Enhancing adolescent social and emotional well‑being

3. How do femininity and masculinity norms shape adolescents’ expectations, behaviours, and well-being?

Adolescence is a developmental stage marked by heightened sensitivity to peers’ perceptions and social expectations (Steinberg and Monahan, 2007[36]), during which femininity and masculinity norms1 can strongly shape girls’ and boys’ identities, sense of self, and overall subjective well-being (Al-Attar et al., 2017[37]; De Meyer et al., 2017[38]; Kågesten et al., 2016[39]; Bussey and Bandura, 1999[40]; Hyde et al., 2019[41]). Navigating these expectations is especially challenging at this age. Young people undergo profound physical and hormonal changes associated with puberty (Galambos, Almeida and Petersen, 1990[42]; Patton et al., 2016[43]), while simultaneously confronting multiple – and often conflicting – messages about appropriate attitudes and ideals conveyed by family, peers, media, and wider society (Tiggemann and Slater, 2015[44]; Vandenbosch and Eggermont, 2012[45]). These pressures may clash with adolescents’ own emotions, experiences, and emerging identities, generating tension as they strive to reconcile social expectations with their developing sense of self (Crocetti et al., 2022[46]). Such dissonance can contribute to psychological distress and increase vulnerability to mental health difficulties (Xu, Feng and Rahman, 2024[47]). It can also erode self-confidence, self-awareness, and the formation of a positive self-concept, with implications that extend beyond mental health to affect adolescents’ engagement in learning and their relationships at school, within their families, and in their broader social lives (Cairns and Cairns, 1994[48]; Patton et al., 2016[43]; McGorry et al., 2024[1]).

Norms play a dual role in adolescents’ development: they can provide valuable reference points for shaping a sense of self and social identity, yet they also pose challenges when they reinforce expectations to conform to rigid stereotypes.2 On the one hand, positive and flexible norms can support adolescents’ social and emotional well-being by encouraging authenticity and self-expression. On the other hand, when norms and stereotypes become too rigid, they may restrict adolescents’ personal development, limit their opportunities for self-expression, marginalise those who do not conform, and reinforce broader inequalities in learning motivation, engagement and achievement between boys and girls (Exner-Cortens et al., 2021[49]; Yu, McLellan and Winter, 2020[50]). Dismantling such restrictive norms and stereotypes – particularly in educational settings – is therefore essential for narrowing gaps in learning outcomes and career pathways (Brussino and McBrien, 2022[51]).

Social norms associated with being male or female have generally become more flexible over the past several decades, yet recent years have seen a resurgence of more restrictive and discriminatory stereotypes that promote inflexible notions of what it means to belong to a particular sex. For example, femininity is still widely associated with appearance consciousness, kindness, and care – traits used to justify women’s primary responsibility for caretaking roles. Conversely, traditionally masculine traits such as stoicism, competitiveness, and physical strength are often linked to expectations that men should be the main decision makers and breadwinners (OECD, 2024[52]). Evidence of a renewed attachment to traditional femininity and masculinity norms is also reflected in the attitudes of younger adults toward women’s suitability for leadership positions. In G7 countries, adults aged 18‑34 are less likely than older generations to agree that women are equally suited for leadership roles (Verian Group, 2024[53]).

Stereotypical views are also widespread among children and adolescents. A large proportion 15‑year‑olds surveyed globally in 2023 agreed with sex-related stereotypes, such as girls and boys having inherently different temperaments with regard to sensitivity (49%), empathy (43%), and aggressivity (42%), and women being better suited to caring for children than men (46%) – and more boys agree more with sex-related stereotypes than girls (OECD, 2024[54]). Beliefs about what is appropriate for boys and girls held in adolescence can shape life‑long patterns of stereotyping (UNICEF, 2020[55]). These enduring norms continue to influence educational pathways and career choices (Brussino and McBrien, 2022[51]), as well as broader social and economic outcomes. For example, women continue to spend disproportionate time on unpaid care and housework and face lower employment rates and wages, while men have persistently higher suicide rates (OECD, 2023[56]). Understanding how femininity and masculinity norms influence expectations and behaviours from the earliest stages of life is therefore essential.

