities in 222 metropolitan and overseas territories. It mainly targets medium-sized cities with 20 000 to 100 000 inhabitants that face challenges in terms of revitalising their city centres, such as difficulties in attractiveness, the presence of degraded housing or commercial vacancies. Cities are selected based on criteria such as demographics, economic situation, architectural heritage and urban renewal needs.
Once selected, cities sign a framework agreement with the government to participate in the programme. Built around a territorial project, these framework agreements define the objectives and specific actions to be implemented to revitalise city centres. In exchange, the programme provides multi-year funding to support these actions. Funding comes from a partnership between the State, local authorities and other local partners such as businesses, associations, etc.
Participating cities also benefit from technical support to help them implement the actions planned in the contract. This support may include advice on urban planning, architecture, mobility, project management, citizen participation, etc.
Ambitious and innovative means
In its objectives, the programme is designed to be cross-cutting, with the aim of acting on the major factors of attractiveness, such as: housing and accommodation; economic development and maintaining local businesses; accessibility of the city centre and transport; access to public services and facilities; heritage, cultural offerings and leisure activities.
As for financing, the programme is based on a shared effort between the State and three other operators: the Bank of the Territories (Banque des territoires); the National Housing Agency (Agence Nationale de l’Habitat – ANAH), and Housing Action (Action Logement). These four partners have committed to dedicating EUR 5 billion to the ACV program.
New tools or mechanisms have also been mobilised, such as the territorial revitalisation operations (Opérations de Revitalisation du Territoire – ORT) or the “Pilot territories for land sobriety”.
The ACV system thus appears to be ambitious in three ways. First, it is ambitious in its objectives and content, by setting itself the goal of acting on all the factors of attractiveness from a cross-cutting perspective. It is ambitious in its means, by sharing the initial financial effort within the framework of a partnership that brings together the State and three other partners. Finally, it is ambitious in its territorial implementation, by giving priority to the local level and by entrusting the project management of its application to the mayors of the member cities.
Source : Cour des Comptes (2022[33]), Action Cœur de Ville Exercices 2018-2021, https://www.ccomptes.fr/system/files/2022-09/20220929-S2022-1266-1-programme-action-coeur-ville.pdf.
Leveraging digital transformation to increase the competitiveness of Moroccan cities
Digital technology and digital transformation are important levers of development for Moroccan cities. Morocco is already a pioneer in digital transition and is one of the African champions of technology. The number of people with access to the Internet in Morocco has also increased significantly in recent years. In 2022, nearly 90% of the Moroccan population had an Internet connection, compared to 65% in 2018 (ANRT, 2023[36]) – a rate slightly below the OECD average of 91.6%, but higher than the rate recorded in some OECD countries such as Colombia (59.5%), Mexico (68.5%), or the United States (81.8%) (OECD, s.d.[37]). As seen in Chapter 2 and according to the latest information and communication technology (ICT) survey, the rate of Internet usage in urban areas in Morocco increased during the COVID-19 crisis, from 79.7% to 91.5% between 2019 and 2021.
While Morocco has made significant progress in expanding Internet access in cities, with relatively broad coverage in urban centres, particularly in large cities such as Casablanca, Rabat, and Marrakech, challenges remain, such as the need to reduce the digital divide that can exist within cities themselves. The significance of the digital divide in territorial and individual exclusion had also been highlighted by the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, since an Internet connection is essential for accessing telework, online education, and government services during lockdowns. Internet penetration rates are often higher in the most affluent neighbourhoods than in more disadvantaged neighbourhoods. In addition, some of the most vulnerable population groups, such as women, the elderly, and people living in precarious situations, have relatively more limited access to digital technologies.
The Moroccan government has taken steps to reduce this digital divide, including investing in expanding Internet access, supporting the creation of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) training centres, and encouraging businesses to meet the needs of the most disadvantaged populations. In addition, in 2015, the government launched the Digital Morocco 2025 (Maroc Digital 2025) strategy, which aims to make Morocco a regional digital hub and promote the country’s innovation and competitiveness in the global digital economy. This strategy is structured around three main axes: developing digital infrastructure, by increasing broadband coverage and improving the quality of telecommunications services; promoting innovation and digital entrepreneurship, by supporting the creation of start-ups; and developing digital public services to simplify administrative procedures. Large Moroccan cities are particularly concerned by this strategy since they are often centres of innovation and digital entrepreneurship, with the creation of start-up hubs such as Casablanca Finance City, Rabat Technopolis, and Marrakech Biotech.
Implementing smart city initiatives can also support efforts to build more competitive, sustainable, and inclusive cities. Several smart city initiatives already exist in Morocco. Casablanca launched a programme to modernise its public transportation system by installing buses equipped with geolocation. The city has also launched initiatives to improve waste management and public lighting through digital solutions. Rabat installed pollution sensors on the streets to improve air quality. Marrakech launched a programme to improve water management by installing water consumption measurement sensors in public buildings, parks, and gardens. The city also launched an initiative to improve waste management by installing smart trash cans equipped with filling sensors to optimise waste collection. More recent projects, such as the Zenata and Benguerir eco-cities (Box 4.8), considered among the most ambitious smart city projects in Morocco, were launched as part of the national strategy Digital Morocco 2020 and Digital Morocco 2025, and were designed to contribute to making cities greener, smarter and more sustainable, based on efficient resource management, advanced connectivity and a high quality of life for its inhabitants. However, these initiatives remain limited, often due to a lack of financial and human resources.
Scaling up smart city strategies can not only boost the country’s economic development by encouraging innovation, attracting investment, and creating jobs in the technology sectors, but also improve the well-being of city dwellers. Local and national governments, as well as the private sector, can play a key role in developing smart cities through funding, tax incentives and public-private partnerships to drive innovation. A national framework for smart cities, which could be developed in collaboration with the Ministry of Digital Transition and Administrative Reform, could also help promote more initiatives, coordinating efforts and ensuring a consistent approach across the country. Indeed, the experience of OECD countries suggests that while cities are often at the forefront of launching smart city initiatives, national governments have a crucial role to play in facilitating the implementation of innovative solutions, strengthening the capacities of local governments, and scaling up existing solutions (OECD, 2019[38]). In defining a national smart city strategy, Morocco could draw inspiration from the Innovative Cities Programme launched in Finland in 2017 to encourage innovation and economic growth in Finnish cities. This national programme aims to support cities in creating an environment conducive to innovation, strengthening collaboration between cities and businesses, and promoting the development of innovative goods and services. Its implementation has provided lessons that may be particularly interesting for Morocco. First, this programme is open to all Finnish cities, regardless of their size or geographical location. The programme encourages collaboration between cities and businesses, the use of data to guide public decision-making, and the development of digital skills in cities, enabling residents to adapt to new jobs and technologies. In addition, Finland has launched a platform for the country’s six largest cities (Helsinki, Espoo, Vantaa, Tampere, Oulu and Turku) where stakeholders can share their smart city experiences and solutions (OECD, 2019[38]).
The eco-city of Zenata includes the following factors:
Smart transport infrastructure: connected and intelligent electric public transport network, which uses advanced geolocation and electronic ticketing technologies
Smart water and energy management: sensors for measuring consumption and automated management systems
Advanced connectivity: the city is equipped with a high-speed fibre optic network
Smart waste management: technologies used for the collection, sorting and treatment of waste, with smart collection systems
The eco-city of Benguerir is also considered one of the most ambitious smart city projects in Africa, through:
Smart water management: the city has a rainwater harvesting system to water green spaces and public gardens, as well as a wastewater recycling system for irrigating agricultural fields
Smart transport infrastructure
Advanced connectivity
Smart waste management
Better articulate the economic development objectives of cities with territorial and urban planning
Morocco has undertaken major projects to respond to the pressure created by increasing urbanisation and the country’s economic development needs. Several examples attest to the positive interactions between urban development and economic growth, such as in Kenitra, where urbanisation is closely linked to economic development through numerous national plans (e.g. the 2014-2020 industrial acceleration plan, the national port strategy for 2030, etc.) with the creation of the Atlantic Free Zone, an automobile production plant and the Kenitra Atlantic New Harbour (Nouveau Port de Kénitra Atlantique – NPKA). The Tangier-Med project is another example of a major programme with a significant impact on the region’s economic development, the port of Tangier-Med being one of the largest in Africa and the Mediterranean basin. This project has thus helped to stimulate the local and national economy, by attracting international investment and creating jobs.
However, the economic development of cities in Morocco does not always seem to be closely connected to the territorial and urban planning. Indeed, major sectoral projects of national, regional or metropolitan interest are often structured around a new development – new city, new university or innovation hub – and do not always sufficiently integrate territorial, environmental and social dimensions, such as access to transport and housing or environmental impacts. New cities and new urban hubs, generally located on the outskirts of existing cities, thus very often come up against inadequacies in basic infrastructure, equipment or transport, in turn limiting the economic development of these cities. However, while new cities have often been created to meet the needs of the population in terms of housing and employment, their success is conditioned by the quality of the infrastructure and services offered, as well as their ability to attract investment and residents. Near Rabat, for example, the new town of Tamesna, created in 2007 to relieve congestion in the Moroccan capital, is now a ghost town, with fewer than 40 000 inhabitants and a lack of public spaces and collective facilities, businesses and hospitals, as well as very few shops, illustrating the lack of coordination between economic objectives and those of mobility and accessibility (Kadiri, 2017[40]). It is therefore necessary to better articulate economic objectives and territorial and urban planning, particularly in pre-operational systems and in the opening of new areas to urbanisation, in coordination with the extension of infrastructure networks (roads, sanitation and transport) to improve access to infrastructure and the development of essential public services in peri-urban areas.
Despite the considerable progress in human development made in recent decades in Morocco, thanks to numerous proactive policies, Moroccan cities continue to face significant inequalities, with unequal access to employment, housing and facilities, as well as persistent urban poverty phenomena. More than a million city dwellers still live below the poverty line, 3 million are in a situation of economic vulnerability and 13% of the urban population lives in unsanitary housing. These inequalities are also the cause of socio-spatial segregation, particularly in large cities, between central urban centres and peripheral areas.
The COVID-19 pandemic has widened these existing inequalities, and the absolute poverty rate has increased significantly, from 1.7% of the population in 2019 to 11.7% during the 2020 lockdown. This increase was particularly pronounced in urban areas, with the absolute poverty rate increasing from 0.5% to 7.1%. The rate of people in vulnerable situations has also more than doubled, from 7.3% before the lockdown to 16.7% during the lockdown. Similarly, this increase has been much more significant in urban areas than in rural areas, with the vulnerability rate increasing from 4.5% to 14.6% in urban areas. The informal sector, which represents nearly 80% of jobs in Morocco according to the International Labor Organisation (ILO), has been hit hard. The government has therefore taken a series of measures, such as financial assistance to households in need, which has helped to mitigate the effects of the shock. The absolute poverty rate thus fell to 2.5% and the vulnerability rate to 8.9% (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2020[41]). Yet, these measures were temporary: structural measures are necessary to sustainably reduce poverty and inequality in Moroccan cities.
According to the OECD Principles on Urban Policy, promoting inclusive cities that provide opportunities for all requires: (i) ensuring that all residents and users of urban areas – regardless of gender, age, ethnicity or health status – have better access to the drivers of social inclusion such as local public services, affordable and quality housing, transport, education, health, employment and economic opportunities, cultural heritage and facilities, leisure or safe public spaces; (ii) supporting national and local inclusive growth policies that help cities manage their demographic change and foster social cohesion at all scales, from neighbourhoods to metropolitan areas; and (iii) promoting urban identity and culture, as well as a quality living environment in all neighbourhoods, especially the most degraded ones (OCDE, 2019[42]). Furthermore, promoting access to opportunities for all in cities also promotes economic growth, by enabling all individuals to participate fully in the economy, which increases productivity and stimulates innovation. To put these principles into practice, Morocco could consider including in its national urban policy objectives the creation of jobs in cities, particularly for vulnerable population groups; refocusing the City Policy (Politique de la Ville) on its priorities of combating precariousness and exclusion at the neighbourhood and municipal levels; and improving access to essential services and drivers of social inclusion and public spaces for all, particularly for women.
