This chapter outlines the state of public trust in Slovenia's institutions as measured by the 2023 OECD Trust Survey, comparing it with 29 other participating countries. It begins by discussing the overall levels of trust among Slovenians, highlighting the general trends and patterns observed. It also considers the impact of recent events such as severe floods and economic challenges on public trust. Additionally, the chapter addresses how socio-economic and demographic characteristics may influence individuals' levels of trust in the country, and how these may coincide or differ from OECD-wide trends. Lastly, the role of political attitudes and perceptions of political agency in shaping trust levels is explored.
Lessons from the 2023 OECD Trust Survey in Slovenia
Abstract
This chapter explores the state of public trust in Slovenia's institutions, as measured by the 2023 OECD Trust Survey. The findings suggest that Slovenians display comparatively lower levels of trust in their public institutions than their OECD counterparts. However, the trust patterns observed align with those typically found in democracies - higher trust levels in law and order and “administrative” institutions, and lower trust in “political” bodies. The chapter also explores the 'trust gaps' amongst different Slovenian population groups. Notably, most socio-economic, and demographic trust gaps are narrower in Slovenia, suggesting trust levels are less influenced by these factors compared to the OECD average. However, the trust gap between the youngest and oldest is double the OECD average. Consistent with the pattern across OECD countries, trust levels in Slovenia are more strongly influenced by political attitudes and perceptions of political agency than by socio-economic and demographic factors.
Trust in public institutions is an important indicator for the Slovenian government. For example, it is a key performance indicator for the "Effective Governance and High-Quality Public Service" goal of the Slovenian Development Strategy 2030 (Republic of Slovenia, 2017[1]), the country’s highest-level strategic framework. In 2022, restoring trust in democratic institutions was further embedded as a policy objective in the government’s coalition agreement (Republic of Slovenia, 2022[2]). Levels of trust are systematically monitored on a yearly basis. In parallel, the government opted to participated in the 2023 OECD trust survey to complement these data with an international benchmark and to identify drivers of trust.
The 2023 Trust Survey results reflect perceptions of trust in the government at a specific point in time, with data collected in October and November 2023. In August 2023, Slovenia suffered severe floods and landslides, causing several deaths, and significant economic disruption and damage (Bezak et al., 2023[3]). Although inflation had eased from its 2022 peak, it remained above the EU average (Republic of Slovenia - Institute of Macroeconomic Analysis and Development, 2024[4]) (Eurostat, 2023[5]).The Freedom Movement government assumed office in 2022 with a robust reform agenda. However, the focus soon shifted to support measures and reconstruction plans following the floods, the energy price shock, and the repercussions of the Russia-Ukraine war. These challenges, coupled with internal policy divisions, have impeded the government's ability to implement planned reforms, leading to decrease public support (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2023[6]). The government has significantly shifted its focus towards reforming the wage and salary system, as well as addressing the ongoing strike by doctors and administrative units.
This context is reflected by significant concerns about the economy, inequality, and corruption in Slovenia. The results of the Trust Survey highlight several key concerns among Slovenians. 61% of the respondents identify inflation as a critical issue facing their country, aligning closely with the average sentiment across the OECD (59%) (Figure 2.1). Slovenians also express significant concern over corruption, as well as poverty and social inequality. These issues are perceived to be of higher importance in Slovenia compared to the OECD average, indicating a heightened awareness or possibly a more acute experience of these problems within the country. Healthcare and essential services also feature among the top concerns for a substantial portion of respondents, mirroring the level of concern exhibited in other OECD countries. On the other hand, Slovenians appear less troubled by crime or violence, unemployment and jobs, climate change, and defence issues, showing a deviation from the average OECD sentiment.
Share of population who view policy issue as among the three most important ones facing their country, Slovenia and OECD average, 2023
Note: The figure presents the share in Slovenia and the unweighted OECD average of responses to the question “What do you think are the three most important issues facing [COUNTRY]?”. Immigration was not a response option in Mexico and Norway.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
In 2023, Slovenia exhibits lower levels of trust in its national government in comparison to the OECD average (see Figure 2.2). While only about three out of ten Slovenians (28%) reported high to moderately high trust in their government (having selected responses 6 to 10 on a 0-10 scale), close to four out of ten people (39%) across the OECD felt the same. There is also a higher proportion of Slovenians (58%) who have low to no trust in their government compared to the OECD average (44%).