It should be noted that femininity and masculinity norms and stereotypes are not the sole drivers of gaps in adolescent boys’ and girls’ social and emotional well-being, nor are they homogeneous across the OECD. Firstly, while general trends emerge in the available data, boys’ and girl’s socialisation remains dependent upon highly variable socio-contextual factors, across and within OECD countries (Torsheim et al., 2006[57]). Additionally, socialisation is intertwined with various developmental, psychological, and hormonal factors that emerge in adolescence and that also play a significant role in shaping sex-specific challenges in this life stage (UK Department for Education, 2019[58]). This can make it difficult to isolate the specific influences of femininity and masculinity norms on adolescent well-being.

Restrictive femininity norms3 intensify pressures on girls’ bodies, self-esteem, and achievement. Norms and stereotypes, combined with the multiple and often conflicting pressures that adolescents face, exert a particularly strong influence on how girls perceive their bodies and how they experience and internalise academic pressure (Landstedt, Asplund and Gillander Gådin, 2009[59]). Conflicting expectations make it particularly difficult to conform to them with no stress. They may be expected to embody traditional feminine qualities – such as being caring, kind, and appearance‑focussed – while simultaneously being encouraged to adopt traits more commonly associated with traditional masculinity, including autonomy, toughness, and stoicism, which tend to be more socially rewarded (Rogers et al., 2019[60]). Norms of femininity can clash with concurrent cultural expectations of performance and perfection embedded within schools (Stentiford, Koutsouris and Allan, 2021[61]). This tension between competing ideals can heighten insecurity, self-doubt, and emotional strain during a developmental period already marked by vulnerability.

Girls tend to experience more anxieties and dissatisfactions related to their appearance than boys, reflecting higher levels of scrutiny and sexualisation over their bodies through social, marketing, and media influences (Smolak, 2004[62]) (Box 2). In France, a study conducted in 2015 in adolescents aged 15 to 18 found that 95% of girls, against 86% of boys, thought that the media imposed a certain body image, and that 81% of girls, against 71% of boys, thought that being attractive was preferable to succeed in life (Ipsos, 2015[63]). Similarly, in most OECD countries, more adolescent girls than boys believe that their body is much too thin or much too fat (Figure 6). Among 15‑year‑olds in seven OECD countries, 43% of girls are dissatisfied with the way that they look, compared to 24% of boys on average (Thévenon, Brüning and Matsumura, 2025[64]). As a result, practices such as makeup and shaving, which derive from pressures to conform to femininity norms, can start in adolescence (Demkowicz et al., 2025[65]). In some cases, these norms can go as far as to encourage dangerous practices, such as when the societal valorisation of thinness increases adolescents’ risk of anorexia (American Psychiatric Association, 2013[25]). Negative body image in adolescents has consistently been linked to lower subjective well-being and self-esteem, heightened levels of distress, and depressive symptoms, as well as mental health conditions such as eating disorders (Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2006[66]; Stice et al., 2017[67]; Baker et al., 2019[68]).

Figure 6. In most countries, adolescent girls are more dissatisfied with their body than boys

11‑, 13‑ and 15‑year‑old school children who report thinking their body is “much too” thin or fat, 2021-2022

Note: *The difference between boys and girls is statistically significant at the 5% level. **The OECD average includes all countries depicted in the figure except Belgium and the United Kingdom.

11‑, 13‑ and 15‑year‑old school age children were asked “Do you think your body is...?” and presented with the response options “Much too thin”, “A bit too thin”, “About right”, “A bit too fat” and “Much too fat”. Data refer to the percentage responding “Much too thin” or “Much too fat”.

Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) World Health Organization Collaborative Cross-National Survey 2021‑2022.