Local action to support employment, particularly for young people and women, must be further promoted
While Moroccan cities represent the main source of employment in Morocco, urban unemployment and underemployment remain a major problem, and are a factor in poverty and inequality. Unemployment in Morocco particularly affects young people, who are much more likely to be unemployed than their elders, particularly in cities. In 2022, 46.7% of 15-24 year-olds in urban areas were unemployed, compared to 24.8% for 25-34 year-olds, 8.4% for 35-44 year-olds, and 4.6% for those aged 45 and over (Haut Commissariat au Plan, s.d.[43]). In addition, nearly 30% of young people aged 15 to 24 are not working or investing in their future through training (i.e. they are NEETs, Not in Education, Employment, or Training). The rate of female participation in the labour market is also very low in Morocco, at less than 30%. Morocco is even one of the few countries in the MENA region where the female activity rate is declining. In addition, there are significant disparities between urban and rural areas in this area. The rate of inactivity of women is higher in urban areas (over 80%) than in rural areas (Banque Mondiale, 2021[44]). Informality also affects millions of urban workers. While these jobs can help lift many informal workers out of poverty, these workers and their families suffer from inadequate access to health services, pension rights and unemployment insurance.
To foster economic development and reduce inequalities, Morocco’s National Urban Policy could set job creation and the formalisation of employment in cities as one of its explicit objectives. This is the case in other OECD countries, such as Poland, where the National Urban Policy includes job creation among its six main objectives for 2030: “productive city: fostering urban development through economic diversification that provides jobs for residents and creates a solid investment base for sustainable urban development” (Ministry of Development Funds and Regional Policy of Poland, 2022[45]).
The role of Moroccan cities in providing the population with access to more and better jobs must therefore be strengthened. While national policies and structural reforms contribute to creating a stable macroeconomic framework and encouraging business development in cities (particularly through improved business climates), national employment and training policies are more effective when they draw on local governments’ knowledge of local labour market conditions (OECD, 2016[46]). Indeed, in-depth knowledge of the specificities of employment areas is necessary to develop actions that are adapted to each context. Local authorities can also play a key role in improving and supporting skills training and job creation, for example by setting up local career information systems and training pathways, implementing specific actions to promote the integration of businesses into the local fabric, and promoting skills development and retraining to meet the new needs of the labour market. In addition, municipalities are well placed to support partnerships with educational institutions, businesses in their area, and civil society organisations. (OECD, 2016[46]). In the Netherlands, for example, responsibilities for active labour market policies are divided between the national public employment service and the municipalities. The latter play a major role in activating the long-term unemployed and inactive people, in combating youth unemployment and in integrating migrants into local labour markets. Moreover, Dutch municipalities have a large degree of flexibility in designing and implementing these policies (OECD, 2023[47]).
Targeted interventions – including skills development – are needed to address the challenge of youth unemployment and the low participation of women in the urban labour market, as well as access to employment for vulnerable population groups more generally. Cities and local governments play a key role in creating adult training systems. As the level of government closest to citizens, they are best placed to identify the challenges faced by employers and workers. With the support of the Moroccan government, local governments can implement many measures to improve access to employment for youth, women and vulnerable population groups. In particular, local governments can collaborate with different types of local actors, such as associations or businesses, to help young people integrate into the labour market. This collaboration has proven essential in other OECD countries. For example, the City of Toronto in Canada collaborates with the non-profit movement United Way Greater Toronto to provide career guidance to young people. In the Netherlands, Rotterdam has set up a career guidance programme for young people called Bridge in close collaboration with local employers (OECD, 2022[48]).
Local governments could also adjust training provision to meet local demand for skills and direct the production of new skills towards growth sectors, such as digital skills. In London, UK, the Digital Talent Programme aims to increase the volume and quality of training in digital technologies and thereby increase job opportunities for young people, particularly women, disadvantaged groups and people from minorities. (OECD, 2022[48]). In Austria, the city of Vienna has committed to helping young people who have been hit hard by the COVID-19 crisis through training, while the city of Donegal in Ireland has implemented a programme to help women furthest from the labour market find employment (Box 4.9).
To support the action of Moroccan cities to improve access to employment, particularly for vulnerable population categories, the national government has an important role to play, notably in strengthening the human and financial capacities of local government staff (see Chapter 6).
Digital Talents Programme in London (UK)
The programme consists of a series of projects designed to address inequalities in the digital sector, including the under-representation of women and minority workers. The programme provides people aged 18 to 24 with digital skills, career advice and support to start their own technology business. The programme also provides support to employers and trainers to improve career guidance for young people in the digital sector. The programme also facilitates partnerships with higher education institutions and SMEs.
The programme consists of a series of projects designed to address inequalities in the digital sector, including the under-representation of women and minority workers. It provides people aged 18 to 24 with digital skills, career advice and support to start their own technology business. It also provides support to employers and trainers to improve career guidance for young people in the digital sector. The programme also facilitates partnerships with higher education institutions and SMEs.
Education and training programmes for young people in Vienna (Austria)
The COVID-19 pandemic has had a very significant impact on the labour market in Vienna, especially for young people who saw their unemployment rate increase by more than 50% between May 2019 and May 2020. To address this challenge, the City of Vienna launched an education and training programme worth EUR 17 million in June 2020, including EUR 10 million for apprenticeship training in companies and EUR 7 million for training unemployed young people. This training offers skills passports for professions in the fields of health, care and information technology.
Women's Confidence Building and Training Programme in Donegal (Ireland)
Donegal Town ran the Women’s Integration Skills and Employment (WISE) project between 2017 and 2020 to help women furthest from the labour market to return to work, undertake training or become self-employed. The project, co-funded by the European Social Fund and the Irish Department of Justice and Equality, provided free services to equip women of all ages with the skills and confidence to return to work. Each participating woman received a personal employment advisor (CV writing, interview tips, etc.). The programme also selected suitable roles from local employers. It also provided after-care for participants, for up to six months, to help them access government funding for further training and childcare support.
Source : OECD (2022[48]), Future-proofing adult learning systems in cities and regions : A policy manual for local governments, https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/employment/future-proofing-adult-learning-systems-in-cities-and-regions_11fa26cc-en.
The City Policy (Politique de la Ville) must be refocused on its initial objectives
The City Policy was defined in the 2012 Government Programme as a “voluntary public policy based on a cross-cutting approach aimed at combating precariousness and exclusion, particularly in sensitive urban areas subject to multifaceted pressures”. It is an interministerial, integrated, multi-partner, contractual and participatory policy (MATNUHPV, 2018[49]). Since its launch, MATNUHPV has implemented around 200 projects amounting to a financial contribution of MAD 8.37 billion (for a total cost of MAD 38.4 billion) (MATNUHPV, 2021[50]). These projects aim to improve living conditions in disadvantaged urban areas, particularly in terms of housing, infrastructure, public services, employment and leisure, and can also support the provision of facilities for new towns, such as roads, green spaces, public spaces, etc. The City Policy projects are available on several scales, from the medina and the district to the region and the municipality. Within the framework of the projects, the community designates its project owner (Al Omrane for nearly 60% of projects, as well as development agencies or development companies).
However, the implementation of the City Policy has faced several difficulties, including: i) a field of intervention that is too heterogeneous, bringing together disadvantaged urban areas and new towns; ii) a lack of clarity regarding the scale of intervention (district, city, territory); iii) implementation that is too slow due to constraints on the ground; (iv) a lack of coordination and articulation with other existing programmes that also aim to improve the living environment in urban areas, such as the programme for Housing at Risk of Collapse (Habitat Menaçant Ruine - HMR) or the Urban Upgrading Programme (Mise à Niveau Urbaine – MANU); (v) a lack of consultation with stakeholders; and (vi) a lack of clear definition of the role of the municipality in the implementation of projects (MATNUHPV, 2021[50]).
Refocusing the City Policy on its priorities of combating precariousness and exclusion should therefore be encouraged. This could be done, for example, by strengthening strategic planning and implementing a multi-year strategy as well as by defining priority areas eligible for intervention. In this sense, it would also be necessary to refocus urban renovation and renewal actions at the level of development plans. In parallel with strategic planning, the scales of intervention should also be redefined, by concentrating efforts on neighbourhoods and municipalities. A new approach to the City Policy, targeting priority neighbourhoods or areas, is also currently being developed and should be implemented more generally. Accelerating the digitalisation of databases relating to the City Policy could also remedy the slowness of processes by facilitating and optimising project monitoring. Strengthened consultation with stakeholders and convergence between actors would promote coordination and articulation with other urban renovation programmes. Finally, the role of the National Agency for Urban Renewal and the Rehabilitation of Buildings at Risk of Collapse (ANRUR) in the implementation of the City Policy could be strengthened, for example in the coordination of urban renewal initiatives and the rehabilitation of dilapidated buildings, the financing of urban renewal projects, and the establishment of mechanisms for monitoring and evaluating the impacts of urban renewal projects. In this respect, the ANRUR could draw inspiration from the case of the National Agency for Urban Renewal (Agence Nationale pour la Rénovation Urbaine – ANRU) in France, which finances and supports the transformation of neighbourhoods of the City Policy (Box 4.10).
The ANRU is a public industrial and commercial establishment that finances and supports the transformation of urban policy districts in France. The ANRU was created in 2003, a few months after the adoption of the orientation and programming law for cities, in order to manage and finance the National Urban Renewal Programme (Programme National de Rénovation Urbaine – PNRU). In 2014, as part of work on urban programming and cohesion, the Government announced the creation of the New National Urban Renewal Programme (Nouveau Programme National de Rénovation Urbaine – NPNRU), the ANRU still being responsible for managing it. The NPNRU has a grant equivalent of EUR 12 billion (EUR 14 billion in financial support) allocated by the ANRU to finance the renovation of 450 districts. The programme is financed by: Acting for Housing (Action Logement) (EUR 8.4 billion), the Social Union for Housing (Union Sociale pour l’Habitat) (EUR 2.4 billion) and the French State (EUR 1.2 billion). The main objective of the NPNRU is to renovate neighbourhoods in depth by promoting social diversity, diversification of housing and buildings, opening up access to isolated neighbourhoods, and economic development.
The NPNRU has undergone three governance changes compared to the PNRU: i) a two-stage contractualisation to better define the projects (prefiguration protocol then operational agreement); ii) project management at the urban area level rather than at the municipal level; iii) strong stakeholder participation from the design of the projects via citizens' councils and project houses.
Urban renewal projects are approved by a national commitment committee that defines the financial participation of the ANRU according to the ambitions and action strategy of each operation. An agreement is then signed between the ANRU, the project leaders and the project managers.
Source : Agence Nationale pour la Rénovation Urbaine (s.d.[51]), https://www.anru.fr/.
Inclusive access to essential services and public spaces must continue to be improved in Moroccan cities
To reduce urban inequalities and promote access to opportunities for all in cities, it is crucial to ensure that all residents of all cities have better access to essential services that are also drivers of social inclusion. This includes access to water and sanitation, energy, education, digital technology and culture. Access to digital infrastructure is particularly essential to connect populations to economic and educational opportunities in cities. The extension of fixed and mobile broadband Internet coverage must therefore be encouraged to reduce the digital divide. Promoting culture as a lever for inclusion in cities, by supporting local cultural initiatives on the one hand, and by facilitating access to culture for all residents, particularly those from vulnerable population groups on the other, also helps to strengthen social cohesion.
Access to public spaces for all is also a key factor in reducing inequalities in cities and promoting inclusive growth: these public spaces are supposed to benefit all residents equally and are vectors of integration and inclusion. As such, they can play a role in strengthening social cohesion in urban areas. Public spaces in Moroccan cities, such as squares, gardens, green spaces and souks, are essential living spaces for residents, to promote socialisation and to access public facilities. According to UN Habitat, public spaces are places of public use, accessible and profitable for all free of charge. They are a central element of individual and collective well-being, places of collective life and social cohesion. There are three main categories of public spaces: streets (sidewalks), open public spaces (parks), and public facilities (markets) (UN Habitat, 2020[52]). With the COVID-19 pandemic, their role has become even more essential, particularly in preserving social ties, especially since it has been shown that the rate of contagion is lower in outdoor spaces.
