Strengthening public institutions is crucial for enhancing policy effectiveness and delivering better public services. These efforts are vital for advancing towards a new social contract that can help align public policy agendas with citizens’ priorities. This chapter begins with an overview of citizen perceptions on areas such as trust in democracy, satisfaction with public services, citizen security and climate change, highlighting unmet social aspirations. The second section explores strategies to build more effective and inclusive institutions that meet citizen expectations and help restore trust. The third section argues that these two dimensions should unite around a renewed social contract, establishing a shared vision for Caribbean development priorities agreed upon with citizens. The chapter concludes with key policy messages.
Caribbean Development Dynamics 2025

4. Stronger institutions for a renewed social contract
Copy link to 4. Stronger institutions for a renewed social contractAbstract
Introduction
Copy link to IntroductionCaribbean countries face enduring socio-economic and environmental challenges to advance sustainable development. These are compounded by declining levels of satisfaction with public institutions and the quality of public services, which underscore the unmet aspirations of many Caribbeans. To address these challenges, public institutions must become more effective and inclusive, fostering a renewed social contract that crafts a Caribbean development vision shaped in partnership with citizens.
This chapter examines these elements in detail. The first section presents an overview of citizens’ perceptions on key topics, including trust in democracy, satisfaction with public services, citizen security, and climate change. The second section focuses on the need for more effective and inclusive institutions to restore trust and address citizens’ unmet demands. The third section argues for the need to foster a renewed social contract that reconnects citizens and public institutions around a shared vision of long-term development. Finally, the chapter concludes with key messages for policy action.
Understanding citizens’ perceptions to improve policy outcomes
Copy link to Understanding citizens’ perceptions to improve policy outcomesUnderstanding citizens’ perceptions is key to aligning development strategies' objectives with the actual needs and aspirations of Caribbean societies. By incorporating citizens' views into policy making, governments can create more inclusive and effective strategies, thereby fostering public support and participation. This enhances transparency, accountability, and resilience (Keefer and Scartascini, 2022[1]; Beuermann et al., 2018[2]). This is important in a region where overall levels of satisfaction with democracy and key public services have been falling over time, as this section shows.
Citizen satisfaction with democracy has declined in the last decade
In 2023, more than 65% of people in the Caribbean (8 countries with comparable available data), on average, expressed low satisfaction with the democratic system, an increase of 22.6 percentage points (p.p.) in the last decade (Figure 4.1). Dissatisfaction with democracy in Latin America increased by 12.6 p.p. in the same period (from 45.6% to 58.1%). There are important differences across Caribbean countries: from Haiti (87.9%) and Suriname (86.6%) in the higher-end, to the Dominican Republic (50.8%) and Grenada (45.3%) in the lower-end, but still with around half of the population showing low satisfaction (Figure 4.1).
Trust in elections is also low in the Caribbean, putting their legitimacy at stake. In 2023, on average, 42% of Caribbean citizens had low confidence in the election results in their countries, slightly lower than in 2014 (44.9%). This was also 2 p.p. less than the average in Latin America (44.3%) (LAPOP Lab, 2023[3]). Moreover, only 25% of Caribbean citizens thought that votes were always correctly and fairly counted, while 15% believed this never happened. Latin American countries show similar trends with slightly higher values (30.4% and 21.9%) (LAPOP Lab, 2023[3]).
Figure 4.1. Satisfaction with democracy in the Caribbean and Latin America, 2014-23
Copy link to Figure 4.1. Satisfaction with democracy in the Caribbean and Latin America, 2014-23Share of citizens by level of satisfaction with democracy in their country

Note: The question featured in the figure is: “In general, would you say that you are very satisfied, satisfied, dissatisfied or very dissatisfied with the way democracy works in (country)?” The Latin America average considers Argentina, Plurinational State of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay. The Caribbean average considers The Bahamas, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Suriname.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on LAPOP Lab (2023[3]).
Lack of trust in the judiciary system is high in Caribbean countries, as 20% of people report having no trust in the courts to deliver a fair trial. Trust is particularly low in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, where 34% and 27% of respondents express complete distrust in the judicial system, respectively. Finally, the Caribbean has a relatively low number of professional judges. Jamaica (3 per 100 000 inhabitants), Trinidad and Tobago (7), Barbados (8), and The Bahamas (12) all fall below the global average of 18 judges per 100 000 people. However, their numbers are close to the Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) average of 9 judges per 100 000 (Sutton et al., 2017[4]).
Corruption perceptions in the Caribbean show important heterogeneities across countries
Citizen perceptions are a useful measure to gauge the prevalence of corruption. Of the 12 Caribbean countries with data available in the Corruption Perceptions Index, 8 are perceived as less corrupt than the world average (43) (with the understanding that higher values mean less perceived corruption). Barbados (65), The Bahamas (64), and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines (60) show levels similar to OECD countries (66.3 on average). Saint Lucia and Dominica (55 each), Grenada (52) and Jamaica (44) are also above the world’s average and – except for Jamaica – above the Caribbean average. Trinidad and Tobago (42), Guyana (40) and Suriname (40) are perceived as more corrupt than the world average but still in a better position than the Latin American (36.5) average. Finally, the Dominican Republic (32) and Haiti (17) show the highest levels of perceived corruption in the Caribbean (Figure 4.2).
Figure 4.2. Corruption Perception Index, Caribbean and Latin America, 2022
Copy link to Figure 4.2. Corruption Perception Index, Caribbean and Latin America, 2022
Note: The Corruption Perception Index aggregates data from various sources, reflecting perceptions of corruption in the public sector as reported by business executives and experts. It scores countries on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates total corruption, and 100 represents complete cleanliness.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on Transparency International (2022[5]).
Other data sources indicate higher levels of perceived corruption in the Caribbean. For instance, the World Justice Project conducted face-to-face interviews with representative household samples across 14 Caribbean countries to assess perceptions of public sector corruption. As much as 81% of respondents believe public officials frequently or very frequently influence the hiring of friends or relatives in the public sector. In comparison, 80% think public officials often favour friends or relatives when awarding government contracts, on average. Furthermore, 66% of respondents reported that it is frequent or very frequent for public officials to request money or gifts for public services that should be free of charge. Perceptions of corruption in politics are higher than in other parts of the public sector. On average, 66% of respondents believe that most people working in political parties are involved in corrupt practices, and 55% express the same about members of the national legislature. By contrast, public school teachers (18%), doctors and nurses in public hospitals (20%) and land registry officers (28%) are seen as less corrupt (World Justice Project, 2023[6]). Corruption also impacts business operations: 37% of Caribbean firms view corruption as a severe or very severe obstacle, particularly in Belize, Jamaica, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago (IDB, 2021[7]) (Chapter 1).
The satisfaction of Caribbean citizens with the quality of key public services has decreased in recent years
Citizen satisfaction with the quality of health and medical services is relatively low. In 2023, on average for the six countries with comparable available data, only 40% of Caribbean people were satisfied or very satisfied (around half of the population in the case of Latin American countries). Satisfaction with health services showed an average decline of 15.4 p.p. in the Caribbean in the last decade (from 55.4% to 40%). This decline was almost three times more than in Latin American countries, where satisfaction decreased 5.6 p.p. in the same period (from 55.6% to 50%) (LAPOP Lab, 2023[3]).