Ambiguous norms and conflicting expectations create additional challenges for adolescents, generating stress that can affect not only their general well-being but also their school life and learning. For example, shifting expectations around girls’ education and economic participation may increase academic pressure and psychological distress, while simultaneously clashing with traditional anxieties related to maintaining a feminine identity and appearance (West and Sweeting, 2003[69]). Evidence from the United States and China show that pressure to conform to masculine norms increase in adolescence and are associated with lower levels of well-being in adolescent girls. These conflicting pressures can make it more strenuous for girls to navigate social expectations, and can place them at a disadvantage, including with regards to mental health (Landstedt, Asplund and Gillander Gådin, 2009[59]).

Adolescent girls also report greater academic pressures from parents, families, and school staff, from whom they are generally expected to perform better than boys. In 2021-2022, 22% of 11‑, 13‑ and 15‑year‑old girls, against 13% of boys the same age, reported feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork. This disparity is reflected in unequal parental expectations to succeed at school and in their future, which can be an important source of stress for adolescents. In the majority of 19 OECD countries with available data, parents of 10‑year‑old girls are more likely to expect their child to complete tertiary education than parents of 10‑year‑old boys (OECD, 2018[70]). In addition, 15‑year‑old girls are less likely than boys to report feeling well prepared for their post-school pathways (55% vs. 62%), despite better cognitive outcomes (OECD, 2018[70]). High standards of academic achievement, often in highly stressed teaching environments, cause anxiety and pressure (Stentiford, Koutsouris and Allan, 2021[61]), and stress and educational pressure are particularly correlated with worse mental health in adolescent girls (Schraedley, Gotlib and Hayward, 1999[71]; Wiklund et al., 2012[72]). Such fears can also be reinforced by contexts such as a precarious labour market, which can have an especially damaging effect on girls’ emotional states by reinforcing pressures to get into a good university or to obtain a good job in the future (Stentiford, Koutsouris and Allan, 2021[61]).

Box 2. How do sexualisation and sexual harassment contribute to lower well-being in adolescent girls?

Sexualisation refers to narratives and imagery that objectify individuals and present them in sexual terms, while sexual harassment refers to a continuum of harm comprising various forms of unwanted attention and behaviours directed at individuals because of their sex, perceived conformity to norms of femininity and masculinity, or sexual orientation (Tolman, Bowman and Chmielewski, 2015[73]). Sexualisation and sexual harassment both arise from and reinforce unequal social expectations for girls and boys and disproportionately affect adolescent girls in both prevalence and severity (Chiodo et al., 2009[74]). In the United Kingdom, 2021 estimates from school populations showed that 79% of the surveyed girls reported sexual assault of any kind (Ofsted, 2021[75]). A study of Finnish adolescents aged 10 to 18 found that while girls were only slightly more likely than boys to report having experienced sexual name‑calling, they were almost seven times more likely to report higher degrees of sexual harassment, such as receiving disturbing propositions.

These experiences negatively impact a range of social and emotional well-being outcomes, including girls’ mental health and self-perception. In a 2015 survey conducted in the United Kingdom, 75% of girls and young women said anxiety about potentially experiencing sexual harassment affected their lives in some way (Girlguiding, 2015[76]). In adolescence, sexual harassment is significantly associated with self-harm, substance use, and maladaptive dieting (Bucchianeri et al., 2014[77]). Negative long-term outcomes include less academic disengagement, self-harm, substance use, sexually transmitted diseases, post-traumatic stress disorder, and depression and anxiety (Taylor, Liu and Mumford, 2019[78]; Bucchianeri et al., 2014[77]; UK Parliament, 2016[79]).