However, these spaces face many challenges such as lack of maintenance, unequal access for certain categories of the population such as women and people with disabilities, and difficulties in moving around on sidewalks. Some public spaces in Moroccan cities are indeed poorly maintained, poorly lit and poorly equipped, with a lack of basic amenities such as benches and trash cans, which makes them unattractive for residents. In addition, many public spaces are illegally invaded by businesses, preventing pedestrians from taking ownership of these spaces.
This is why many initiatives have been launched to encourage access to public space for all in Moroccan cities. The City Policy thus promotes the creation of quality public spaces conducive to social and cultural exchanges and access to culture, leisure and local sports as a vector of social and personal development. (MATNUHPV, 2018[49]). The Accessible Cities Programme (Programme Villes Accessibles), set up by the Ministry of Solidarity, Social Development, Equality and Family in 2018, aims to extend at the national scale a programme for improving accessibility for people with reduced mobility implemented in Marrakech. The Moroccan government has also set up several programmes to renovate and requalify public spaces in Moroccan cities, in partnership with local authorities and civil society actors. For example, the “Rabat City of Light: Moroccan Capital of Culture” programme, initiated in 2014, aims to preserve green spaces and the environment, improve access to local social services and facilities, and provide sports and cultural facilities to the city’s residents.
However, the issue of women’s access to public spaces remains a major challenge in Moroccan cities. The problems encountered by women in Moroccan urban public spaces are multiple and cover several dimensions, including the appropriation of public spaces, security and lived experienced. For example, according to surveys conducted by the government, 82% of women surveyed report having difficulty moving around on the street due to the reduced accessibility of sidewalks. 75% feel they have difficulty accessing artistic and cultural activities in their city, while 51% say they are verbally harassed at least once a week in urban public spaces (Figure 4.1) (MATNUHPV et ONU Femmes, 2020[53]). To address these challenges, MATNUHPV has, within the framework of the City Policy, launched an initiative to support the design and implementation of public space development projects that meet the imperative of equal access and integrate the needs of women and girls in the form of a guide. This guide aims to provide authorities and project owners with practical guidance on the developments to be integrated into public spaces, in order to make them more accessible to all, particularly women and girls (MATNUHPV et ONU Femmes, 2020[53]).
Note: Based on surveys carried out by MATNUHPV in partnership with UN Women.
Source: MATNUHPV and ONU Femmes (2020[53]), Guide référentiel: Pour des espaces publics urbains plus accessibles aux femmes et aux filles, https://morocco.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20Morocco/Documents/Publications/2021/GUIDE%20REF%20fr%20050321.pdf.
To increase the supply of adequate public spaces and further promote access to public spaces for vulnerable population groups, in particular women, but also children, youth, older adults and people with special needs, it is important to integrate the issue of public space into national urban policy and to strengthen the link between urban planning, land use planning and accessibility. A clear definition of public spaces and the minimum standards required (e.g. dimensions, etc.) at the level of national urban policy is necessary, while universal design, i.e. the design of public spaces that are suitable for all, should be encouraged. A broader and more systematic involvement of citizens and stakeholders should be encouraged to ensure that urban planning documents and public spaces meet the needs of residents (see Chapter 6). Digital innovations can also help ensure that public spaces are accessible to all, by simulating the accessibility of public spaces, particularly for people with disabilities, while regular assessment can identify public spaces requiring improvement.
The economic benefits of improving public spaces also need to be better recognised and used to increase the competitiveness of Moroccan cities. To this end, Morocco could establish a national mechanism to help local governments implement instruments to capture land value from investments in improving public spaces. Indeed, while Moroccan local governments are authorised to implement instruments to capture land value following investments in facilities such as public spaces, in practice, these instruments are rarely used due to a lack of administrative capacity of local governments (OECD/Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, PKU-Lincoln Institute Center, 2022[54]). The capacities of local actors must therefore be strengthened to enable them to implement these different measures (see Chapter 6).
Mobility deficiencies and challenges in Moroccan cities are detrimental to the economic development of cities, the quality of life of urban residents, and the environment
Urban growth and urban sprawl are increasing the need for urban and interurban mobility, generating a growing demand for transport infrastructure and services. These needs will continue to increase in the coming decades, as by 2030, nearly 70% of the Moroccan population will live in cities. Economic progress in Morocco is also driving the increase in demand for urban mobility, with the development of economic and commercial activities in cities and outside city centres contributing to the increase in travel. Over the past 30 years, the total number of trips has at least doubled in most Moroccan cities. (Banque Mondiale, 2015[55]). However, as seen in Chapter 2, transportation and mobility in Moroccan cities face many challenges.
In most Moroccan cities, the majority of trips are made on foot. For example, according to the study for the Greater Casablanca Urban Transport Plan, walking constitutes 62% of trips, with a higher share for women (76%) than for men (57%) (Casa Transport, 2018[56]). However, choosing to walk is often a consequence of households’ inability to afford a private car or travel by public transport, or of the absence of quality public transport. In addition, this so-called "active" mode of mobility comes up against problems linked to unsuitable roads, such as poorly maintained and inaccessible sidewalks, pedestrian crossings that are poorly or not at all formalised, etc.
The mode share of public transport in Moroccan cities is relatively low compared to other OECD countries. According to a survey conducted as part of the Casablanca Urban Transport Plan in 2018, only 13% of trips in Casablanca are made by bus (Casa Transport, 2018[56]). This is much less than in Mexico City, Mexico (60%) or Santiago, Chile (50%) (Coopération Municipale CoMun, 2015[57]). This is due, among other factors, to a weak urban public transport network. Indeed, Morocco has one bus for every 5 000 inhabitants, whereas middle-income countries tend to benefit from approximately one bus for every 2 000 inhabitants (Medias 24, 2022[58]). In addition, buses are considered to be of “poor quality” by 77% of the population, not encouraging their use. On the other hand, the tramway is considered to be of “good” or “very good” quality by nearly 85% of the Casablanca population (Casa Transport, 2018[56]). However, this mode of public transport is still used for relatively few trips. In Casablanca, the mode share of the tramway (inaugurated in 2012) was 1.4% in 2018, amount to 4% of motorised modes (Delahais et Alouis, 2021[59]). Urban public transport is also often considered too expensive by the population. Expenditure on urban transport can in fact represent up to almost 20% of the income of the poorest households, for a relatively low level of service (Banque Mondiale, 2015[55]). In addition to being insufficient in number and too expensive, urban public transport is often too slow, with a commercial speed of around 5 km/h on average in the densest urban areas of the country during rush hour, due to traffic jams, too frequent stops, and a general disorganisation of traffic in cities (Banque Mondiale, 2015[55]).
Due in particular to urban sprawl and the lack of adequate public transport, automobile ownership is increasing in Morocco. In Casablanca, for example, the rate of cars per 1 000 inhabitants increased from 90 in 2004 to 113 in 2018 (Casa Transport, 2018[56]) and the number of car journeys has doubled in the last 30 years (Casa Transports, 2018[60]). The predominance of private vehicles and taxis among means of transport, as well as the non-optimisation of traffic plans, cause significant congestion problems in Moroccan cities. In addition, the number of motorcycles in the country is very high, with more than 1.4 million motorcycles in circulation in October 2020. Congestion problems associated with chronic disorganisation of road traffic also result in significant road insecurity. In 2019, the number of road deaths per 100 000 inhabitants was almost 17 in Morocco, a figure well above the OECD average of 6.4 (World Health Organisation, s.d.[61]).
Another major challenge related to mobility in Moroccan cities is the high level of pollution and greenhouse gas emissions from transport in cities. Road transport is the second largest source of emissions in Morocco. This is due, in particular, to traffic jams that lead to an increase in emissions per vehicle-km and the use of private vehicles instead of public transport, contributing to a high rate of emissions per passenger-km. In addition, the urban sprawl that characterises Moroccan cities leads to longer journeys and therefore an increase in greenhouse gas emissions, as well as an increase in the use of private vehicles, which are mostly second-hand vehicles, making it more difficult to adopt technologies that can decarbonise the vehicle fleet (ITF, 2021[62]).
These structural transport and mobility problems have significant negative consequences on many dimensions of Moroccan city dwellers’ wellbeing. Air pollution has direct impacts on the health of residents and leads to respiratory problems and other air quality-related diseases (OECD, 2014[63]), as well as entailing significant economic costs related to health care expenses and lost productivity. Furthermore, overall quality of life is affected, as frequent traffic jams and inefficient travel make daily mobility cumbersome and affect the well-being of residents. Furthermore, these mobility challenges impact the accessibility of employment opportunities, public services and essential amenities. Frequent travel delays can hinder workers’ access to jobs, thereby compromising employment opportunities and economic growth. Moreover, poor access to public services and basic amenities such as schools and hospitals contributes to increasing social and economic inequalities. The ongoing update of the National Urban Transport Strategy seeks to respond to mobility challenges in Moroccan cities.
Morocco’s National Urban Transport Strategy (Stratégie Nationale des Déplacements Urbains – SNDU) was approved in 2008 and launched in 2010, with technical support from the World Bank. This strategy was adopted in a context of reform and revitalisation of the urban transport sector, with the aim of addressing the challenges entailed by rapid urbanisation and the increase in demand for urban mobility. The objective of this strategy was to establish an efficient, socially inclusive urban transport system that would achieve the country’s sustainability goals (Portail National des Collectivités Territoriales, n.d.[64]). It was supported by the creation of the Urban and Interurban Road Transport Reform Support Fund (Fonds d’accompagnement des réformes du transport routier urbain et interurbain – FART) in 2007, intended to support reforms in the urban and interurban transport sector in Morocco by financing the urban transport needs of cities. In addition, a draft strategic roadmap for sustainable mobility (urban and peri-urban) is currently being developed by the Ministry of the Interior. The purpose of this roadmap is to ensure consistency and convergence of the results of strategic studies carried out in relation to the transport sector, and to align national practices with international standards in the sector. It will thus make it possible to establish a prospective vision of sustainable urban and peri-urban mobility in Moroccan agglomerations, particularly in terms of strengthening institutional capacities, developing urban mobility plans and developing mass transport in corridors and dedicated sites, creating and strengthening infrastructure (parking, roads, ring roads, hoppers, etc.) and meeting Morocco's international commitments in terms of climate change and sustainable development.
However, as discussed previously, the challenges related to mobility in Moroccan cities remain, and even intensify as urbanisation increases. Faced with these persistent challenges, the Moroccan government is seeking to update this strategy by 2040 to adapt the framework to new socio-economic and environmental requirements related to urban mobility, focus on a new model of financial support and develop a new governance mode based on the delegated management model. This update is carried out through the development of a national roadmap for sustainable mobility until 2040, in parallel with an internal study to estimate the investment needs in urban transport for the period 2024-28 (Badrane, 2024[65]).
To improve urban mobility, this strategy for 2040 could focus on the following points:
Develop and expand urban public transport networks, including trams and Bus Rapid Transit, by strengthening multimodality and integrating smart technologies for traffic management and passenger information
Promote active mobility modes, through the development of dedicated infrastructure
Strengthen the inclusiveness of urban transport use, particularly for women
Improve governance and adopt a metropolitan approach
Further promote urban public transport to foster economic growth and contribute to Morocco's sustainability goals
Promoting urban public transport is a key lever for the economic growth of cities and the country as a whole. By facilitating the mobility of workers, public transport makes travel, particularly for work, more efficient, thus promoting increased productivity and contributing to Morocco's long-term economic competitiveness. Improving connectivity between residential areas and employment centres stimulates economic activity and encourages investment in the different regions of the country. By investing in modern modes of public transport, such as rapid buses and bus rapid transit (BHNS), trams and metros, Morocco can also promote more sustainable and resilient urbanisation. Indeed, these modes of transport contribute to reducing the carbon footprint of Moroccan cities by limiting dependence on combustion vehicles, the main contributors to greenhouse gas emissions. In addition, the development of public transport encourages a more rational use of urban space, reducing urban sprawl and preserving natural resources. Increased investments in urban public transport would thus contribute to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by reducing greenhouse gas emissions and creating more sustainable urban environments, and would support the vision of a greener and more resilient Morocco, notably through its New Development Model, and in line with its commitments to the Paris Agreements and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.