Satisfaction with the quality of education is overall higher than with health. In 2023, Caribbean citizens (65.2%, on average) were satisfied or very satisfied with the quality of public schools in their countries, 7.2 p.p. above the Latin American average (58%). Nonetheless, in the last decade, satisfaction fell by 9.5 p.p. in the Caribbean on average (from 74.7% to 65.2%) (Figure 4.3). In 2023, satisfaction with the quality of public schools varied from 75.2% in Grenada to 49.4% in Trinidad and Tobago. The overall decline could be linked to factors including the reduction of total government expenditures in the sector and the negative evolution of the student-to-teacher ratio (Chapter 2). In 2023, education spending in the region accounted for 12.7% of total government expenditures, down from 13.9% a decade earlier. These figures are below the Latin America average of 16.4% in 2023 (Arias et al., 2024[8]) (Chapter 2).
Figure 4.3. Satisfaction with the quality of public schools, selected Caribbean countries and Latin America, 2014-23
Copy link to Figure 4.3. Satisfaction with the quality of public schools, selected Caribbean countries and Latin America, 2014-23Share of citizens by level of satisfaction with the quality of public schools

Note: The question featured in the figure is: “Are you very satisfied, satisfied, dissatisfied or very dissatisfied with the quality of public schools?”. The Latin American average considers Argentina, Plurinational State of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay. The Caribbean average considers The Bahamas, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on LAPOP Lab (2023[3]).
Regarding the condition of streets, roads and motorways, 46.7% of Caribbean people were satisfied or very satisfied in 2023, on average, 8 p.p. less than in 2014. In Latin America, half of the population was satisfied or very satisfied in 2023 with the condition of roads, a decrease of 5 p.p. from 2014.
Improving the quality of public services is paramount for sustainable development as it directly enhances well-being and productivity. Providing high-quality, efficient and effective public services can build trust, help attract investment, and encourage greater civic engagement and compliance with regulations.
Caribbean citizens are particularly concerned about security and the economy
In 2023, security issues were the most serious problem for one-third of Caribbean citizens (33.1%), on average in 8 countries with comparable available data, followed by economic issues (29.5%) and unemployment (11.3%) (Figure 4.4). Security was the top concern in Haiti (65%), Jamaica (60.1%), Trinidad and Tobago (57.6%) and Bahamas (48.4%), while economic concerns predominated in Suriname (76.3%), Belize (49.7%) and the Dominican Republic (42.2%). Unemployment was the main concern in Grenada (38.7%) and ranked second in Jamaica (12.3%).
Figure 4.4. Top concerns for citizens in Caribbean countries, 2023
Copy link to Figure 4.4. Top concerns for citizens in Caribbean countries, 2023Share of citizens by perceived most serious problem faced by their country

Note: The question featured in the figure is: “In your opinion, what is the most serious problem faced by the country?”. The Latin America average considers Argentina, Plurinational State of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay. The Caribbean average considers The Bahamas, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Suriname.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on LAPOP Lab (2023[3]).
Strengthening citizen security is paramount as crime and violence represent an important challenge in many Caribbean countries
Caribbean countries exhibit the highest per capita average murder rates globally, with as much as 23.7 intentional homicides per 100 000 people (well above the Latin American average, at 15.1) (Figure 4.5). The situation varies across countries but poses a shared challenge for the region (Cafferata and Scartascini, 2021[9]). The average cost of crime in the Caribbean is estimated at 3.7% of GDP (IDB, 2017[10]). To put this into context, a 3% of GDP cost is roughly equivalent to the total income of the poorest 30% of the Caribbean population, suggesting that if crime were eliminated, the income of the poorest 30% could effectively double (IDB, 2017[10]).
Significant levels of homicidal violence are associated with organised crime (UNODC, 2023[11]). The recent increase in homicidal violence is predominantly due to intense gang competition over drug markets. In Jamaica, the homicide rate reached 53.3 per 100 000 persons in 2022, with approximately 70% of these homicides linked to organised criminal groups or gangs. Saint Lucia reported a homicide rate of 36.7 per 100 000 in 2022, marking a slight decrease from the previous year. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines recorded a rate of 40.4 per 100 000 people. Trinidad and Tobago experienced a notable rise, with the homicide rate reaching 39.5 per 100 000 in 2022 (UNODC, 2022[12]). This was an increase of more than 30% from the previous year. The Bahamas reported a homicide rate of 31.2 per 100 000, and Haiti experienced a surge in its rate to 18 per 100 000 in 2022, an increase of over 35% from 2021, driven mainly by escalating gang-related tensions1 (UNODC, 2022[12]) (Figure 4.5). Deadly violence in Haiti has continued to increase since 2022, reaching 4 448 people killed only between January and September of 2024 (BINUH, 2024[13]) (Box 4.1). Increased gang fragmentation has contributed to rising insecurity, affecting 57% of the population in Trinidad and Tobago and 35% in Jamaica between January and September 2024 (Pellegrini, 2024[14]).
The use of firearms is particularly widespread in the Eastern Caribbean (IMF, 2017[15]). Young people, particularly men aged 15-29, are disproportionately affected by violent crime, both as victims and perpetrators. Meanwhile, women are more affected by homicides linked to domestic violence and intimate partner violence. Crime prevention among young people, a better tertiary education offer, and a strengthened judicial system and police force could help reduce high crime levels (OECD, 2022[16]).
Figure 4.5. Intentional homicides rate in the Caribbean, 2022
Copy link to Figure 4.5. Intentional homicides rate in the Caribbean, 2022
Note: The OECD average considers all OECD member states except Finland, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom. Latin American average considers Argentina, the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Brazil (2021), Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala (2021), Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru (2020) and Uruguay. The Caribbean average considers Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica (2021), the Dominican Republic, Grenada (2021), Guyana (2021), Haiti, Jamaica, Saint Kitts, and Nevis (2021), Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on UNODC (2022[12]).
Box 4.1. Spotlight on Haiti
Copy link to Box 4.1. Spotlight on HaitiHaiti remains the poorest country in the LAC region and one of the poorest globally, with a GDP per capita of USD 1 694.1 in 2023 (World Bank, 2024[17]). In 2023, 90% of the population lived below the poverty line, while one third lived in extreme poverty (UNESCO, 2023[18]). Economic pressures include high unemployment, falling remittances, and limited access to essential public services, all contributing to declining income in two-thirds of households, as indicated by the 2023 High-Frequency Phone Survey (World Bank, 2024[17]). Persistent rural poverty, geographic inequalities, and one of the highest population densities in the Caribbean exacerbate infrastructure shortages and erode trust in government institutions (OECD, 2020[19]). In 2017, only 19.5% of citizens expressed satisfaction with health services (LAPOP Lab, 2023[3]). With government expenditure estimated at just 8.24% of GDP in 2022, Haiti faces substantial obstacles in addressing the needs of its citizens and building effective governance (IMF, 2022[20]).