Share of population who indicate different levels of trust in their national government, 2023
Note: The figure presents the within-country distributions of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the national government?”. A 0-4 response corresponds to “low or no trust”, a 5 to “neutral” and a 6-10 to “high or moderately high trust”. “OECD” presents the unweighted average across countries.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Trust levels, often influenced by economic, social and political contexts, can fluctuate significantly, with individuals updating their beliefs frequently, particularly during times of uncertainty. In the past two decades, Slovenia experienced sharp declines in government trust levels in the aftermath of the global financial crisis - as did many other European countries including Greece, Italy, Spain or Portugal. This trust has since been gradually restored, yet it continues to lag behind the OECD average. The country's journey from a non-democratic rule as a Central and Eastern European (CEE) post-socialist country has left it grappling with a legacy of scepticism and apprehension towards its political and civil institutions (Brezovšec and Haček, 2016[7]; Coromina and Kustec, 2020[8]). Despite the initial buffer provided by economic stability post-socialism, mistrust in government escalated after 2009 and during the 2011 bailout period. Data from the World Values Survey indicate that high government trust in Slovenia dropped from 23% in 2005 to 8% in 2011, before rebounding to 14% in 2017 (Inglehart, 2014[9]; Inglehart, 2014[10]; Haerpfer, 2022[11]). In addition to reacting to economic events, evidence from various studies in different countries demonstrated that trust can also be affected by the election cycle, with trust in the national government rising following national elections (e.g. (Hooghe and Stiers, 2016[12])).
Both in Slovenia and across the OECD, there is a distinct pattern when it comes to public trust in different institutions: Law and order institutions such as the police and courts are consistently more trusted than political institutions like the national government, parliament, and political parties. For example, in Slovenia, 52% of people have high to moderately high trust in the police and 41% in courts, compared to 28% in the national government, 27% in parliament and 14% in political parties (Figure 2.3). This pattern mirrors the OECD average, where over six out of ten people trust the police, more than five out of ten have high or moderately high trust in the courts, but fewer than four in ten trust the national government or parliament, and one in four have high or moderately high trust in political parties. Given that both parliament and political parties are fundamentally political bodies which channel differing and sometimes conflictual world views, it is anticipated in a robust democratic system that the judicial system would command higher trust (Warren, 2017[13]). Similarly, in Slovenia, a larger portion of the population exhibits high to moderate levels of trust in local government (38%) compared to the national government (28%). This aligns with trends observed across the OECD. The same patterns can be observed with regards to trust in the civil service: 35% trust civil servants working at the local level, while just 30% express trust in the national civil service.
Share of population who reported trust in various institutions in Slovenia and OECD average, 2023
Note: The figure presents the to the question: “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust [OPTION]?”. Bar charts show the share of “high or moderately high trust”, which is the aggregation of responses from 6-10 on the scale. ‘’OECD Average” presents the unweighted average of responses across 30 OECD countries that participated 2023 wave. For OECD countries in which a regional administrative level exists, the ‘local civil service’ refers instead to the regional civil service.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Despite these commonalities, Slovenia diverges from typical OECD patterns in two significant respects (Figure 2.3). First, levels of interpersonal trust in Slovenia, measured at 58%, slightly exceed trust in the police, while the reverse is true for the OECD average. Moreover, in Slovenia 30% of the population have high to moderately high trust in the national civil service. This is a smaller share than those trusting the local government (38%) and international organisations (35%), but only a slightly larger share than those with high or moderately high trust in the government (28%). The higher trust in international organisations in Slovenia likely reflects the importance of a sense of proximity and strong links with the European Union. In contrast, in most OECD countries, people tend to trust the civil service more than the national government by a larger margin than in Slovenia, and about as much as the local government.
Examining levels of trust and perceptions of public governance through the lens of an individual's socio-economic and demographic background is important to develop targeted approaches to enhance trust across the population. These factors significantly influence the expectations and perceptions of public governance, including government competencies and values. At a macro level, socio-economic conditions such as high economic inequality are often correlated with lower levels of trust in government and in other people, as it can undermine a sense of community (Bienstman, 2023[14]; Gould and Hijzen, 2017[15]; Uslaner and Brown, 2005[16]). At the micro level, individual characteristics, such as age, gender, education level, and degree of financial concerns, also correlate with different levels of trust (OECD, 2024[17]).
In Slovenia, trust gaps between people with different socio-economic and demographic characteristics tend to mirror those found across the OECD, apart from age where the gap is larger in Slovenia. For instance, in Slovenia as well as on average across OECD countries, young people, those with higher levels of financial concern, and women typically report lower levels of trust in government (see Figure 2.4). Some of these characteristic, such as financial concerns, of course, are not static, and can change organically throughout a person's life (Schoon and Cheng, 2011[18]) or due to external shocks (Devine and Valgardsson, 2023[19]; Margalit, 2019[20]).