In recent years, Morocco has recognised the importance of promoting urban public transport to address growing congestion and mobility challenges and to promote more sustainable economic growth. Initiatives have been launched in several cities across the country to improve public transport systems. Cities such as Rabat or Casablanca have implemented modern tram networks, providing an efficient and sustainable alternative to individual modes of transport. At the same time, rapid bus systems have been introduced in some cities to provide more flexible and accessible public transport options. These initiatives aim in particular to connect residential areas to economic zones and employment centres, thus improving travel efficiency for citizens. In Casablanca, for example, the authorities have focused on developing an additional public transport network of almost 100 km by 2025, with four tram lines and 2 bus rapid transit (BRT) lines. In 2024, 48 km of tramway network had been completed (lines T1 and T2) and 26.5 km were under construction (lines T3 and T4), while 24.4 km of Bus Rapid Transit (BHNS, lines L5 and L6) were put into service on March 1, 2024. In addition, the Casablanca PDU update study (under development in 2024) recommends the creation of 61 km of exclusive right-of-way public transport (Transport Collectif en Site Propre – TCSP). In Rabat, the authorities invested in the development of transport infrastructure by creating a 20 km tramway line between 2011 and 2019. In 2024, the Rabat-Salé-Témara conurbation has a 26.6 km tramway network and a study for the implementation of other BHNS lines is under development. Investments in urban public transport in Morocco are not limited to physical infrastructure, but also include initiatives to modernise payment systems and provide real-time information to users. These measures contribute to making public transport more attractive, reliable and convenient.
However, despite these advances, public transport network coverage remains limited compared to the needs of Morocco’s growing urban population. In addition, public transport systems often lack integration, making multimodal travel (e.g., combining trams, buses, and bicycles) impractical for users. Insufficient funding and the lack of sustainable long-term business models also pose major obstacles to expanding and improving public transport services. To address this and increase investment, the Moroccan national government could build on and expand the Urban and Interurban Road Transport Reform Support Fund (FART). While the FART already plays a key role in local government efforts by supporting a wide range of projects to improve urban mobility and make urban transport more efficient and sustainable, its funding needs to cover more cities and regions to meet the needs of the growing urban population.
In addition to FART investments, Morocco could explore other financing models such as public-private partnerships (PPP), which represent another strategic lever to increase investments in public transport and active mobility modes in the long term (OECD, 2023[66]). These partnerships indeed allow to combine the expertise, financial resources and innovation of the private sector with the sustainable development and public interest objectives of the public sector. The Casablanca and Rabat tramway projects are indeed successful examples of PPPs in the field of urban transport. Building on these successes, Morocco could consider similar PPPs for the extension of existing networks, the development of new tramways in other cities, or the development of other means of transport such as Bus Rapid Transit or BRT (BHNS in French). The BRT of Curitiba, Brazil, is an example of efficient public transport implemented through strategic partnerships with the private sector. In order to strengthen the role of PPPs, the Moroccan government could put in place a number of actions, including: developing regulatory frameworks and incentives for the private sector to invest in public transport and soft mobility projects; offering guarantees to reduce financial risks for private investors; ensuring transparency in calls for tenders and partner selection processes; and exploring mixed financing, combining public, private investments and international funds dedicated to sustainable development (OECD, 2023[66]).
To accelerate investments in sustainable public transport, Morocco can take advantage of upcoming major events such as the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations and the 2030 FIFA World Cup. This strategy was used, for instance, in Johannesburg (South Africa) in 2010, taking advantage of the 2010 World Cup to make new investments in the city’s infrastructure through two ambitious public transport projects. On the one hand, the Bus Rapid Transit system connected Soweto to downtown Johannesburg, the 2010 having accelerated the implementation of the project and unlocked crucial funding. On the other hand, the World Cup also served as a catalyst for the early completion of the Gautrain (Regional Express Train in the Gauteng region), South Africa’s first rapid commuter train, which connects Johannesburg, Pretoria and OR Tambo Airport (OECD, 2024[67]).
Encourage active mobility through the development of dedicated infrastructure
Promoting soft mobility in cities has many benefits and helps achieve sustainability and inclusion goals. Indeed, active modes such as walking and cycling do not produce emissions; as such, they contribute to reducing air pollution, improving public health, as well as fighting climate change. In addition, when citizens are encouraged to opt for non-motorised modes of transport, the number of vehicles on the roads decreases, reducing congestion and travel times. Active mobility also promotes physical activity, reducing the risk of chronic diseases and improving well-being. Finally, active mobility infrastructure, such as cycle paths and wide sidewalks, is often less expensive to develop and maintain than infrastructure for motorised vehicles.
In many Moroccan cities, public transport projects are accompanied by investments in active mobility. Marrakech was the first city in Africa to provide its residents with self-service bicycles: an initial fleet of 320 bicycles was deployed during COP22, held in 2016. The Zenata Eco-city urban plan was designed to promote collective and active mobility to limit the use of individual cars in areas where credible alternatives exist for urban residents. The active mobility plan thus dedicates 44 km of dedicated, secure lanes to pedestrians and cyclists. This active mobility network is isolated from the road network and connects all the districts of the city. Benguerir is another example of a Moroccan city that has promoted the design of compact and equipped districts, with numerous cycle paths and systematic use of electric buses. To encourage the reduction of private car use and promote alternative urban mobility, cities are also implementing incentive policies, such as the city of Rabat, which initiated the “Rabat without my car” (“Rabat sans ma voiture”) programme. This initiative aims to encourage residents and visitors to the city to opt for more environmentally friendly and less polluting modes of transport than private cars, such as walking, cycling, or using public transport.
As discussed previously, walking is the most used mode of transport by Moroccans, even if it is often a default choice due to a lack of financial means. This mode of transport faces many challenges in Moroccan cities, such as inadequate infrastructure (sidewalks in poor condition or too narrow), a lack of safe pedestrian crossings, reduced accessibility for people with reduced mobility such as the elderly, children or people with disabilities, and insecurity or the feeling of insecurity that can be linked to a lack of adequate public lighting. Thus, for Morocco to benefit from this widely used active mode, it is essential to invest in quality pedestrian infrastructure, and for Morocco's urban policy to prioritise the safety and well-being of pedestrians. For example, the emphasis can be placed on the renovation and widening of sidewalks, as is done in Copenhagen, Denmark. Creating pedestrian zones in city centres also helps to encourage walking and revitalise urban spaces. Making pedestrian crossings safer by making them more visible, as well as using adequate street lighting and more open spaces, would also help to increase pedestrian safety.
Finally, integrating active modes with public transport networks, such as pedestrian access or bicycle parking near public transport stations, is crucial to foster intermodality and promote sustainable urban mobility. In Zurich, Switzerland, for example, the mobility policy prioritises public transport and active travel by providing wide and safe pedestrian paths leading to tram and bus stations. In addition, an integrated pricing system facilitates the combined use of several transport modes. In Curitiba, Brazil, the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system integrates with pedestrian infrastructure, which has helped reduce car dependency and increase public transport use.
Strengthening the inclusiveness of urban transport use, especially for women
It is essential that urban transport policies in Moroccan cities take into account the needs of all population groups, regardless of their economic, geographical situation, or physical abilities. Promoting the inclusiveness of transport in cities helps to ensure equal opportunities in terms of access to employment, education, public services, and leisure, and to reduce inequalities. Making public transport accessible to all also helps to reduce dependence on private cars, and therefore to limit congestion, air pollution, and greenhouse gas emissions, thus supporting the Sustainable Development Goals.
Although many efforts have been made or are underway to improve the accessibility and quality of transport services in Moroccan cities, costs can still represent a significant barrier for people on low incomes, explaining the predominance of walking as a means of transport in Moroccan cities. This is why, to allow more people to use public transport, several OECD cities have introduced full or partial free travel on their public transport network, highlighting that free travel ensures access to transport for all without discrimination of means, limits the use of private cars, improves mobility and strengthens the attractiveness of city centres. Thus, after experimenting with free public transport on Saturdays and Sundays, then extending it to under-18s and over-65s during the week, the metropolitan area of Montpellier in France has opted for completely free transport for all its residents from December 2023. In Estonia, the city of Tallinn has observed an increase in network usage since the introduction of free transport across its entire transport network (5 tram lines, 8 electric bus lines and 57 buses), particularly in working-class neighbourhoods far from the city centre, thus suggesting an improvement in accessibility for more disadvantaged residents (Vie publique, 2022[68]).
The provision of public transport in Morocco also often remains unsuitable for the needs of certain population groups, such as the elderly and people with disabilities, hampering their access to employment opportunities, services and leisure activities (Conseil Économique, Social et Environnemental, 2021[69]). If Morocco adopted an integrated public policy for the promotion of the rights of people with disabilities 2016-2025, including an Accessible Cities Programme (Moudoun Walouja) launched in 2018 (Ministère de la Solidarité, n.d.[70]), its transport and mobility component could be further strengthened. Cities in other OECD countries provide inspiring examples for Moroccan cities in integrating the objective of accessibility for all into means of transport. In London, United Kingdom, Transport for London (TfL), the organisation responsible for transport in the capital, has implemented several initiatives to improve accessibility. For example, the entire London bus network is accessible to people in wheelchairs, with automatic ramps and dedicated spaces on board. In addition, TfL provides information in accessible formats, including Braille tube station maps. Passengers can also easily identify the routes to take to have a “step-free” journey for people with reduced mobility (Transport for London, n.d.[71]).
It is also essential to make public transport in Moroccan cities inclusive of women. Indeed, studies show that women’s travel patterns differ from those of men, both in the choice of transport mode, as well as in the time of travel, the purpose of the trip, the routes and the distance travelled. These differences stem, in particular, from disparities between men and women in terms of access to resources, domestic responsibilities, travel preferences and social norms surrounding mobility for women (ITF, 2019[72]). Furthermore, women are more likely to face safety issues in public spaces and on public transport (ITF, 2018[73]). Accessibility, reliability and affordability of public transport are crucial to facilitate daily travel and directly influence women's ability to participate in the labour market and undertake economic activities (ITF, 2019[72]). To improve transport accessibility for women, Morocco could integrate gender issues into its national transport policy, as is done in Chile and Peru (Box 4.11).
Gender perspective in the design of the public transport system in Chile
To respond to the rapid growth of Chilean cities, and the need to improve the coverage and frequency of transport supply, Chile has committed to expanding transport networks and creating new intermodal connections. Traditional policies that assume uniform mobility needs have often overlooked the specific needs of women, who are the majority users of public transport in Santiago (51%). In 2018, the Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications implemented a Policy and Agenda for Gender Equity in Transport to address these challenges. This policy serves as a strategic guide to promote more equitable and inclusive access to public transport for women. This policy includes internal objectives, such as the implementation of a comprehensive training plan to raise awareness and strengthen the skills of transport sector personnel, and external activities focused on responses to cases of sexual harassment in transport. In addition, strategic alliances have been created with the National Training and Employment Service, the National Service for Women and Gender Equity, and the transport industry to encourage the inclusion of women as public transport drivers.
Gender inclusion in the urban transport strategy in Peru
In Peru, the Ministry of Transport and Communications has developed an intersectoral strategy to increase the safety of all transport users in urban transport services. This strategy includes the establishment of obligations for transporters, as well as protocols, procedures, and prevention and information mechanisms to combat sexual harassment in transport. In May 2018, the Peruvian government approved the General Policy of the Government (2018-2021), which emphasises the importance of promoting equality and non-discrimination between men and women and protecting children, teenagers and women from all forms of violence.
To achieve these objectives, the Ministry, in collaboration with the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), conducted a study on gender and urban transport in Lima and Callao. This study highlighted the problem of harassment and revealed that seven out of ten women are sexually harassed on public transport and that six out of ten experienced sexual harassment for the first time between the ages of thirteen and eighteen. To combat this scourge, the Ministry is working with various sectors, public and private institutions, international cooperation agencies and civil society to design a regulatory framework that provides transport users with prevention and intervention mechanisms and protocols in cases of sexual harassment. These initiatives are part of a broader approach to ensuring the safety of all transport users, especially women, girls and boys, underlining Peru's commitment to using transport as a means of inclusive development.
Source : ITF (2019[72]), Transport Connectivity: A Gender Perspective, https://www.itf-oecd.org/sites/default/files/docs/transport-connectivity-gender-perspective.pdf.