Haiti’s historical challenges in governance and socio-economic progress have been compounded by political instability, social stratification, and natural disasters since its independence, making it more difficult to consolidate democracy and political institutions (OECD, 2021[21]). The country held its first democratic election in 1990, but a military coup in 1991 disrupted this initial democratic episode, leading to a repressive regime and an international embargo. Another democratic phase began in 2000 yet was marked by allegations of fraud and low voter turnout (OECD, 2021[21]). Increasing social discontent and institutional instability followed, resulting in armed conflict. In 2004, the United Nations led international interventions aimed at supporting Haiti’s democratic transition, with efforts to protect human rights and strengthen the police force and the judicial system (Heine and Thompson, 2011[22]; OECD, 2021[21]). The recent escalation in violence has intensified the calling for comprehensive international support. Currently, over 2.7 million Haitians live in areas controlled by gangs, which has severely hindered the ability of both local authorities and international organisations to provide essential services, including food, health care, and security. The recent Kenyan-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission aims to support the Haitian National Police. Still, Haiti continues to require sustained international backing and a multifaceted approach that goes beyond emergency interventions to address the country's underlying political, economic and security crises (Haitian Times, 2024[23]).
Caribbean countries, on average, show similar perception levels of security risks as Latin American countries (5.7 compared to 5.4) but more than double the rates of OECD countries (2.4). Trinidad and Tobago (7.3), Jamaica (7), Haiti (6.8), Belize (6.8) and Guyana (6.5) show security risks above the Caribbean average (5.7) (Figure 4.6). In Jamaica, Belize, and Trinidad and Tobago, this perception coincides with high homicide rates (Figure 4.5). Moreover, in 2022, 37% of Caribbean firms considered crime, theft, and disorder as severe or very severe obstacles to performing their operations (IDB, 2021[7]) (Chapter 1).
Figure 4.6. Security risks indicator, selected Caribbean countries, 2022
Copy link to Figure 4.6. Security risks indicator, selected Caribbean countries, 2022
Note: The Security Risks Index measures the security threats to a state, such as bombings, attacks and battle‑related deaths, rebel movements, mutinies, coups, or terrorism. The index also considers serious criminal factors, such as organised crime and homicides, and the perceived trust of citizens in domestic security.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on The Fund for Peace (2023[24]).
Trust in the police is low in the Caribbean, although there are important variations across countries. A total of 37% of the population in Jamaica and 25% in Trinidad and Tobago reported that they do not trust the police at all (Sutton et al., 2017[4]). Substantial police investments and the region’s small population have led to a high police-to-population ratio in several countries. The Bahamas has 846 police officers per 100 000 inhabitants, and Jamaica has 424, well above the world average (366). In LAC, there are 436 police officers per 100 000 inhabitants, on average. Yet, police effectiveness in the Caribbean is low. According to the latest available data, about half or less of all homicides were resolved by the police in The Bahamas (51% detection), Jamaica (40%), and Trinidad and Tobago (14%) (Sutton et al., 2017[4]).
Caribbean citizens call for action to fight climate change
In 2023, more than 90% of citizens in the Caribbean considered climate change a serious problem if no action is taken, showing similarly high levels of concern in the seven Caribbean countries with data available. Latin Americans expressed similar levels of concern (89.4% on average) (Figure 4.7).
Figure 4.7. Caribbean citizens consider climate change a very serious problem, 2023
Copy link to Figure 4.7. Caribbean citizens consider climate change a very serious problem, 2023Share of citizens who consider that climate change will be a serious problem if no action is taken

Note: The question featured in the figure is: “If nothing is done to reduce climate change in the future, how serious of a problem do you think it will be for (country)?”. The Latin American average considers Argentina, Plurinational State of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay. The Caribbean average considers The Bahamas, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on LAPOP Lab (2023[3]).
Advancing more effective and inclusive institutions in the Caribbean
Copy link to Advancing more effective and inclusive institutions in the CaribbeanTo meet citizens’ aspirations and rebuild trust, public institutions must become more effective and inclusive. Good government policies depend on sound data for effective, equitable and evidence-based decision making (OECD, 2020[25]). Evaluations of policies and programmes can highlight underlying problems or point to other areas of public concern, making them an essential aid to policy makers (Coglianese, 2012[26]). Similarly, digital transformation offers different opportunities to transform public institutions.
More inclusive and transparent institutions can curb the misuse of public funds, ensuring resources are effectively allocated to essential public services like education, health and strategic infrastructure. Empirical evidence shows a positive correlation between more inclusive institutions and enhanced public service delivery (e.g. health or education), improved well-being and higher levels of trust (UNDP and DIE, 2022[27]). Conversely, low political engagement and lack of transparency in LAC are associated with higher corruption, undermining economic growth and the quality of critical services like health and education (Warf and Stewart, 2016[28]). This section examines the role of improved and more accessible data, along with digital transformation, in fostering more effective institutions. It highlights the importance of promoting citizen engagement and addressing the multiple vulnerabilities faced by women in the region as key steps towards advancing more inclusive institutions.
Effective institutions: The role of better and more accessible data and digital transformation
Perceived levels of government effectiveness are diverse across Caribbean countries. Most of them score above the LAC average in the World Bank’s government effectiveness indicator (Figure 4.8). Nonetheless, Belize, Guyana, Antigua and Barbuda, Suriname, and Haiti fall below this benchmark. While the effectiveness of public institutions depends on multiple, often interrelated factors, this section focuses on two key dimensions where Caribbean counties show particularly relevant challenges and opportunities: strengthening data for evidence-based policy making and the transformative potential of digital technologies.
Figure 4.8. Government effectiveness in the Caribbean, 2022
Copy link to Figure 4.8. Government effectiveness in the Caribbean, 2022
Note: The government effectiveness indicator relies exclusively on perception data from surveys of firms and households and experts’ assessments. It reflects the quality of public services, the quality of the civil service and the degree of its independence from political pressures, the quality of policy formulation and implementation, and the credibility of the government's commitment to such policies. The y-axis shows the country's rank among all countries with available data for the indicator, with 0 corresponding to lowest rank and 100 to highest rank. The ranking of countries should be interpreted cautiously as the 90% confidence intervals are broad.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on World Bank (2022[29]).
Well-developed statistical systems are essential for fostering more effective institutions
National statistical systems (NSSs) in the region need to be improved. NSSs are essential for governments to make informed decisions and implement evidence-based policies that address citizens' needs. The Caribbean’s overall Statistical Performance Indicator (SPI) score stands at 55.6, below the global average (68.8) and significantly below Latin America (74.4) and the OECD (89.7) averages (Figure 4.9). Moreover, only half of Caribbean countries with data available were implementing a statistical plan in the region in 2021 (Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, and Suriname), which is below the percentage of countries in Latin America (60%), the world (82%), and the OECD (97%).
Caribbean countries have made efforts to enhance their statistical capacities in recent years. The overall SPI score has increased by 29%, rising from 43.1 in 20162 to 55.6 in 2022, compared to 18% for Latin America and the world and 10% for OECD countries over the same period. Data quality can be enhanced by generating more comprehensive and accurate survey, census, administrative, and geospatial data as well as by encouraging the private sector and citizens to contribute their own data (World Bank, 2021[30]). In addition, stronger legislation, robust institutional frameworks, consistent statistical standards and improved statistical literacy among producers and users can support the development of better data infrastructure (World Bank, 2021[30]).
Figure 4.9. Statistical Performance Indicator (SPI) overall score by region, 2022
Copy link to Figure 4.9. Statistical Performance Indicator (SPI) overall score by region, 2022
Note: The Latin American average considers 17 countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. The Caribbean average considers 15 countries: Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago. The OECD average includes all OECD member states.