Share of population with high or moderately high trust in the national government by respondents’ socio-economic and demographic characteristics, 2023
Note: The figure shows the Slovenia average and unweighted averages across OECD countries of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the national government?” by respondents’ socioeconomic and demographic characteristics. The figure presents the proportion of respondents that have “high or moderately high trust” based on the aggregation of responses from 6-10 on the 0-10 response scale, grouped by respondents’ socio-economic background (financial concerns, education, identification as part of a discriminated group) and demographic characteristics (gender, age). Financial concerns are measured by asking ‘’In general, thinking about the next year or two, how concerned are you about your household's finances and overall social and economic well-being?’’ and aggregating responses 3 (somewhat concerned) and 4 (very concerned). Low education is defined as below lower secondary educational attainment and high education as tertiary education, following the ISCED 2011 classification. People’s identification of a discriminated group is measured by responses ‘’Yes’’ to the question “Would you describe yourself as being a member of a group that is discriminated against in [Country]?”.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
In Slovenia, young people aged 18 to 29 exhibit significantly less trust in the national government (19%), parliament (21%), and news media (23%) compared to those over 50 (36%, 35%, and 31% respectively) (see Figure 2.5). The trust gap in the national government between the youngest and oldest age groups in Slovenia (17 percentage points) is therefore more than twice as large as on average across the OECD (7 percentage points) (Figure 2.4). These results could be related to the fact that youth are disproportionately affected by economic downturns. Indeed, while current unemployment in Slovenia is particularly low and stands at 3.7%, unemployment among those 15-24 is notably higher at 9.9%, though both rates are below the OECD average (OECD, 2024[21]). In 2019, approximately 29 000 young Slovenians were not engaged in employment, education, or training (NEETs). Although Slovenia's NEET rate is lower compared to many OECD countries, it remains higher than it was prior to the Global Financial Crisis. (OECD, 2021[22]). This accrued sense of vulnerability to external shocks may contribute to the youth’s diminished trust in public institutions.
While young people in Slovenia tend to have lower trust in the national government, this is not true for all institutions (see Figure 2.5). Younger Slovenians for instance tend to have higher trust in the courts and judicial system (49%) compared to their older counterparts (40%). This aligns with findings from the Survey on Public Satisfaction with the Functioning of the Courts commissioned by the Office for Court Management Development at the Supreme Court (FUDŠ, 2021[23]). This survey found that the public image of the courts is rated highest by young people (18-28) and lowest by those aged 51-61. Young people view the clarity of the court's operations and the number of pending cases more positively and are also more likely to believe that vulnerable people are able access to the courts.
Share of population with high or moderately high trust in the national government by their age groups, 2023
Note: The figure presents the weighted Slovenia average of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the national government’’ by respondents’ age groups. The figure shows the proportion of respondents that have “high or moderately high trust’’ based on the aggregation of responses from 6-10 on the 0-10 response scale, grouped by whether people are 50 years old or older, and whether they are between 18 and 29 years old. The option “regional civil service” refers to the local level in Slovenia. The option “regional civil service” in Slovenia refers to non-elected public officials working at the local level.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Gaps in trust in the national government between other groups defined by socio-economic or demographic characteristics tend to be smaller in Slovenia than in other OECD countries (Figure 2.4). For example, while a higher share of people in Slovenia see poverty and inequality as among the three most important issues facing their country (39% compared to 33% across the OECD), despite objectively lower poverty and inequality rates than the OECD average1, the gap in trust between those who express financial concerns for their household and those who do not is equal to 11 percentage points in Slovenia, compared to 17 percentage points across the OECD. The trust gap between those who identify as belonging to a discriminated against-group and those who do not amounts to 10 percentage points in Slovenia, slightly smaller than the OECD average of 14 percentage points. There is a moderate difference in trust levels between moderately and highly educated individuals: 24% of respondents with lower education levels have high to moderately high trust in the national government, compared to 29% of those with higher education. In contrast, the average trust gap by education level across the OECD stands much larger at 13 percentage points.
Moreover, Slovenian women are 5 percentage points less likely to have high to moderately high trust in the national government than men (see Figure 2.4), compared to 7 percentage points across the OECD (which however has seen an increase in the gap between 2021 and 2023) (OECD, 2024[17]). This smaller gap in Slovenia might reflect progress made in recent years in improving outcomes for women. Since 2010, Slovenia has made strides in reducing gender inequalities, increasing its score in the EU Gender Equality Index, which measures gaps in areas such as health, money, work, time, knowledge, and power (European Institute for Gender Equality, 2023[24]). The country now stands in twelfth position on the index, slightly below the EU average. However, although often achieving higher education levels than men, and having a female labour force participation above the EU average, Slovenian women nevertheless are less likely to be employed full-time, tend to earn less, and are underrepresented in leadership positions (OECD, 2024[21]).