Improving governance and adopting a metropolitan approach to urban transport in Morocco
Urban mobility suffers from fragmentation and overlapping of competences in terms of mobility and transport between several actors. The authorities representing the State, such as the Wali at the regional level or the governor at the provincial level, and the elected authorities, such as the Regional Councils and the Municipal Councils, share competencies for the development and implementation of public policies related to transport and mobility in a way that is not clearly defined (OCDE, 2018[2]). Inter-municipal authorities and local development companies (Sociétés de Développement Local – SDL) may also be competent for mobility.1 Indeed, like several large cities in Morocco, Casablanca has set up an SDL to operate the tramway and update studies for the Urban Transport Plan (PDU) of Greater Casablanca. This overlapping of skills can hamper the ability to design and implement a coherent strategy for the development of efficient and integrated public transport systems. The lack of coordination between these different levels of governance and actors can indeed lead to duplication of efforts, inefficient allocation of resources and gaps in the services offered to the population, directly impacting the quality and efficiency of urban mobility.
To address this challenge, it is imperative for Morocco to adopt a more integrated and collaborative approach to urban transport planning and management. This involves establishing coordination mechanisms and partnerships between all stakeholders, as well as harmonising policies and regulations across different levels of government. Development Plans developed at the municipal level can provide a platform for convergence, as demonstrated by the example of the Development Plans of Rabat and Salé, which also ensure connections to the periphery. It is also possible to learn from other OECD countries that have successfully overcome similar challenges. For example, establishing bodies in charge of mobility, such as Transport for London for Greater London (United Kingdom) or Île-de-France Mobilités for the whole of Île-de-France (France), has enabled some international metropolises to centralise decision-making and streamline transport management within a defined territory, thus ensuring better integration of transport services and greater efficiency in responding to citizens' mobility needs. This is already being done in certain metropolitan areas such as Rabat-Salé, where the development of urban public transport networks, including trams and buses, is being coordinated with Rabat-Region Mobility (Rabat-Région Mobilité – RRM). These successful experiences could be extended to more metropolitan areas. Morocco could also rely on the SDLs to play this role of coordinating mobility in the territories.
Another governance challenge is the difficult articulation of public transport policies with other urban policies such as urban planning, land use, or environmental and housing policies. In most Moroccan cities, urban transport plans (PDU) and urban development master plans (SDAU) or regional development programmes (PDR) are developed independently and sometimes contradictorily. In Casablanca, for example, there is no direct link between the Regional Development Programme for the Casablanca-Settat region and the Urban Transport Plan for the Al Beida inter-municipal area to which Casablanca belongs – these two documents therefore cover different spatial scales (OCDE, 2018[2]). While some PDUs are currently being updated, such as that of Casablanca, a more regular update of the PDUs, ensuring that they are better integrated with the SDAUs and PDRs, could thus improve the coherence between transport planning and urban development, thus ensuring a more unified and synergistic approach to urban and regional development. Morocco should also generalise Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans (Plans de Mobilité Durable – PMUD) to integrate the issues of sustainability, urban planning and transport. The PDUs/PMUDs are in fact planning documents determining the prospective vision and the broad orientations of travel and mobility on the scale of the territory concerned and setting out the actions to be undertaken to respond to future mobility challenges and needs.2
Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) strategies are examples of strategies that seek to articulate different public policies, integrating mobility and transport objectives with other objectives such as housing, notably through residential densification around public transport nodes. This helps to create neighbourhoods where residents can easily access services, shops and leisure areas on foot or by public transport, thus reducing car dependency. By planning housing and transport development jointly, cities can thus offer a better quality of life, promote social inclusion and meet the need for affordable housing. Such types of projects could be further developed in Moroccan cities, while paying attention to avoiding possible consequences on housing prices. The tramway networks in Rabat and Casablanca, for example, could serve as a basis for TOD projects by encouraging urban development around these public transport axes. In this area, many international examples can provide useful sources of inspiration for Moroccan cities. For example, in Vancouver, Canada, the Metro Vancouver Regional Growth Strategy (2019) calls for higher density near transit hubs to reduce car dependency, promote walking in neighbourhoods, and accommodate the one million newcomers expected by 2040. To achieve these goals, the Regional Transportation Strategy “Transportation 2050” adopted in 2022 is closely linked to urban planning to integrate land use planning with transportation to reduce car dependency and greenhouse gas emissions.
As discussed in Chapter 2, Moroccan cities are major sources of greenhouse gas emissions. In Morocco’s largest urban areas, greenhouse gas emissions have increased since 1970, particularly in Casablanca where emissions from manufacturing have tripled. Chapter 2 also showed that in large cities such as Casablanca, Fez, and Marrakech, the energy and waste sectors are responsible for the largest share of this increase, followed by manufacturing and construction. Transport has also increasingly contributed to city emissions, due to the circulation of combustion engine vehicles that cause highly localised pollution, with adverse effects on the health and well-being of city dwellers.
In addition, Moroccan cities are facing increasing climatic and natural risks due to climate change, such as floods, heat waves, drought, and longer-term phenomena such as rising sea levels. Indeed, in addition to the often-known drought episodes, high-intensity floods have also affected several cities in the country, such as Casablanca and Tangier in 2021. These multiple environmental pressures are aggravated by numerous vulnerability factors, including the persistence of unsanitary housing, increased coastal urbanisation, and the settlement of vulnerable populations in risk areas (low-lying areas prone to flooding or landslides). Estimates show that natural disasters cost Morocco USD 800 million annually (Banque Mondiale, 2022[74]) and disproportionately affect vulnerable people living in urban areas – including those living below the poverty line – women and youth, migrants and other minority groups with limited access to state services and support (Banque Mondiale, 2022[74]).
Moroccan coasts are particularly vulnerable to rising sea levels, both physically due to Morocco’s low topography, and socio-economically as these are areas of high economic, tourism and ecological value. In addition, with rapid population growth in urban coastal areas, the coasts are under pressure from housing and development, tourism, mining, overfishing and sea level rise. Estimates show that coastal erosion affects 42% of Moroccan coasts, particularly in Tangier where almost all (99.9%) of the port infrastructure and 63% of the industrial zone are at risk of disappearing if sea level rises by 0.86 m by 2100 (World Bank, 2021[75]).
Similarly, water stress is particularly acute in Morocco. The increase in the frequency, severity, and duration of droughts raises major concerns in the country’s long-term climate resilience and disaster management capacity. Indeed, decreasing precipitation, increasing aridity, and higher temperatures, combined with population growth and rapid urbanisation, are heightening Morocco’s vulnerability to water stress (World Bank, 2021[75]).
Moroccan cities also face geological risks such as earthquakes. The September 2023 earthquake in the Marrakech-Safi region – the most violent in 120 years with a magnitude of 6.9 on the Richter scale – resulted in a heavy human toll of nearly 3,000 victims. The earthquake also caused significant damage. While rural areas with villages were the most affected, with the epicentre recorded in Ighil, a rural commune located in the heart of the High Atlas, large cities suffered considerable damage, particularly Marrakech but also other cities such as Rabat, Casablanca, Essaouira and Agadir. Nearly 2 million people live in the areas badly affected by the earthquake and it is estimated that around 50 000 homes were totally or partially destroyed.
While the resilience of Moroccan cities has been tested in recent years, by the COVID-19 crisis and more recently by the 2023 earthquake, these events have highlighted the urgency of adapting cities to the challenges posed by natural disasters and climate change, and the need to strengthen city preparedness and responsiveness, invest in earthquake-resistant construction, and promote public awareness of risks. Building sustainable and resilient cities in Morocco is essential to address environmental challenges, support economic development, improve citizens’ quality of life, and reduce vulnerability to climate change, natural hazards, and other potential crises.
Adopting a territorial approach to climate action and resilience
To promote sustainable and resilient cities, Morocco needs to integrate sustainability and resilience objectives into its national urban policy and related policies. This implies adopting a territorial approach to climate and resilience policies, defined by the OECD as “a holistic policy framework that integrates a territorial perspective into national and subnational climate policies and integrates climate objectives into urban, rural and regional development policies to stimulate climate action at all territorial scales” (OECD, 2023[76])
In this sense, Morocco recognises the essential role of territories in achieving sustainability objectives. Indeed, the National Climate Plan (Plan Climat National – PCN 2030) and the Long-Term Low Carbon Strategy Morocco 2050, which constitute the reference frameworks for the development of a national climate policy in the medium and long term, take into consideration the importance of the local scale. More precisely, these frameworks advocate the generalisation of Regional Climate Plans (Plans Climat Régionaux – PCR) and Urban Climate Plans (Plans Climat des Villes – PCV) (Ministère de l’Énergie, 2021[77]) and stress the central role of municipalities and cities in public policies linked to climate change and low-carbon development (Ministère de la Transition Énergétique, 2021[78]). To successfully generalise PCVs, Morocco has already identified several measures, including defining and institutionalising a governance framework for the support and implementation of PCRs and PCVs; setting up capacity building programmes at the level of local administrations; coordinating PCRs with SRATs, PDRs and other territorial planning documents; ensuring coherence between PCRs and PCVs; and supporting local authorities to mobilise adequate funding (Ministère de l’Énergie, 2020[79]). However, these measures are yet to be implemented. Promoting energy efficiency at the local level is also essential to achieving the sustainability objectives of Moroccan cities, for example in the building, transport, and public lighting sectors. Cities have a key role to play in the decarbonisation of the built environment and urban infrastructure, particularly buildings, including residential ones, as they can leverage their prerogatives in terms of regulation, public procurement, and stakeholder engagement (OECD, 2022[80]). This can be achieved by strengthening incentives to encourage energy efficiency in planning documents and permitting processes.
To accelerate the territorialisation of climate action and resilience, Morocco could articulate its action around three major pillars (Figure 4.2) : (i) integrating a local perspective into climate policy; (ii) developing a climate-resilient regional development policy; and (iii) facilitating and scaling up local climate action and resilience (OECD, 2023[76]). To achieve these three goals, Morocco can implement several strategies. For example, the Moroccan national government could play a role in helping cities set climate targets and PCVs, by providing financial and technical support, as is done in Japan where the Regional Decarbonisation Roadmap aims to provide financial and technical support to 100 regions leading decarbonisation efforts and working towards carbon neutrality by 2030 (OECD, 2023[76]). Morocco could also explicitly integrate climate objectives into its national urban policy (see Chapter 3), drawing inspiration for example from the case of Poland, whose National Policy 2030 includes concrete actions to address climate-related risks and proposes legislative reforms to introduce mechanisms that would allow their monitoring and coordination of their implementation.
Neighbourhood-level climate projects can be particularly useful for achieving climate goals, testing innovative solutions, and targeting populations most vulnerable to climate change through a participatory approach. In France, for example, the “EcoQuartier” Programme supports the implementation of zero-emission and resilience strategies at the neighbourhood level, using a labelling system that evaluates projects according to their environmental, economic, and social impact. While “eco-neighbourhoods” have emerged in Morocco, such as the Marshan eco-neighbourhood in Tangier, these initiatives could be extended to many more cities in the Kingdom. Nature-based solutions (NBS) can also be implemented, such as the creation of urban parks, which promote biodiversity, improve air quality, and provide residents with spaces for relaxation and recreation, thus contributing to their well-being and resilience to climate change.
Finally, to facilitate and scale up local climate action and resilience, Morocco could strengthen its institutional and legal framework by introducing alignment and coordination mechanisms across different levels of government, and by building local capacities to involve all cities and regions (see Chapter 6, section on local capacities). Such efforts have indeed been observed in other OECD countries. For example, Mexico adopted the General Law on Climate Change in 2012, and a 2018 amendment made it compatible with the Paris Agreement. The law stipulates, among other things, that municipalities must promote policies and actions to reduce emissions and establishes institutional frameworks to coordinate climate policies across levels of government (OECD, 2023[76]).
Source : OECD (2023[76]), A Territorial Approach to Climate Action and Resilience, OECD Regional Development Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/1ec42b0a-en.