Sexualisation and sexual harassment can also affect identity formation in adolescence, for example by inhibiting self-expression. In a UK survey, 25% of 11‑ to 16‑year‑old girls reported that concerns over potential sexual harassment made them consider whether or not to speak out in class (UK Feminista, WAEC). Girls are also more likely than boys to be sexualised, including in media representations (American Psychological Association, Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls, 2007[80]; Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997[81]). Sexualisation has serious consequences on girls’ self-perception, notably by encouraging them to bring a higher focus to their appearance, including through internalised beauty standards, body shame, lower body image, and higher self-surveillance. These are in turn associated with dieting, eating disorders, and depressive and anxiety symptoms (Tiggemann and Slater, 2015[44]). Evidence of sexualisation on social media also points to increased rates of low self-esteem, depression, and eating disorders (Christaki et al., 2023[82]). Finally, sexualisation at this age can cause unrealistic expectations about sexuality and reinforce restrictive norms of femininity and masculinity. These norms may in turn lead to at-risk behaviours, such as acting more submissive, early sexual activity, and lower expectations of contracting a sexually transmitted infection or pregnancy (American Psychological Association, Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls, 2007[80]; Sun, Wright and Steffen, 2017[83]).

3.1. Restrictive masculinity norms can inhibit help-seeking, and lead to academic disengagement and externalising behaviours in adolescent boys

For boys as well, adolescence is a challenging period marked by the need to affirm both identity and a sense of self in relation to others. Masculinity norms serve as powerful reference points that shape boys’ attitudes and behaviours towards peers. While some aspects of masculinity can support personal and social development, more restrictive norms – such as valuing boys primarily for physical strength, emotional control, competitiveness and overt self-confidence, while discouraging care, vulnerability and emotional expression – are particularly difficult to navigate during adolescence (Yu, McLellan and Winter, 2020[50]; OECD, 2021[84]). Strict adherence to these norms can limit boys’ self-expression, inhibit help-seeking behaviours, and influence how they respond to personal challenges and peer interactions (Clark et al., 2020[85]; Rosenthal, Morais and Gately, 2025[86]; Üzümçeker, 2025[87]).

A substantial body of research shows that conformity to traditional or restrictive masculinity norms is strongly associated with higher levels of externalising behaviours in adolescence, including aggression and physical fighting (Malonda-Vidal et al., 2021[88]; Stanaland et al., 2024[89]). Norms that discourage emotional expression and help-seeking further limit boys’ capacity to regulate stress adaptively, increasing the likelihood of externalising responses such as aggression and risk-taking (Mahalik et al., 2003[90]). Meta‑analytic evidence confirms that conformity to masculine norms emphasising dominance, violence and risk-taking is associated with higher levels of aggressive behaviour and poorer socio‑emotional outcomes among adolescent boys (Wong et al., 2017[91]). When boys perceive their masculinity to be threatened, they may engage in compensatory aggression, reinforcing the link between masculinity norms and violent behaviour (Malonda-Vidal et al., 2021[88]).

Peer contexts play a particularly influential role in reinforcing norms of femininity and masculinity. Behaviours that align with conventional expectations for boys and girls tend to confer social acceptance and prestige, particularly among boys (Walsh et al., 2020[92]). Conversely, boys are more likely than girls to experience ridicule or social sanctions if they fail to conform to prevailing expectations associated with masculinity (Young and Sweeting, 2004[93]; Caraballo, 2023[94]). Consistent with this, a study of American middle‑school students found that conformity to behaviours typically associated with one's sex explained twice as much variation in popularity – a highly valued social outcome in adolescence – for boys as for girls (Jewell and Brown, 2014[95]).

Because masculinity is often perceived as something that must be earned and continuously validated through visible behaviour, boys and men may experience heightened anxiety about social standing and conformity to expectations associated with masculinity, particularly when these are perceived to be under threat. This anxiety can, in turn, motivate risky or maladaptive behaviours (Vandello and Bosson, 2013[96]).

Strict adherence to restrictive masculine norms in adolescence can also undermine boys’ engagement in academic learning and contribute to lower academic performance. Boys – and, to a lesser extent, girls – who conform rigidly to norms emphasising emotional detachment and self-reliance tend to report lower levels of school engagement and enjoyment, weaker academic performance, and a reduced likelihood of seeking support from teachers (Yu, McLellan and Winter, 2020[50]; Rogers et al., 2017[97]).