The SPI monitors NSSs’ progress and identifies areas for further improvement among five different components: i) data use, ii) data services, iii) data products, iv) data sources, and v) data infrastructure.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on World Bank (2022[31]).
Data coverage and openness can be improved in the Caribbean. Open Data Inventory (ODIN) assesses the coverage and openness of official statistics to identify gaps, promote open data policies, improve access and encourage dialogue between NSOs and data users. According to this metric, data coverage and openness in the Caribbean region (40.9) in 2020 was, on average, 7.6 points lower than in Latin American countries (48.5), 9.2 points lower than the global average (50.1) and 26.9 points lower than in OECD countries (67.8) (Figure 4.10). The inventory shows high heterogeneities across Caribbean countries. Jamaica or Saint Lucia scored above 60 points, close to the OECD average, while Haiti, Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana had values below 30 points. On the positive side, the Caribbean region improved its average score by more than 15 points in four years, reaching 40.9 in 2020, compared to 25.7 in 2016 (PARIS21, 2021[32]).
Figure 4.10. Open data inventory (ODIN) overall score for data coverage and openness, selected Caribbean countries, Latin America and OECD, 2020
Copy link to Figure 4.10. Open data inventory (ODIN) overall score for data coverage and openness, selected Caribbean countries, Latin America and OECD, 2020
Note: Index 0-100. Open Data Inventory (ODIN) assesses the coverage and openness of official statistics. Data openness evaluates how accessible and usable data are, including their availability in machine-readable and non-proprietary formats, the presence of metadata, bulk download options, user-specific selections via APIs, and open licensing terms. Data coverage examines the comprehensiveness of the data, considering the availability of key indicators across various domains, appropriate disaggregation over time and geographic subdivisions, and sufficient time span to facilitate thorough analysis. The OECD average considers all OECD member states. The Latin America average considers Argentina, the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay. The Caribbean average considers the countries appearing in the graph.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on PARIS21 (2021[32]).
Data gaps are important in several Caribbean countries, particularly on social issues like poverty and inequality. In fact, among the thirteen Caribbean countries with existing poverty data, only Suriname and the Dominican Republic reported updated data on this matter after 2020, while five of these countries rely on information dating back to the early 2000s (Chapter 2). Political sensitivities often hinder the collection or publication of poverty data. Regional co-operation could help overcome these challenges by leveraging economies of scale to produce regular, high-quality statistics (OECD, 2022[16]). Without updated data, the evolution of poverty levels cannot be measured, effective policies cannot be crafted, and social welfare spending risks being misdirected (World Bank, 2023[33]).
While Caribbean countries face an increasing need to create and interpret data for informed decisions and policy development, NSOs struggle with capacity issues, including limited technical expertise, outdated legislation and lack of co-ordination. Co-ordination across data produced by NSOs and specific ministries and governmental entities that produce their own data is needed to maximise the potential impact of evidence-based policy decisions. Actions to foster the development of NSOs should prioritise several areas, including the commitment to continuous education for all staff, helping promote statistical literacy among the general population, and on a broader policy level, establishing formal co-ordination mechanisms and data-sharing agreements within the National Statistical System. For example, the Barbados Learning and Development Directorate has co-ordinated different courses to increase data literacy, which are available for workers in the public sector and the general public (OECD/CAF, 2022[34]).
Creating National and Regional Strategies for the Development of Statistics (NSDS and RSDS) can enhance data production and capacity in the Caribbean. In 2023, the OECD Partnership in Statistics for Development in the 21st Century (PARIS21) updated its NSDS Guidelines 3.0, emphasising budgeting, financing and gender mainstreaming. In the Caribbean, PARIS21 has provided technical assistance to countries like Belize to help design, review and evaluate their NSDS, aligning national statistical systems with global standards and national development plans (NDPs). These efforts focused on improving the alignment of data supply with demand and supporting resource mobilisation. PARIS21 also facilitated workshops and regional collaborations to strengthen statistical planning and address gender and climate change considerations (PARIS21, 2024[35]). Similarly, the OECS Regional Strategy for the Development of Statistics (RSDS) 2017-30 prioritises statistical literacy, user needs, and data dissemination, while CARICOM’s RSDS 2019-30 focuses on producing and using quality data to inform decision making (CARICOM, 2018[36]; Floyd, Mkrtchyan and Abdulkadr, 2023[37]). From 2015 to 2023, the Project for Regional Advancement of Statistics in the Caribbean (PRASC), funded by Canada, supported CARICOM’s national statistical agencies by improving national accounts systems, strengthening business and household surveys, introducing new information-sharing mechanisms, and creating an online knowledge base with training and resources for NSOs (Statistics Canada, 2023[38]).
Digital transformation can enable more efficient public services
The digital transformation can help increase the efficiency of public services. Action on five key areas is needed to advance digital transformation: governance and institutional framework, legal and regulatory framework, digital talent and change management, infrastructure and technology, and new digital processes and services (Cristia et al., 2022[39]; Cubo et al., 2022[40]).
Some key challenges Caribbean countries face relate to bridging digital gaps and developing comprehensive digital government strategies. Prioritising data-driven approaches and enhancing the interoperability of digital tools are needed to ensure inclusive digital transformations and advance government transparency and efficiency (OECD/CAF, 2023[41]).
Caribbean governments have started modernising their e-government services, but the results have been mixed. The 2022 United Nations E-Government Survey classified Caribbean countries with a very high, high, middle or low E-Government Development Index (EGDI) (Table 4.1). Implementing e-government services in the Caribbean can be challenging due to resource-intensive processes, small economies and limited economies of scale.
Table 4.1. E-Government Development Index (EGDI), selected Caribbean countries, 2022
Copy link to Table 4.1. E-Government Development Index (EGDI), selected Caribbean countries, 2022
E-Government Development Index |
||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Low |
Middle |
High |
Very High |
|
Countries |
Haiti faces significant challenges in terms of information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure and human capital, resulting in limited e-government services. |
Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada and Antigua and Barbuda are working towards enhancing their e-government services. |
Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica, and the Dominican Republic |
Barbados and The Bahamas |
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on United Nations (2022[42]).
Moreover, seven Caribbean countries – The Bahamas, Dominican Republic, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Saint Lucia and Suriname – have shown a decline in their rankings since 2018. The Online Services Index, part of the EGDI that evaluates e-government service maturity, indicates that most services in the Caribbean are in the early stages and offer limited interactive capabilities (United Nations, 2022[42]).
The development of technologies like artificial intelligence (AI) can offer significant benefits to governments and the public sector when used effectively. It is estimated that public servants spend 30% of their time on repetitive administrative tasks (Eggers, Schatsky and Viechnicki, 2017[43]). AI can serve as a tool to enhance resource and time efficiency, enabling public servants to focus on higher-value tasks while improving communication, citizen engagement, and service delivery quality (OECD/CAF, 2022[34]; Ubaldi et al., 2019[44]). The successful integration of AI in the public sector and the broader economy will also require new skills to ensure effective service delivery and mitigate the adverse effects of increased task automation (Acemoglu, 2021[45]).