In Slovenia, similarly to other OECD member countries, trust in public institutions varies more depending on individuals' sense of political agency and partisanship rather than their socio-economic and demographic characteristics. Partisanship, indicated by whether an individual voted for the incumbent government in the last election, plays a significant role. This is true for Slovenia where 40% of those who voted for the party in power displayed high trust in the government, compared to 14% of those who did not (see Figure 2.6). The partisan gap in trust in Government in 2023 (26 percentage points) is on par with the OECD average (27 percentage points). However, the partisan gap for trust in the national civil service (17 percentage points) is larger than the OECD average (13 percentage points), indicating partisanship is reaching institutions which should normally be perceived as “neutral”, a sign of polarisation. Over the past 30 years, polarisation in Slovenia has increased. For instance, the level of ideological polarisation, especially at the extremes, has doubled since 1992 (Malčič, 2023[25]). This rise in polarisation, both among electoral parties and within the population, coupled with party fragmentation, and a proportional electoral system generally aimed at a consensual decision-making approach, has led to issues with democratic governability (Fink-Hafner and Novak, 2021[26]).
The feeling of influencing political processes, coupled with the confidence to participate in politics—collectively termed as "political agency"— are likewise key characteristics to understand variations in trust towards the national government (see Figure 2.6). For example, only an average of 20% of respondents who feel they do not have a say in what the government does have high or moderately high trust in the national government, a share that is 42 percentage points lower than among those who feel they have a voice (62%) (see Chapter 3). The same is true, to a much lesser degree with regards to confidence to participate in politics. Among those confident to participate in Slovenia, 39% have high or moderately high trust in the national government compared to 20% among those who are not confident. This results in a trust gap of 19 percentage points gap compared to a larger 25 percentage point gap on average across the OECD.
Share of population with high or moderately high trust in the national government by level of respondents’ feelings of pollical agency, 2023
Note: The figure presents the weighted Slovenia average of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the national government?” by respondents’ feelings of political agency. “High or moderately high trust” represents the aggregation of responses from 6-10 on the 0-10 response scale. Having a say in government decision question is measured by asking ‘On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much would you say the political system in [COUNTRY] allows people like you to have a say in what the government does?,’’ and confidence in ability to participate politics question is measured with the question: “How confident are you in your own ability to participate in politics?”. For “high/low voice” and “confident/not confident” groups, the aggregated responses from 6-10 and 0-4 were used.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
A majority (58%) of Slovenians reported having low to no trust in the national government, and trust in all public institutions is below the OECD average. Given these findings, Slovenia might consider:
Continue to regularly monitor trust levels and detailed data on factors influencing trust, to determine where investments can enhance trust in public institutions.
Although most trust gaps based on socio-economic and demographic characteristics in Slovenia are smaller than the OECD average, certain groups report lower levels of trust in government. These include young people, those who self-identify as belonging to a group that is discriminated against, individuals with higher levels of financial concern, and women. To address this, the Slovenian government could consider the following:
Evidence used in developing policies and services should account for the diverse needs of the Slovenian population. For instance, by commissioning surveys that include a diverse population sample based on socio-economic characteristics. This would allow a systematic analysis of the differences within and across population groups.
Implementing policies designed to mitigate economic vulnerability and discrimination. This could be key to closing the trust gap and fostering widespread trust in public institutions, as these factors significantly influence individuals' trust levels.
In Slovenia, people aged 18 to 29 are 17 percentage points less likely to express high to moderately high trust in the national government than people over 50. This trust gap is more than twice as large than the OECD average. In a context of low overall unemployment, people aged 15-24 are nonetheless twice as likely to be unemployed. The Slovenian government may consider:
Continuing efforts to tackle and reduce the number of youths not engaged in employment, education, or training (OECD, 2021[22])
Enhancing youth participation and representation in democratic processes.
In Slovenia, as is the case across the OECD, trust levels vary more based on political attitudes and sense of political agency rather than socio-economic characteristics. Only an average of 20 % of respondents who feel they do not have a say in what the government does have high or moderately high trust in the national government, a share that is 42 percentage points lower than among those who feel they have a voice (62%). To mitigate this, the Slovenian could consider:
Ensuring opportunities for participation reach participants from diverse backgrounds to increase inclusion and representation, in line with the OECD guidelines on citizen participation processes.
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← 1. In 2020, Slovenia’s Gini coefficient was the second lowest among OECD countries with available data; and in 2021, it had the fourth lowest relative poverty rate (OECD, n.d.[27]).