Promoting the transition to a more sustainable tourism sector in Moroccan cities
With more than 18 million visitors per year (i.e. almost 14.5 million international tourists and 3.8 million domestic visitors), tourism represents a key driver of the Moroccan economy. It generates a significant share of the national GDP (between 7 and 8%) (OCDE, 2023[81]) and more than 800 000 jobs 2022. Morocco indeed benefits from many attractive assets for tourists, such as a strategic geographical location, significant cultural wealth and great geographical diversity. Tourism activity is also an essentially urban phenomenon in Morocco, which is concentrated in a small number of cities, with Marrakech and Agadir representing nearly two thirds of annual overnight stays (Conseil économique, social et environnemental, 2020[82]).
If the promotion of tourism is therefore essential to the economic development and dynamism of Morocco, particularly in cities, it is necessary to make a transition to a more sustainable tourism sector to avoid the pitfalls of mass tourism. The latter is harmful to natural spaces and cultural sites, therefore calling for a trade-off between promoting tourism and protecting natural sites. Indeed, tourist activity in Morocco exerts major pressure on the Moroccan environment by increasing the need for energy, food and water, contributing to the creation of waste and harming biodiversity (Conseil économique, social et environnemental, 2020[82]).
Morocco is already committed to environmentally friendly tourism. The country signed the Moroccan Charter for Responsible Tourism in 2006, the “Vision 2020” tourism strategy in 2010, and the new charter for sustainable tourism in 2016. This final charter allows the sustainability factor – i.e. their impact on the environment - to be integrated into all tourism projects. The 2023-2026 Roadmap for the tourism sector gives an important place to sustainable development. The “Go Siyaha” programme of the Ministry of Tourism, Crafts and the Solidarity and Social Economy has a budget of MAD 720 million to support companies in their transition to more sustainable and innovative practices, thus encouraging responsible tourism that supports both the local economy and the preservation of the environment. Morocco has also implemented various ecological labels such as “green key” for hotels and “blue flag”. However, Morocco must go further in operationalising the strategies adopted. In addition, the establishment of sustainability indicators and regional monitoring systems has been met with a lack of support from the various stakeholders concerned (Conseil économique, social et environnemental, 2020[82]).
The COVID-19 crisis, the changing economic and geopolitical landscape in recent years, and more recently the 2023 earthquake have brought about significant changes for tourists, businesses and destinations, thereby opening up opportunities for change and promotion of the green transition in the tourism sector. To promote greener tourism, Morocco could in particular (OCDE, 2023[83]):
Develop an integrated approach to a sustainable vision for tourism, including clear objectives and ambitions, accompanied by action plans and mechanisms for effective coordination between different levels of government;
Establish measurement tools based on evidence;
Promote a “carbon culture” and strengthen the capacity of tourism stakeholders to develop innovative solutions, offer sustainable travel solutions, and help businesses reduce their environmental impact;
Take advantage of this shift in the tourism sector towards sustainable tourism to establish publicly procured or publicly funded tourism infrastructure that will contribute to environmentally and climate-resilient tourism development.
In order to implement these recommendations, Morocco could draw inspiration from numerous policies of OECD countries, some examples of which are detailed in Box 4.12.
At the national level
Norway has developed a tool called CO2rism to assess the volume of emissions generated by the transport of travellers to Norway and during their stay in the country.
In Portugal, 43 sustainability indicators are used to establish a database and assess the progress of tourism companies in terms of sustainability. Surveys are regularly carried out on the environmental practices and social responsibility of hotels and golf courses.
Countries such as Iceland and New Zealand have implemented visitor pacts and codes of conduct to encourage a change in tourist behaviour towards more responsible behaviour. The “Icelandic Oath” or the “Tiaki Promise” in New Zealand encourage travellers to be environmentally friendly and to take an active role in managing their impact on nature.
At the local level
The Visit Valencia Plan in Valencia, Spain, includes concrete measures to make the city carbon neutral by 2025. The plan is based on the SDG Compass to assess and improve its performance. The decarbonisation roadmap includes three steps: i) calculating the carbon footprint; ii) implementing an IT management system; and iii) developing offset projects in the territory. The adopted climate strategy also aims to improve the quality of life of residents and enrich the city’s cultural and natural heritage.
In Austria, the two regions Nassfeld-Pressegger See/Lesachtal/Weissensee and Zell am See-Kaprun, two of the country’s tourist regions, have been designated as model regions for climate action. Since 2021, they have each received a EUR 1 million grant from the Austrian Climate and Energy Fund (Klimaund Energiefonds), which aims to increase the use of local energy sources, improve energy efficiency and work towards decarbonising mobility. The “Clean Alpine Region” project in Tyrol is also supporting tourist regions in adopting climate protection measures.
In Marseille, France, faced with overtourism and overcrowding at the Calanques site, the Calanques National Park has implemented rules limiting the number of visitors to the most popular calanques. The calanques suffering from very marked erosion due to overcrowding, their access has been conditioned on a mandatory (free) reservation during the very high season. This measure, tested for the first time in 2022 for the Sugiton calanque, has allowed encouraging results to be observed concerning the slowing down of erosion and the regeneration of nature. This measure has been renewed for a period of 5 years, from 2023 to 2027, at the end of which scientific evaluations will be carried out to measure the relevance of this measure.
Venice, Italy, has implemented measures to limit mass tourism and promote sustainable tourism, including banning larger cruise ships from entering the port, preventing around 50,000 tonnes of waste per year and significant damage to the lagoon, and a €5 tax on single-day tourists from 2024.
Source : OECD (2023[83]), Tendances et politiques du tourisme de l'OCDE 2022, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/d0aa9828-fr ; (Parc national des Calanques, s.d.[84]) ; Institut Sapiens (2023[85]), Venise et la gestion du tourisme de masse.
Initiatives implemented at the local level in Morocco could also serve as inspiration and be adopted more broadly at the national level. For example, Marrakech, the country’s leading tourist city, is actively committed to sustainable tourism by implementing environmental policies, better management of water and energy resources, and environmental awareness measures. Tourist establishments have adopted sustainable practices, receiving eco-labels such as the “green key”. The city also promotes eco-responsible tourism through projects such as electric buses and the Medina Bike bicycle sharing system, contributing to the reduction of greenhouse gases. Similarly, the “Strengthening the Sustainable Development of Marrakech” project is supported by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and financed by the Global Environment Facility (GEF). Launched in May 2023, its objective is to accelerate the ecological transformation of the city of Marrakech, through many pillars, including ecotourism. (PNUD, 2023[86]).
Encouraging the development of the circular economy in cities
To achieve sustainability goals, the circular economy represents a major opportunity for Moroccan cities to rethink production and consumption models, by transitioning from a linear economy model (extract-make-consume-dispose) to a circular economic model. Through more efficient use of resources, eco-design, reuse, re-employment and remanufacturing, the circular economy offers a new way of thinking and also helps to strengthen the resilience of cities and the country to future crises. The circular economy is based on three principles: i) eliminating waste and pollution; ii) continuing to use products and materials; and iii) regenerating natural systems. In cities, the circular economy implies a systemic change. It implies that services are provided based on the efficient use of natural resources as raw materials and by optimising their reuse; that economic activities are planned and carried out in such a way as to close, slow down and reduce value chain loops; and that infrastructure is designed and constructed in such a way as to avoid waste of materials (OECD, 2020[87]).
Adopting a circular economy model in Moroccan cities is expected to generate positive impacts on the environment by reducing greenhouse gas emissions, increasing the share of renewable energy and recyclable resources, and reducing the use of raw materials, particularly water. The paradigm shift towards the circular economy is also expected to help promote Moroccan economic growth. Indeed, it is estimated that globally, moving from a linear “take, make, and throw away” approach to a circular model could generate up to USD 4.5 billion in economic growth potential by 2030, in addition to USD 700 billion in material savings. Moreover, circular economy activities such as repair, maintenance, improvement, remanufacturing, reuse, recycling of materials and extending the life of products are more labour intensive than mining and manufacturing in a linear economy, and could therefore create employment opportunities (OECD, 2020[87]).
Morocco has placed the circular economy at the heart of its sustainable development strategies. Indeed, the circular economy is a key element of Morocco's National Sustainable Development Strategy, appearing as a central objective to address the depletion of natural resources ("a real environmental economy is possible through the implementation of a circular economy"). The circular economy is also the subject of a strategic axis entitled “Promoting integrated waste management to implement a circular economy”. In addition, beyond the framework law on waste management adopted in 2006, Morocco has developed the National Strategy for the Reduction and Recovery of Waste, which focuses on the reduction, recycling and recovery of waste.
Despite the existence of these frameworks, the concrete implementation of circular economy strategies remains very limited in Moroccan cities. While some local initiatives, particularly in the cities of Rabat, Fez and Oujda, have recorded encouraging results in the recovery and recovery of glass, cardboard and industrial waste, the initiatives undertaken are still limited and have relatively modest results in terms of recycling and recovery. Indeed, waste, responsible for 7.5% of greenhouse gas emissions in Morocco, has a recycling rate of only around 10%. Cities are the main creators of waste in Morocco, with an average annual production of household waste estimated at more than 5.5 million tonnes of waste per year in urban areas, or around 0.8 kg per day per person, compared to 1.6 million tonnes of waste per year in rural areas, or the average equivalent of 0.3 kg per day per person (Conseil Économique, Social et Environnemental, 2023[88]).
The reuse of wastewater also remains modest, with a percentage of use of treated wastewater of 17% in the industrial sector and 51% in the watering of green spaces. However, very positive initiatives are being implemented in some large cities to promote the use of wastewater and reduce water consumption. This is particularly the case in Casablanca, which has developed a programme for the reuse of treated wastewater for the watering of green spaces and golf courses in the municipality as part of the environmental approach of the 2023-2028 municipal plan. This strategy is a response to the very significant water stress suffered by the city (Medias24, 2024[89]). An international cooperation project on the circular economy of water in urban areas is also underway in partnership with Germany, tackling the themes of sustainable supply, eco-design, industrial and territorial ecology, functional economy, responsible consumption, extension of the duration of use, and recycling and recovery of wastewater. However, the general low level of reuse of wastewater in Moroccan cities is due to several challenges such as the difficulty of access to financing, the lack of availability of land to install treatment plants, and the absence of regulations relating to the landfilling of residual sludge (Conseil Économique, Social et Environnemental, 2023[88]).
To accelerate efforts and establish the circular economy as a true axis of sustainable development in cities, Morocco could integrate the promotion of the circular economy as a strategic objective of its National Urban Policy. This is what Spain has done: its Urban Agenda (Agenda Urbana Española) – the Spanish government’s strategy for achieving sustainability goals – includes the promotion of “sustainable use of resources and the promotion of the circular economy” as its fourth objective (OECD, 2020[90]). Furthermore, in order to guide municipalities and provinces in their transition to a circular economy model, the Spanish Federation of Municipalities and Provinces (FEMP) has developed a Local Circular Economy Model Strategy (Modelo de estrategia local de economía circular) to help each of the 8 131 Spanish municipalities develop their own sustainability programme around five axes: sustainable waste management; reuse of wastewater; adoption of a regenerative urban planning approach to revitalise old neighbourhoods; promotion of responsible consumption and minimisation of food waste; and communication and awareness-raising.
Other types of innovative initiatives can be implemented in cities to reduce resource use, while promoting sustainability and improving air quality, health and well-being of Moroccan city residents. Urban or vertical agriculture, for example, offers an innovative solution to food production in urban areas, by valorising resources that are usually untapped (vacant spaces, waste heat, organic matter from household or green waste, runoff water, etc.), thus being part of the circular economy (Institut Veolia, s.d.[91]).
Integrating the water issue into the heart of Morocco’s national urban policy
Cities in Morocco face several major water-related challenges. First, the rapid urban growth that Morocco has experienced in recent decades has put increased pressure on water resources linked to the increase in demand for drinking water in cities. This water stress is exacerbated by climate change, with increasingly intense, long and frequent droughts, and a decrease in drinking water resources in recent years. In addition, unequal access to drinking water remains a challenge in many urban areas, particularly affecting informal housing areas and vulnerable population groups. In addition to water stress, Moroccan cities also face flood risks that can have devastating consequences amplified by various vulnerability factors such as the presence of ageing infrastructure, the persistence of unsanitary housing or the settlement of vulnerable populations in risk areas. The 2021 floods in Casablanca and Tangier highlighted the vulnerability of urban infrastructure to extreme weather events. Rising sea levels – a consequence of climate change – are another major water-related risk for Moroccan cities, exacerbated by topography and rapid population growth on the coast. Increased risks of flooding and coastal erosion particularly threaten urban infrastructure and residential areas located near the coast.