In the Caribbean, only the Dominican Republic has expressed explicit interest in developing a national AI approach. Barbados and Jamaica are developing legal frameworks for data protection, an essential foundation for AI adoption in the public sector. Trinidad and Tobago is gradually exploring AI’s potential benefits, but progress will likely require significant effort and international support (OECD/CAF, 2022[34]).
At the High Level Conference: “SIDS 2.0: Defining the pathway for Small Islands Digital States in the Caribbean”, which took place in Trinidad and Tobago in May 2024, more than 100 Caribbean officials3 committed to advancing their digital transformation through the “SIDS 2.0” joint initiative, defining five key core pathways: digital infrastructure; governance; regulation and cybersecurity; business and economy; and people. This people-centred regional collaboration aims to overcome resource challenges and promote sustainable development (CAF, 2024[46]; UNDP, 2024[47]).
Inclusive Institutions: Promoting citizen engagement
Involving citizens in public decision-making enhances trust in government and democratic institutions (OECD, 2022[48]). More inclusive institutions can promote social cohesion and reduce marginalisation by amplifying the voices of underrepresented groups, including women, indigenous peoples, LGBTI communities, migrants, and informal workers (OECD, 2022[48]). Leveraging citizens’ views to identify and address pressing needs also contributes to more legitimate and effective policies (OECD, 2022[48]). Extensive evidence highlights the positive impacts of civic engagement in improving access to essential services, such as healthcare (Wickremasinghe et al., 2018[49]; Nwobashi and Itumo, 2017[50]) and water and sanitation (Guimarães, Malheiros and Marques, 2016[51]), while also reducing poverty and inequality (Nieto-Aleman et al., 2019[52]; Akobeng, 2016[53]; Das and Das, 2017[54]). This section presents citizen participation experiences across the Caribbean and highlights the need to address the multiple vulnerabilities experienced by women in the region.
Citizen participation experiences in Caribbean countries
Efforts to foster citizen engagement and strengthen social cohesion in the Caribbean encompass a range of initiatives. These include institutional transitions linked to constitutional reforms, independence, and the establishment of republics; social programmes aimed at vulnerable populations such as indigenous communities and high-violence areas; the adoption of digital tools; and the implementation of open government initiatives. While differing in scope and varying degrees of success in participation and impact, these experiences can offer lessons on engaging civil society.
The Constitutional reform process in Trinidad and Tobago, launched in January 2024, aims to gather citizens’ views in drafting a more inclusive constitution. A National Advisory Committee has organised 16 town hall meetings across all municipalities, three youth forums and launched a dedicated website4 to gather public input and raise awareness of the reform. Public consultations revealed concerns about strengthening democracy, combating corruption, and protecting environmental, social, and cultural rights. Expert meetings supported the committee in evaluating the reform’s practicality and feasibility (National Advisory Committee on Constitutional Reform, 2024[55]). Critics of the reform process emerged, alleging low participation and a lack of clarity on participation procedures and input evaluation.
Citizen engagement has also played a role in political transitions across the Caribbean. In 2021, 55 years after gaining independence, the government of Barbados expressed its will to start the process of becoming a republic. An independent study conducted by researchers from the University of the West Indies, in collaboration with the University of London, found that half of the respondents agreed the country should have its own elected head of state (Barrow-Giles and Devonish, 2021[56]), while 30% were indifferent between a republic or a monarchy (Barrow-Giles, 2021[57]). Since then, the country has been advancing towards a new Constitution. The Constitutional Reform Commission released a dedicated report in November 2024 outlining key recommendations to guide the reform process. These include empowering citizens through strengthening protections for basic rights, promoting gender parity in the Upper House of Parliament and increasing the number of seats to opposition parties in the Senate to enhance representation (ConstitutionNet, 2024[58]). In some Caribbean countries, referendums are necessary for transitioning to a republic. In Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, and The Bahamas, a simple majority is sufficient to consider the referendum valid, while in Antigua and Barbuda, Grenada and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, a two-thirds majority is needed. In 2009, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines held a referendum to become a republic, which failed as only 45% of the voters supported the change. (Carrington, 2022[59]). Similarly, in 2011, the Constitutional Reform Commission (CRC) in Saint Lucia recommended several political reforms, including a move towards a republic (Barrow-Giles, 2024[60]). Over five years, the CRC held over 200 engagements with community groups, schools, and constitutional officeholders, in addition to organising public lectures and panel discussions (Barrow-Giles, 2024[60]; CRC, 2011[61]).
In terms of citizen engagement to improve the impact of specific social programmes, an interesting example is the Amerindian Development Fund, created in 2012 in Guyana by the Ministry of Amerindian Affairs in collaboration with the UNDP. Its main objective is to promote the socio-economic development of Amerindian communities, which generally face marginalisation and high poverty rates (MoAA, 2016[62]). By 2019, 154 communities had participated, resulting in nearly 1 000 new jobs and locally driven development projects. The programme aimed to create Community Development Plans and fund community development projects identified by the communities themselves through an open and democratic dialogue process (GRIF, 2023[63]).
Caribbean countries are exploring the use of technology to enhance democratic engagement through e-participation tools that expand citizen involvement in decision making. For example, Jamaica’s Digital Citizen Participation pilot initiative, “Tell your MP”, was designed to familiarise civil society with the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) process and to increase constituent participation through a combination of digital and in-person methods (The Caribbean Open Institute, 2024[64]).
Public institutions in Caribbean countries are gradually becoming more open. Open government practices can help build public trust by fostering inclusiveness in public policy decisions (OECD, 2015[65]; Matasick, 2017[66]). The Dominican Republic and Jamaica have joined the Open Government Partnership (OGP).5 Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago meet the necessary criteria regarding fiscal transparency, access to information, disclosure of public officials’ assets, and citizen engagement, and are thus considered eligible for membership (OGP, 2024[67]). Jamaica joined OGP in 2021 and has prioritised modernising its legal framework for information access, youth involvement in environmental issues, and establishing an open justice data portal. The Dominican Republic, an OGP member since 2016, has focused on enhancing government transparency and citizen engagement through accessible data and participatory mechanisms. Its commitments have fostered reforms in areas like public procurement and environmental sustainability while creating a strong multistakeholder forum to amplify civil society voices (OGP, 2024[68]).
As a concrete example of open government actions, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and the Dominican Republic are implementing participatory budgeting initiatives to strengthen civic participation. Evidence shows that countries with a higher level of openness in the budget process tend to exhibit, on average, lower levels of inequality and higher levels of democracy (IBP, 2023[69]).
The Dominican Republic has implemented public consultations, with the General Directorate of Budget (Digepres) launching an online citizen budget consultation in 2023 to gather feedback and enhance transparency (Ministerio de Hacienda, 2022[70]). In Jamaica, the Jamaica Accountability Meter Portal (JAMP) aims to strengthen democratic governance beyond elections, promoting public oversight by using data to track public resources use and providing tools to help ensure parliamentary accountability (JAMP, 2018[71]). Outside the Caribbean, the Brazilian Transparency Portal exemplifies how open access to public information enables citizens to monitor public expenditures and hold officials accountable, leading to a 25% reduction in government credit card spending and the revision of social welfare programme rules following reports of fund mismanagement and nepotism, prompted by the publication of public officials’ salaries (OECD-OPSI, 2018[72]).