Dominant masculinity ideals – such as toughness, emotional control, self-reliance and the use of violence as a marker of status – shape boys’ peer dynamics and encourage confrontational behaviours as a means of gaining approval or asserting social dominance (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005[98]; Kimmel and Mahler, 2003[99]). Adherence to these norms in adolescence and young adulthood are also associated with higher risks of bullying perpetration, physical and sexual violence, suicide, substance use(including alcohol and illicit substances), and other risk-taking behaviours that increase the risk of illness and mortality in adulthood, such as tobacco use, substance use, poor diet and unsafe sexual practices (Heilman et al., 2019[100]). Masculine stereotypes such as the restriction of emotional expression, dominance, and aggression, also heighten the risks of engaging in general acts of violence, including harassment, assault, and/or physical and verbal aggression (Feder, Levant and Dean, 2010[101]; Reidy et al., 2015[102]). In particular, stress arising from a perceived failure to live up to masculine ideals is linked to elevated levels of aggression (Berke and Zeichner, 2016[103]).

Figure 7 shows that in all OECD countries, young adolescent boys are significantly more likely than girls to engage in physical fighting – on average about twice as likely. In 2021/22, roughly one in seven boys reported having been involved in a physical fight at least three times in the previous 12 months. However, boys’ involvement in fighting varies considerably across countries: while around 8% of boys report frequent fighting in some OECD countries, this share is roughly double in Austria, Belgium (French-speaking regions), Czechia, France, Hungary and Israel.

Figure 7. Adolescent boys are more likely to engage in physical fighting

11‑, 13‑ and 15‑year‑old school children who report having been involved in a physical fight at least three times in the past 12 months, 2021-2022

Note: *The difference between boys and girls is statistically significant at the 5% level. **The OECD average includes all countries depicted in the figure except Belgium and the United Kingdom.

11‑, 13‑ and 15‑year‑old school age children were asked “During the past 12 months, how many times were you in a physical fight?” and presented with the response options “I have not been in a physical fight in the past 12 months”, “1 time”, “2 times”, “3 times” and “4 times or more”. Data refer to the percentage responding “3 times” or “4 times or more”.

Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) World Health Organization Collaborative Cross-National Survey 2021‑2022.

Beyond its association with externalising behavioural problems, adherence to rigid masculinity norms is also linked to internalising difficulties among boys, including depression, anxiety, heightened stress, and lower self-esteem. These norms can act as a powerful barrier to help-seeking and engagement with care, which is particularly concerning in light of the elevated rates of suicidality observed among adolescent boys (Coleman, 2015[104]; King et al., 2020[105]; Exner-Cortens et al., 2021[49]).

In all OECD countries with available data, adolescent boys report feeling high overall support from friends less often than girls, with this gap being particularly high in countries such as Estonia, Slovenia and Germany (a 12.8, 13.3, and 13.4 percentage points (p.p.) difference, respectively, see Figure A.10 in the additional data that can be found clicking on the Support materials tab of the paper at this link: https://doi.org/10.1787/00ebd3dd-en). Data from the NICHD Study of Early Childcare and Youth Development led by the Department of Health and Human Services in the United States found that boys had significantly lower positive friendship quality in middle childhood and early adolescence and slower increases in friendship quality than girls (Xu, Eggum-Wilkens and Bradley, 2020[106]).

Notes

← 1.  Femininity and masculinity norms are shared societal expectations, beliefs and rules about the roles, behaviours, attributes and responsibilities considered appropriate for girls and boys.

← 2.  Gender norms refer to the informal social rules that shape gender-based expectations, while gender stereotypes refer to widely held, fixed and highly generalised beliefs and expectations about gender (Brussino and McBrien, 2022[51]).

← 3.  Restrictive femininity and masculinity norms refer to socially prescribed expectations about how girls, women, boys, and men are supposed to think, feel, behave, and relate to others. They are considered restrictive when they limit individual choices, opportunities, expression, or well-being by prescribing a narrow range of acceptable behaviours for boys and girls.