Morocco has already implemented many initiatives in response to these challenges, such as the creation of a national water commission chaired by the Minister of Equipment and Water. To address water scarcity, major projects such as the creation of the Al Jadida desalination plant have been launched, while major changes in water policy have been adopted. These include Law 36-15 of 2018, which aims to establish a legal framework for seawater desalination, strengthen the institutional framework, provide tools to protect and preserve water resources, and improve conditions for preventing extreme phenomena related to climate change.
However, to address the specific challenges of cities, it is necessary to integrate the water issue into Morocco's national urban policy, as is done for example in Australia's National Urban Policy (Australian Government, 2024[92]). This involves ensuring universal access to water and sanitation services in large cities, peri-urban areas and medium and small towns. It can be achieved through increased investment in the construction and rehabilitation of drinking water distribution infrastructure, drawing on the New Investment Charter to support innovative projects. It is also essential to consider drought and flood risks in urban planning mechanisms and related decision-making processes. Technological solutions can also help minimise the water footprint in urban developments to ensure sustainable use of water resources, reduce pressure on existing supply systems and improve the resilience of cities to the challenges of climate change. To this end, Morocco can rely on projects already underway for the circular economy of water in urban areas (see previous section).
Strengthening the economic, social and environmental resilience of Moroccan cities, particularly their capacity to adapt to climate change
Defining resilience as a central pillar of Morocco's national urban policy is essential for cities facing increasing risks, such as natural disasters or other impacts of climate change, or health crises and macroeconomic shocks.
Morocco has made significant progress in strengthening its resilience to natural disasters and climate change, but still needs to make a deeper paradigm shift from a crisis management approach to a risk management approach. The National Strategy for Natural Disaster Risk Management 2020-2030 was put in place with the aim of reducing vulnerability and strengthening the resilience of populations and territories to natural disasters. This Strategy is structured around three objectives: improving knowledge and risk assessment; promoting risk prevention to strengthen resilience; and improving preparedness for natural disasters for rapid recovery and effective reconstruction. Supported by the World Bank, Morocco has also implemented more than 230 structural disaster risk reduction projects, such as flood protection measures, early warning systems and disaster risk mapping as a prevention tool. The flood risk early warning system, operational since 2023, benefits approximately 240 000 people in the pilot areas. In 2020, Morocco established a structure dedicated to disaster risk management within the Ministry of the Interior. The following year, the country adopted its first national disaster risk management strategy (2021-2030), leading to the creation of action plans, some of which are currently being implemented. Morocco also established an innovative disaster risk insurance scheme in 2016, followed by a Public Solidarity Fund (FSEC) for uninsured populations. The latter’s effectiveness was demonstrated after the Al-Haouz earthquake in September 2023, with the mobilisation of USD 300 million to cover eligible losses. In addition, a disaster risk model (MnhPRA) was developed in 2012 to estimate the economic impact of potential disasters. Since 2021, the FSEC has conducted new risk modelling and coordinated urban resilience strategies that can be replicated in other municipalities. In the same vein, a National Risk Observatory is being strengthened, for full operationalisation.
To strengthen the resilience of Moroccan cities, it is essential to also establish a vision that is both proactive and reactive, for all structuring projects and urban facilities, in particular to anticipate and effectively manage the needs for repair and conservation of urban infrastructure and extend their lifespan while contributing to strengthening the resilience of cities in the face of growing environmental challenges, natural and geological risks, health crisis risks and macroeconomic shocks. To achieve this objective, a number of actions can be implemented, including:
Modernise the regulatory framework for urban planning to adapt it to current and future challenges;
Integrate the risk dimension into all territorial plans and develop risk mapping at the territorial level, through the development of emergency plans, the establishment of early warning systems, the development of hazard observatories, and the generalisation of the mapping of priority risk areas for interventions, as is done in the United States, for example, with the Climate Mapping Portal for Resilience and Adaptation which helps subnational stakeholders to monitor the impacts of climate change in real time and find federal funding opportunities to cover their climate resilience projects (OECD, 2023[76]);
Better integrate climate change adaptation priorities into urban planning in order to promote the resilience of infrastructure, services, economic activities and populations in urban planning documents;
Raise awareness among citizens – including at the local level – of a culture of risk and resilience, for example through a national communication campaign on how to react in the event of a natural disaster or major crisis;
Invest in the construction and renovation of infrastructure and buildings capable of withstanding extreme events and integrate refuge spaces into urban planning plans;
Maximise the potential of data and new technologies to model crises and risks as well as their impacts on populations and infrastructures, as part of a prospective exercise to guide decision-making. To this end, Morocco can draw inspiration from the high spatial resolution climate model developed in Italy, which helps municipalities understand their specific risks by allowing them to reduce the scale of application of the model and operate regional climate models with much smaller meshes, of the order of a kilometre (OECD, 2023[76]). In Korea, the Korea Climate Change Adaptation Centre has developed a Climate Change Vulnerability Assessment Tool (VESTAP) to help provinces and municipal governments assess their vulnerability. The tool, based on a geographic information system (GIS), helps municipalities visualise their climate risks by providing data on climate exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity. Local governments can also conduct their own assessment by changing the weightings and adding new indicators (OECD, 2023[76]).
References
[36] ANRT (2023), Équipement et usages des TIC par les ménages et les individus, https://www.anrt.ma/sites/default/files/publications/enquete_tic_2023_-_synthese_fr.pdf?csrt=14557517448872084080.
[51] ANRU (s.d.), Agence Nationale pour la Rénovation Urbaine, https://www.anru.fr/.
[7] ANRUR (n.d.), Stratégie, https://anrur.gov.ma/pages/voir/032822-strategie-lanrur.
[29] Assises Nationales du Foncier (2015), La politique foncière de l’État et son rôle dans le développement économique et social.
[27] Assises nationales sur la politique foncière de l’État (2015), Rapport de synthèse sur l’état des lieux du secteur du foncier, http://www.agadirinvest.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/RAPPORT-DE-SYNTHESE-SUR-LETAT-DES-LIEUX-DU-FONCIER-AU-MAROC-1.pdf.
[22] Atlas, N. (s.d.), About the National Zoning Atlas, https://www.zoningatlas.org/about.
[92] Australian Government (2024), National Urban Policy (Consultation Draft), https://www.infrastructure.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/draft-national-urban-policy.pdf.
[65] Badrane, M. (2024), Gestion déléguée/transport : Le ministère de l’intérieur veut revoir le modèle, https://aujourdhui.ma/actualite/gestion-deleguee-transport-le-ministere-de-linterieur-veut-revoir-le-modele.
[74] Banque Mondiale (2022), Donner aux villes marocaines les moyens de s’adapter et de prospérer face aux catastrophes naturelles, https://www.banquemondiale.org/fr/news/feature/2022/12/20/empowering-moroccan-cities-to-adapt-and-thrive-in-the-face-of-disasters.
[44] Banque Mondiale (2021), Analyser les défis de l’emploi au Maroc, https://www.banquemondiale.org/fr/news/feature/2021/03/30/employment-prospects-for-moroccans-diagnosing-the-barriers-to-good-jobs.
[55] Banque Mondiale (2015), Document d’évaluation de programme relatif à un prêt proposé d’un montant de 200 millions USD au Royaume du Maroc pour un Programme d’Appui au Secteur des Déplacements Urbains (PPR).
[25] Bronin, S. (2021), « Exclusion, Control, and Consequence in 2,622 Zoning Districts », SSRN Electronic Journal, https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3792544.
[8] Casa Anfa (s.d.), Casa Anfa, https://casaanfa.com/fr/index.html#header.
[56] Casa Transport (2018), Plan de déplacements urbains, premiers résultats et horizons, https://casatransport.ma/storage/presses/19-01/NXYvm2Ogf37df45zTJArbdavzZ5pxgUFAnvzZ5Gq.pdf.
[60] Casa Transports (2018), Mobility strategy of Casablanca: Innovations in transportation and urban planning.
[31] Centre Régional d’Investissement Casablanca-Settat (s.d.), Charte de l’Investissement, https://casainvest.ma/fr/charte-de-l%E2%80%99investissement.
[19] CEREMA (2021), Projet d’intérêt général et opération d’intérêt national: Présentation comparée, https://outil2amenagement.cerema.fr/sites/outils2am/files/fichiers/2023/09/Fiche_outils_Le%20projet%20d%E2%80%99int%C3%A9r%C3%AAt%20g%C3%A9n%C3%A9ral_PIG_et%20l%E2%80%99op%C3%A9ration%20d%E2%80%99int%C3%A9r%C3%AAt%20national_OIN.pdf.
[20] CEREMA (2020), Aménagement opérationnel - ZAC, https://outil2amenagement.cerema.fr/sites/outils2am/files/fichiers/2023/08/Fiche_outils_ZAC.pdf.
[26] Conseil Économique Social et Environnemental (2017), Réussir la transition vers des villes durables, https://www.local2030.org/library/497/Rapport-sur-les-Cls-de-succs-de-management-de-la-transition-vers-des-villes-durables-au-Maroc.pdf.
[88] Conseil Économique, Social et Environnemental (2023), Intégration des principes de l’économie circulaire aux traitements des déchets ménagers et des eaux usées, https://www.cese.ma/media/2023/01/Economie-circulaire.pdf.
[69] Conseil Économique, Social et Environnemental (2021), La mobilité durable: Vers des moyens de transport durables et accessibles, https://www.cese.ma/media/2023/09/Mobilite%CC%81-durable.pdf.
[13] Conseil Économique, Social et Environnemental (2014), Étude d’impact des dérogations dans le domaine de l’urbanisme, https://www.cese.ma/media/2020/10/Rapport-Etude-d%E2%80%99impact-des-d%C3%A9rogations-dans-le-domaine-de-l%E2%80%99urbanisme-%E2%80%8B.pdf.
[82] Conseil économique, social et environnemental (2020), Le tourisme, levier de développement durable et d’intégration, https://www.cese.ma/media/2021/03/Avis-sur-le-tourisme-VF-1.pdf.
[57] Coopération Municipale CoMun (2015), Le service de transport public urbain: Diagnostic comparatif dans six agglomérations marocaines, https://www.mobiliseyourcity.net/sites/default/files/2019-12/3.%20Guide%20Diagnostic%20comparatif%20dans%206%20agglome%CC%81rations%20marocaines.pdf.
[33] Cour des Comptes (2022), Le Programme Action Coeur de Ville Exercices 2018-2021, Cour des Comptes, Paris, https://www.ccomptes.fr/system/files/2022-09/20220929-S2022-1266-1-programme-action-coeur-ville.pdf.
[59] Delahais, T. et J. Alouis (2021), « Évaluation ex post des impacts des tramways de Casablanca et de Rabat-Salé – 2020 », Évaluation de l’AFD, vol. 86, https://www.mobiliseyourcity.net/sites/default/files/2021-04/EXPOST_86_pages_web_FINAL.pdf.
[10] Direction de l’Urbanisme (2023), Stratégie nationale de renouvellement urbain au Maroc, https://aut.gov.ma/s/a/library/2024-02-29/db0ecfa4-d202-426f-a491-f4dc88ade1cf.pdf.
[1] Direction de l’urbanisme (2022), Évaluation en vue du Dialogue national de l’urbanisme et de l’habitat.
[18] Hajar, N. (2020), La participation citoyenne dans les projets urbains, https://issuu.com/nizarh10/docs/participation_citoyenne_nh_memo.
[41] Haut Commissariat au Plan (2020), Évolution du niveau de vie des ménages et impact de la pandémie COVID-19 sur les inégalités sociales, https://www.hcp.ma/Evolution-du-niveau-de-vie-des-menages-et-impact-de-la-pandemie-COVID-19-sur-les-inegalites-sociales_a2676.html.
[43] Haut Commissariat au Plan (s.d.), Indicateurs chômage, https://www.hcp.ma/Taux-de-Chomage-annuel-selon-le-milieu_a2930.html.
[85] Institut Sapiens (2023), Venise et la gestion du tourisme de masse, https://www.institutsapiens.fr/observatoire/venise-et-la-gestion-du-tourisme-de-masse/.