Policy reforms often directly impact specific communities and territories, hence the importance of involving them from the beginning of projects. Participatory tools should ensure the widest access for all citizens, especially the most vulnerable groups. Early citizen participation is crucial in decisions such as the location of facilities associated with an investment or the terms of an environmental impact assessment. Among other useful practices, neighbourhood assemblies and facility visits can allow broad consultations with enterprises and government representatives. Temporary co‑ordination committees can be instrumental in forming smaller groups that bring together representatives from companies, civil associations, neighbourhood groups, and local governments to supervise the progress of projects. In turn, collaboration with local universities or non-governmental organisations can be useful for providing technical assistance, especially at key moments such as pre-feasibility studies or environmental or social impact assessments (OECD et al., 2023[73]).
Local-level open government participation initiatives are emerging across the Caribbean. These include interactive community mapping projects in Jamaica aimed at boosting community-based tourism (Young and Verhulst, 2017[74]) and urban development initiatives led by UN-Habitat with local communities in several Haitian cities (Dame Marie, Jérémie, Beaumont, Les Cayes and Port-au-Prince) to design potential interventions and tailor urban planning to local needs and public space usage (UN-Habitat, 2024[75]).
Women are largely under-represented in the political and business life
Women in the Caribbean region face different obstacles – from gender-based violence to unequal pay and limited access to education and health care (Chapter 2). Women’s representation in politics in the Caribbean is also low. In 2022, women held only 23.7% of parliamentary seats compared to 33.8% in LAC on average (Figure 4.11). Guyana (35.4%) and Dominica (34.4%) show the highest female parliamentary representation, surpassing Latin America’s average. At the firm level, respondents in 6 Caribbean countries6 show that, on average, 70.3% of the owners and shareholders of the firms where they work are all male or predominantly male. This ranges from 60% in Jamaica to almost 80% in Barbados (78%) and Trinidad and Tobago (76%) (IDB, 2021[7]). Moreover, only 18.5% of Caribbean firms actively seek to employ, retain, develop and promote women, ranging from 8% in Barbados to 28% in Guyana (IDB, 2021[7]). Based on these figures, inclusive institutions need to promote women's empowerment and gender equality in the region, both in the public and private sectors and at the household level.
Figure 4.11. Women’s political representation in Caribbean countries, 2022
Copy link to Figure 4.11. Women’s political representation in Caribbean countries, 2022
The Latin American average considers Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela. The Caribbean average considers Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on OECD (2023[76]).
Towards a renewed social contract
Copy link to Towards a renewed social contractCaribbean citizens report declining satisfaction with democratic institutions and the quality of key public services, while their concerns about critical policy dimensions, including security, the economy and climate change, remain high. In this context, addressing society’s aspirations and rebuilding trust will require public institutions that are more efficient and inclusive. This section argues that these priorities should converge around a strengthened social contract, fostering a shared vision for Caribbean development built through consensus with citizens.
The section presents, first, the importance of rethinking the social contract in the region and analyses key pillars to make it strong, including how citizens trust and interrelate with each other and their support for policies that redistribute wealth and opportunities. Second, this section analyses how to make this renewed social contract possible, focusing on the importance of having a shared and co-ordinated vision of long-term development in Caribbean countries, built around a CoG approach and sound and inclusive National Development Plans (NDPs).
Caribbean citizens think their basic rights should be better protected, yet they have high trust in local communities and broad support for inequality reduction policies
The social contract is an implicit agreement encompassing a broad set of social norms, conventions, and shared expectations among various actors within a society. It represents a shared understanding of how power and resources should be allocated among various groups – notably citizens, the state, workers, and businesses – to achieve collective goals and what each social group gives to and receives from the state (OECD et al., 2023[73]; OECD et al., 2022[77]).
Strengthening the social contract in the Caribbean involves addressing society’s main concerns. It means, for instance, addressing the protection of basic rights, as more than half of Caribbean citizens (54.6%) believe these are not well protected (Figure 4.12). This represents an increase of more than 10 percentage points compared to a decade ago (43.6%) when levels were similar to the Latin American average (42.1%). While dissatisfaction in Latin America has also grown (+ 6.8%), it has done so slowly, rising from 42.1% to 48.9%. Dissatisfaction levels regarding basic rights protection in the Caribbean vary widely, ranging from one-third of the population in Grenada to 75% in Haiti. However, dissatisfaction with basic rights protection has increased over the last decade across almost all Caribbean countries. The highest increases were observed in Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago, where figures almost doubled, while in the Dominican Republic and Jamaica, dissatisfaction slightly decreased, remaining almost unchanged. In Belize, dissatisfaction fell by nearly six percentage points (Figure 4.12).
Figure 4.12. Perception of citizens’ basic rights protection, selected Caribbean countries, 2014 and 2023
Copy link to Figure 4.12. Perception of citizens’ basic rights protection, selected Caribbean countries, 2014 and 2023Share of citizens who consider that citizens’ basic rights are well protected by the political system

Note: The question featured in the figure is: “To what extent do you think that citizens’ basic rights are well protected by the political system of (demonym)?”. The Caribbean Average comprises eight countries: The Bahamas, Belize, Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago. The Latin American average consists of 16 countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on LAPOP Lab (2023[3]).
Despite growing dissatisfaction among citizens, relatively high levels of interpersonal and strong support for policies aimed at reducing inequality are key aspects that can help Caribbean societies progress towards a new social contract. Interpersonal trust serves as a foundation for collective action, particularly through civil society organisations, which can be powerful channels to foster a collective dialogue and advocate for better public policies at the local level (Keefer, Scartascini and Vlaicu, 2018[78]). Trust among citizens and the norms governing their interactions contribute significantly to economic growth. They encourage the accumulation of both physical and human capital, improve the provision of public goods, and cultivate an environment conducive to market development and knowledge exchange (Beuermann et al., 2018[2]).
Caribbean society is characterised by relatively high levels of trust within communities. An average of 70% of citizens believe their neighbours and those living in their community are very or somewhat trustworthy (Figure 4.13). These levels have remained stable over the past decade, in contrast to a notable decline in Latin America, where community trust dropped by 10 percentage points, from 67.7% in 2014 to 57.2% in 2023. In all Caribbean countries, more than half of the population expressed some level of trust in their local community, with rates ranging from a minimum of 52.2% in Haiti to 87% in The Bahamas and 79.6% in Suriname (Figure 4.13).
Figure 4.13. High levels of trust in the local community, selected Caribbean countries, 2014 and 2023
Copy link to Figure 4.13. High levels of trust in the local community, selected Caribbean countries, 2014 and 2023Share of citizens by level of trust in the people living in their community/neighbourhood

Note: The question featured in the figure is: “Speaking of the people from around here, would you say that people in this community/neighbourhood are very trustworthy, somewhat trustworthy, not very trustworthy or untrustworthy...?”. The Caribbean Average comprises eight countries: The Bahamas, Belize, Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago. The Latin American average comprises 16 countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on LAPOP Lab (2023[3]).
Policies aimed at reducing inequality have broad support in the Caribbean (Figure 4.14). Almost 70% of Caribbean citizens (68.4%) support the implementation of policies to reduce income inequalities, similar to the Latin American average (68.9%). Support for policies to reduce income inequalities remains consistently high across all Caribbean countries, with the strongest support observed in Suriname (71.9%) and the Dominican Republic (75.1%).