[91] Institut Veolia (s.d.), Agriculture urbaine: Nourrir les villes autrement, https://www.institut.veolia.org/sites/g/files/dvc2551/files/document/2019/11/Agriculture%20urbaine%2C%20une%20revue%20de%20l%27Institut%20Veolia.pdf.
[62] ITF (2021), Décarboner les Transports au Maroc: Quelques Pistes pour l’Avenir, https://www.itf-oecd.org/sites/default/files/docs/decarboner-transports-maroc.pdf.
[72] ITF (2019), Transport Connectivity: A Gender Perspective, https://www.itf-oecd.org/sites/default/files/docs/transport-connectivity-gender-perspective.pdf.
[73] ITF (2018), Women’s Safety and Security: A Public Transport Priority, https://www.itf-oecd.org/sites/default/files/docs/womens-safety-security_0.pdf.
[40] Kadiri, G. (2017), Tamesna, une ville « pas smart du tout » aux portes de Rabat, https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2017/08/30/tamesna-une-ville-pas-smart-du-tout-aux-portes-de-rabat_5178701_3212.html#:~:text=Tamesna%2C%20cr%C3%A9%C3%A9e%20en%202007%20aux,qualit%C3%A9%20%C3%A0%20250%20000%20habitants.
[6] MATNUHPV (2022), Rapport national sur la mise en oeuvre du nouvel agenda urbain 2016-2020, https://www.urbanagendaplatform.org/sites/default/files/2022-03/Kingdom%20of%20Morocco%20NUA%20Report%2018%20March%202022.pdf.
[32] MATNUHPV (2022), Rapport national sur la mise en oeuvre du nouvel agenda urbain 2016-2020, https://www.urbanagendaplatform.org/sites/default/files/2022-03/Kingdom%20of%20Morocco%20NUA%20Report%2018%20March%202022.pdf.
[50] MATNUHPV (2021), La Politique de la Ville au Maroc: Diagnostic, Bilan, Evaluation et Feuille de Route.
[49] MATNUHPV (2018), Guide de la Politique de la Ville, http://www.mhpv.gov.ma/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/guide-pv.pdf.
[53] MATNUHPV et ONU Femmes (2020), Guide référentiel: Pour des espaces publics urbains plus accessibles aux femmes et aux filles, https://morocco.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20Morocco/Documents/Publications/2021/GUIDE%20REF%20fr%20050321.pdf.
[58] Medias 24 (2022), « Les recommandations d’experts pour améliorer la mobilité urbaine au Maroc », https://medias24.com/2022/06/28/les-recommandations-dexperts-pour-ameliorer-la-mobilite-urbaine-au-maroc/.
[89] Medias24 (2024), Casablanca: lancement de projets de réutilisation des eaux usées pour l’arrosage des espaces verts, https://medias24.com/2024/01/05/casablanca-des-projets-lances-pour-la-reutilisation-des-eaux-usees-pour-larrosage-des-espaces-verts/.
[9] Médias24 (2022), Le pôle urbain Casa Anfa prend forme, https://medias24.com/2022/08/22/images-le-pole-urbain-casa-anfa-prend-forme/.
[70] Ministère de la Solidarité, D. (n.d.), Programme d’instauration et de développement des accessibilités, https://social.gov.ma/programme-villes-accessibles/.
[78] Ministère de la Transition Énergétique (2021), Stratégie Bas Carbone à Long Terme Maroc 2050, https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/MAR_LTS_Dec2021.pdf.
[77] Ministère de l’Énergie (2021), Contribution déterminée au niveau national - actualisée, https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/NDC/2022-06/Moroccan%20updated%20NDC%202021%20_Fr.pdf.
[79] Ministère de l’Énergie (2020), Plan Climat National À l’Horizon 2030, https://www.umi.ac.ma/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/ODD-13-A8-Plan-climat-national-horizon-2030.pdf.
[45] Ministry of Development Funds and Regional Policy of Poland (2022), National Urban Policy 2030, https://www.gov.pl/web/funds-regional-policy/national-urban-policy.
[17] Mouloudi, H. (2016), Le projet d’aménagement de la vallée du Bou Regreg à l’épreuve de l’enquête publique et des délibérations communales, Participations, https://doi.org/10.3917/parti.015.0221.
[81] OCDE (2023), « Maroc », dans Tendances et politiques du tourisme de l’OCDE 2022, Éditions OCDE, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/f25dc09e-fr.
[83] OCDE (2023), Tendances et politiques du tourisme de l’OCDE 2022, Éditions OCDE, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/d0aa9828-fr.
[42] OCDE (2019), Principes de l’OCDE sur la politique urbaine, https://www.oecd.org/cfe/cities/Principes-OCDE-sur-la-politique-urbaine.pdf (consulté le 10 mars 2021).
[2] OCDE (2018), Dialogue Maroc-OCDE sur les politiques de développement territorial : Enjeux et Recommandations pour une action publique coordonnée, Éditions OCDE, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264302884-fr.
[4] OCDE (2013), Panorama des régions de l’OCDE 2013, Éditions OCDE, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/reg_glance-2013-fr.
[67] OECD (2024), Leveraging culture, sports and business events for local development, https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/reports/2024/07/leveraging-culture-sports-and-business-events-for-local-development_950ff8eb/9080aeae-en.pdf.
[76] OECD (2023), A Territorial Approach to Climate Action and Resilience, OECD Regional Development Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/1ec42b0a-en.
[66] OECD (2023), Financing Cities of Tomorrow : G20/OECD Report for the G20 Infrastructure Working Group under the Indian Presidency, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/51bd124a-en.
[47] OECD (2023), Policy Options for Labour Market Challenges in Amsterdam and Other Dutch Cities, OECD Reviews on Local Job Creation, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/181c0fff-en.
[80] OECD (2022), Decarbonising Buildings in Cities and Regions, OECD Urban Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/a48ce566-en.
[48] OECD (2022), « Future-proofing adult learning systems in cities and regions : A policy manual for local governments », OECD Local Economic and Employment Development (LEED) Papers, n° 2022/03, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/11fa26cc-en.
[11] OECD (2022), « Implementation toolkit of the OECD Principles on urban policy », OECD Regional Development Papers, n° 31, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/630e0341-en.
[35] OECD (2022), Urban-Rural Linkages in Poland, OECD Regional Development Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/94b5c782-en.
[87] OECD (2020), The Circular Economy in Cities and Regions : Synthesis Report, OECD Urban Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/10ac6ae4-en.
[90] OECD (2020), The Circular Economy in Valladolid, Spain, OECD Urban Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/95b1d56e-en.
[38] OECD (2019), Enhancing the contribution of digitalisation to the smart cities of the future, https://www.oecd.org/regional/regionaldevelopment/Smart-Cities-FINAL.pdf.
[5] OECD (2018), Rethinking Urban Sprawl : Moving Towards Sustainable Cities, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264189881-en.
[46] OECD (2016), Making Cities Work for All : Data and Actions for Inclusive Growth, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264263260-en.
[63] OECD (2014), The Cost of Air Pollution: Health Impacts of Road Transport, OECD Publishing, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264210448-en.
[37] OECD (s.d.), Internet access, https://data.oecd.org/ict/internet-access.htm.
[34] OECD (s.d.), Rural-urban linkages, https://www.oecd.org/fr/regional/rural-urban-linkages.htm.
[54] OECD/Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, PKU-Lincoln Institute Center (2022), Global Compendium of Land Value Capture Policies, OECD Regional Development Studies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/4f9559ee-en.
[3] ÖROK (s.d.), Österreichische Raumordnungskonferenz, https://www.oerok.gv.at/.
[84] Parc national des Calanques (s.d.), Réservation Sugiton, https://www.calanques-parcnational.fr/fr/des-decouvertes/preparer-sa-visite/reservation-sugiton.
[86] PNUD (2023), Marrakech durable : Lancement d’un projet pionnier pour une ville prospère, https://www.undp.org/fr/morocco/communiques/marrakech-durable-lancement-dun-projet-pionnier-pour-une-ville-prospere.
[30] Portail national d’appui à l’entrepreneuriat (s.d.), Accueil, https://www.almoukawala.gov.ma/Pages/index.aspx.
[64] Portail National des Collectivités Territoriales (n.d.), Stratégie Nationale des Déplacements Urbains, https://collectivites-territoriales.gov.ma/fr/strategie-nationale-des-deplacements-urbains.
[12] PPIAF (2019), Étude sur le financement du developpement urbain: Rapport final, https://www.ppiaf.org/documents/5996.
[16] Rachid, A. (2022), Gouvernance des projets d’aménagement de la Vallée du Bouregreg (Rabat-Salé) et de l’Ecocité de Zenata (Grand Casablanca), https://revues.imist.ma/index.php/AMJAU/article/view/32834.
[21] Raqui, S. (2021), URBANISME, SIMPLIFICATION DES PROCEDURES, INVESTISSEMENT… LE BILAN AVEC NOUZHA BOUCHAREB, http://www.sdaugrandsafi.com/urbanisme-simplification-des-procedures-investissement-le-bilan-avec-nouzha-bouchareb/.
[39] SADV (2020), Ville verte de Benguérir, https://www.sadv.ma/sites/default/files/2020-10/OCP_Brochure%20SADV_VilleVerte_VFr_Couv3Volets%20V2.pdf.
[14] Secrétariat Général du Gouvernement (2019), Loi 47-18, http://www.sgg.gov.ma/Portals/0/lois/Loi_47-18.pdf.
[24] The World Bank (2020), Enterprise Surveys: Morocco 2019 Country Profile, https://www.enterprisesurveys.org/content/dam/enterprisesurveys/documents/country/Morocco-2019.pdf.
[71] Transport for London (n.d.), Transport accessibility, https://tfl.gov.uk/transport-accessibility/.
[52] UN Habitat (2020), National urban policies driving public space led development, https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/2020/07/national-urban-policies-driving-public-space-led-urban-development.pdf.
[15] UPFI (n.d.), Projet d’aménagement de la vallée du Bouregreg à Rabat, https://upfi-med.eib.org/fr/projects/projet-damenagement-de-la-vallee-du-bouregreg-a-rabat-sequence-3/.
[68] Vie publique (2022), Gratuité des transports en commun: une option qui fait débat, https://www.vie-publique.fr/eclairage/286538-transports-publics-gratuits-un-choix-qui-fait-debat.
[23] World Bank (2022), World Bank Country and Lending Groups, https://datahelpdesk.worldbank.org/knowledgebase/articles/906519-world-bank-country-and-lending-groups.
[75] World Bank (2021), Country risk profile: Morocco, https://v2022dev.lebrief.ma/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/15725-WB_Morocco-Country-Profile-WEB.pdf.
[28] World Bank (2019), Leveraging Urbanization to Promote a New Growth Model While Reducing Territorial Disparities in Morocco, The World Bank, Washington, https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/f8b96e97-0742-5460-af4f-d9a89fa71b75/content.
[61] World Health Organisation (s.d.), Estimated road traffic death rate (per 100 000 population), https://www.who.int/data/gho/data/indicators/indicator-details/GHO/estimated-road-traffic-death-rate-(per-100-000-population).
← 1. Organic law 113-14 relating to municipalities has given these territorial entities the authority to “create and manage the public service of urban public transport”. Also, in order to adopt a sustainable approach to supporting urban public transport, and following reforms of the institutional, legislative and regulatory framework, territorial powers have been adapted to the perimeters of urban mobility through: i) the creation of Intercommunal Cooperation Establishments (ECI) and Groupings of Territorial Communities (GCT) in large urban areas as a framework for developing cooperation between municipalities for effective management of urban transport (in this respect, 14 ECI and 3 GCT have been created) and ii) the creation of Local Development Companies (SDL) to carry out economic activities related to the urban transport sector, allowing the separation between investment activities and operating operations, in order to spare operators commercial risk (in this respect, 6 SDL have been created).
← 2. 11 cities will have a PDU in 2024 (Casablanca, Rabat, Kenitra, Marrakech, Oujda, Agadir, Fez, El Jadida, Tetouan, Beni Mellal and Settat), and other cities are in the process of creating, updating or launching their PDU as part of the sustainable PMUD approach. All cities and urban agglomerations with more than 150,000 inhabitants are covered by mobility planning documents (PDU/PMUD).