Figure 4.14. Citizens’ support for policies to reduce income inequality, selected Caribbean countries, 2023
Copy link to Figure 4.14. Citizens’ support for policies to reduce income inequality, selected Caribbean countries, 2023Share of people who consider that strong policies should be implemented to reduce income inequalities

Note: The question featured in the figure is: “The (demonym) government should implement strong policies to reduce income inequality between the rich and the poor. To what extent do you agree or disagree with this statement?”. The Latin America average considers Argentina, Plurinational State of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay. The Caribbean average considers The Bahamas, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Suriname.
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on LAPOP Lab (2023[3]).
Making a renewed social contract possible through institutional mechanisms to foster consensus and build a long-term vision of development
A renewed social contract requires far-reaching political agreement and consensus, re-balancing the roles of the state, market, society and the environment (OECD et al., 2021[79]; ECLAC, 2022[80]; Beuermann et al., 2021[81]), and taking into account citizens’ needs. This social contract should serve to rethink the current development model from a multi-dimensional perspective, putting sustainable development and citizen well-being at the centre. This involves advancing sustainable production and consumption strategies, strengthening welfare systems, and ensuring sustainable financing for development models (Table 4.2). As sustainable policies disproportionally affect different socio-economic groups, territories and generations, an intersectional approach is crucial to balancing costs and benefits and garnering support while avoiding backlash against the sustainable agenda.
Such a renewed social contract will only endure and bear long-term effects if it secures buy-in and support from a wide stakeholder base. Engaging opponents of reform through an inclusive and consultative policy process usually pays dividends by fostering greater trust among involved parties. Consequently, stakeholders become more willing to commit to measures that mitigate personal costs resulting from changes (OECD, 2022[16]).
In practice, the sustainable development agenda involves policy trade-offs and the reallocation of resources among economic sectors and political constituencies that could trigger the opposition of some interest groups. Building consensus necessitates establishing inclusive and shared platforms for negotiated stances. Encouraging citizen participation, including vulnerable or marginalised groups, throughout the policy-making process can enhance local ownership and generate more inclusive policies that address local needs.
Policy makers should also engage the private sector by promoting awareness of responsible business conduct practices and establishing stronger integrity policies to prevent policy capture by powerful groups. Adapting strategies to socio-political contexts and devising empowering and empathic communication strategies for proposed sustainable reforms are vital. Strategies must also include ways to compensate vulnerable groups adversely affected in the short term.
A renewed social contract involves virtually every domain of public policy. Policy makers must work strategically and co‑ordinate across sectors and levels of government to ensure a coherent policy agenda. An integrated approach is necessary to balance economic, social, and environmental trade-offs while leveraging policy spillovers among these fields.
The Centre of Government (CoG) can play a significant role in setting priority objectives and delivering results to citizens as it operates beyond the sector-specific limitations of ministries, departments, and agencies (Shostak et al., 2023[82]). While there is not a single institutional framework across countries, the CoG consists of the countries’ chief executive (President or Prime Minister), institutions, units and individuals that participate in the policy cycle, and of the functions shaping this process (Santiso, Lafuente and Martín, 2013[83]). These functions encompass identifying needs and setting priorities, allocating the necessary resources, co-ordinating efforts among the government actors and external stakeholders to deliver on these priorities, and evaluating, monitoring, and communicating the outcomes. (Shostak et al., 2023[82]).
Moreover, the CoG can act as: a bridge between the political and administrative layers; a steward of strategic vision driving cohesive actions; a guide of good governance to enhance public sector efficiency; a stabiliser during crises, building resilience; a communicator fostering trust while combatting misinformation; and a system to maximise its potential (OECD, 2024[84]). Ultimately, a well-co-ordinated and efficient CoG strengthens long-term government capabilities, enhances the pursuit and delivery of policy priorities to tackle multi-dimensional challenges, fosters co-ordination across ministries and agencies, and encourages the development of actionable delivery plans to meet promises and objectives. It also rigorously evaluates policies, tailoring them to specific needs and preventing costly errors while managing the political economy of reform (Shostak et al., 2023[82]).
A snapshot of national development plans in the Caribbean: A critical tool to foster a new social contract
National development plans (NDPs) represent an instrumental tool to support a shared long-term vision for national development pathways in the Caribbean, outlining strategic goals and objectives and linking policy objectives with long-term plans and citizens’ priorities. NDPs can help achieve consistent policy implementation over time, beyond short-term political cycles. This section presents existing NDPs in Caribbean countries and relevant aspects needed to advance towards a new social contract in the region.
A total of 12 Caribbean countries have NDPs or long-term visions in place: The Bahamas, Belize, Dominica, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago (Table 4.2). NDPs integrate various development areas, such as economic growth, social welfare, environmental sustainability and governance, to promote a co‑ordinated approach to policy making.
NDPs in the Caribbean do not have a common structure, but there are similarities in their main strategic areas. Environmental sustainability is a common priority. The Bahamas, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago all emphasise the need for sustainable management of natural resources, while the Dominican Republic and Grenada emphasise the need to address climate change and build disaster-resilient infrastructure.
Belize explicitly mentions health and well-being objectives, while most Caribbean countries include them more indirectly in broader human development goals. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Trinidad and Tobago highlight improving infrastructure and adopting modern technology, linking economic growth with technological development. Cultural identity and national pride are integrated into the plans of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Jamaica, underscoring the importance of social cohesion and cultural preservation in national development.
Governance and efficient public administration are emphasised across the region, with countries like The Bahamas, Belize, the Dominican Republic, and Suriname prioritising institutional transparency goals. Human capital and social development are also central, with The Bahamas, Belize, Grenada, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines focusing on education and social well-being. Economic growth and resilience feature prominently, with Belize, Dominica, Grenada and Jamaica targeting economic development and transformation.
Interconnected themes demonstrate comprehensive notions of development in the Caribbean. The themes include governance, human capital, economic resilience, environmental sustainability, social equity, and cultural identity. Countries need to enhance implementation, monitoring, and evaluation capacities to help make these goals a reality.
OECS countries have adopted the OECS Development Strategy 2019-28. This strategy is organised around three main pillars: generating economic growth; promoting human and social well-being; and the sustainable use of natural endowments (OECD, 2022[16]).
Table 4.2. National Development Plans, selected Caribbean countries
Copy link to Table 4.2. National Development Plans, selected Caribbean countries
Country |
Year |
Strategic pillars |
---|---|---|
The Bahamas |
2040 |
(1) Governance; (2) Human capital; (3) Environment; (4) Economy |
Belize |
2030 |
(1) Democratic governance for effective public administration and sustainable development; (2) Education for development; (3) Economic resilience; (4) Healthy citizens and a healthy environment |
Dominica |
2030 |
(1)E conomic development and transformation; (2) Environmental management; (3) Social development, social protection and poverty reduction |
Dominican Republic |
2030 |
(1) A state with efficient and transparent institutions; (2) Cohesive society; (3) An articulated, innovative and sustainable economy; (4) Sustainable environmental management and adequate adaptation to climate change |
Grenada |
2035 |
(1) High human and social development; (2) Vibrant economy with supporting climate-and-disaster resilient infrastructure; (3) Environmental sustainability and security |
Guyana |
2030 |
(1) Sustainable forestry and low-impact mining; (2) Implement mineral mapping; (3) Integrated planning and management of the mining and forest sectors; (4) Sustainable forest management; (5) Low-impact mining; (6) Forest climate services; (7) Ecosystem services; (8) Forest ecosystems; (9) Biodiversity conservation and protection |
Haiti |
2030 |
(1) Territorial reform; (2) Economic reform; (3) Social reform; (4) Institutional reform |
Jamaica |
2030 |
(1) Jamaicans are empowered to achieve their fullest potential; (2) The Jamaican society is secure, cohesive and just; (3) Jamaica’s economy is prosperous; (4) Jamaica has a healthy natural environment |
Saint Kitts and Nevis |
2030 |
(1) Human capital and well-being; (2) Poverty and inequality reduction; (3) Sustainable economic growth and innovation; (4) Environmental sustainability; (5) Peace, justice and institutions; (6) International partnerships; (7) Sustainable urban planning |
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines |
2025 |
(1) Re-engineering economic growth; (2) Enabling increased human and social development; (3) Promoting good governance and increasing the effectiveness of public administration; (4) Improving physical infrastructure, preserving the environment and building resilience to climate change; (5) Building national pride, identity and culture |
Suriname |
2026 |
(1) Good governance; (2) Security; (3) Employment; (4) Value addition; (5) Profitable industries; (6) Green growth; (7) International and local access; (8) Land rights |
Trinidad and Tobago |
2030 |
(1) Putting people first: Nurturing our greatest asset; (2) Delivering good governance and service excellence; (3) Improving productivity through quality infrastructure and transportation; (4) Building globally competitive businesses; (5) Placing the environment at the centre of social and economic development. |
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on ECLAC (2024[85]).
A sectoral analysis of NDPs in 12 Caribbean countries sheds light on the current long-term national priorities across the seven key areas of opportunity for development in the Caribbean identified in Chapter 3 (Figure 4.15). The results derive from a text-mining analysis reflecting the relative frequency within each NDP of certain topics linked to the seven priority areas. These areas are energy transition, the blue economy, digital transformation, nature-based solutions, the circular economy, sustainable tourism and sustainable transport.
Figure 4.15. Key areas of opportunity in Caribbean NDPs
Copy link to Figure 4.15. Key areas of opportunity in Caribbean NDPs
Note: Colour intensity indicates the frequency of mentions in the NDPs of 12 Caribbean countries. The darker the colour, the higher the frequency of mentions. The sum of the relative frequencies across all sectors in a country's NDP is 100. Each country's text data comes from their latest NDP.
Source: Authors’ elaboration.
Energy transition is frequently mentioned across most countries, particularly in Grenada. Due to its high reliance on non-renewable energy imports, which represent 91% of the country’s energy consumption, Grenada faces challenges with volatile energy markets and important CO2 emissions (MoF, 2019[86]). To address these issues, the country aims to ensure energy security and efficiency by implementing strategies such as feed-in tariffs to encourage investment and uptake of renewable energies, alongside implementing Minimum Energy Performance Standards (MEPS) to promote more efficient energy consumption (MoF, 2019[86]). Guyana, a commodity exporter, also places considerable relative importance in the energy transition and is committed to channelling revenues from carbon and ecosystem services into building a more sustainable energy system centred on hydropower, solar and wind power and fostering low-carbon growth by 2030 (Government of Guyana, 2022[87]).
The blue economy also appears to be a crucial area for most Caribbean countries. For instance, Belize is making considerable efforts to develop the blue economy, followed by Dominica and The Bahamas. Sustainable tourism is another primary priority in Caribbean NDPs, with particular relevance in countries like Belize, Haiti, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
There is however greater regional variation regarding the digital transformation and nature-based solutions, with some countries clearly standing out. As previously noted, the Dominican Republic is giving significant importance to accelerating digital transformation. Similarly, Guyana places nature-based solutions at the core of its sustainable development plan, giving particular importance to forest conservation, promoting sustainable forest management to preserve essential ecosystem services, expanding protected areas (particularly mangrove forests) and exploring green-grey solutions for coastal infrastructure (Government of Guyana, 2022[87]).
Finally, the circular economy receives only moderate attention, while sustainable transport receives the least attention among the seven strategic areas and across all countries in the sample (Figure 4.15). Across countries, initiatives to enhance the transportation sector are widely discussed. These efforts emphasize expanding access and capacity for public transport and investing in improved infrastructure for passenger and cargo transport to boost national and regional connectivity. However, concrete sustainable solutions are less frequently highlighted.
Key policy messages
Copy link to Key policy messagesThis chapter highlights the importance of more effective and inclusive institutions in building a renewed social contract that promotes fairness, trust, and resilience. Strengthening institutions is essential for addressing socioeconomic and environmental challenges, improving governance, and enabling inclusive development. The key policy messages outlined below present actionable priorities to help policy makers design reforms that make institutions more responsive, accountable, and effective in meeting people’s needs (Box 4.2).
Box 4.2. Key policy messages
Copy link to Box 4.2. Key policy messagesImprove statistical systems and the use of digital technologies for more effective institutions
Strengthen national statistical systems to close data gaps by improving data infrastructure, promoting statistical literacy, fostering stronger legislation and standards, and establishing co-ordination mechanisms and data-sharing agreements.
Enhance data quality by generating more comprehensive and accurate survey, census, administrative, and geospatial data by encouraging the private sector and citizens involvement as well as regional co-operation.
Advance digital transformation by investing in digital tools, e-government and AI in at least five key areas: governance and institutions, legal and regulatory framework, digital talent and change management, infrastructure and technology, and new digital processes and services.
Advance more inclusive institutions
Promote citizen participation in public decision making to enhance trust in government and democratic institutions while addressing citizens’ growing expectations including security, the economy, the environment, and the quality of public services.
Amplify the voices of underrepresented groups, including women, indigenous peoples, LGBTI communities, migrants, and informal workers to promote social cohesion and reduce marginalisation. Inclusive institutions should particularly promote women's empowerment and gender equality across the public and private sectors, and within households.
Renew and strengthen the social contract
Develop a shared and co-ordinated vision for long-term development, built around a Centre of Government approach and sound and inclusive National Development Plans.
Develop inclusive and shared platforms for dialogue and negotiation, encouraging private sector and citizen participation, including vulnerable or marginalised groups, throughout the policy making process to enhance ownership and foster alignment with citizen needs.
Tailor strategies to socio-political contexts, incorporating measures to compensate short-term impacts on vulnerable groups and prioritising clear communication strategies to build support for necessary policy reforms.
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Notes
Copy link to Notes← 1. At least 4 324 homicides were reported in 2023 in Haiti (BINUH, 2024[13]); 2 088 were reported in 2022, up from 1 489 in 2021 (UNODC, 2023[11]).
← 2. Data analysed starts from 2016 as the World Bank’s Statistical Capacity Indicator (SCI) was replaced by the Statistical Performance Indicator (SPI) that year. The SPI covers more economies, uses a broader range of data sources and incorporates additional components in assessing statistical systems compared to the SCI.
← 3. Participating countries: Aruba, Barbados, British Virgin Islands, Cuba, Curaçao, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Grenada, Guyana, Montserrat, Saint Lucia, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago. Representatives from Belize and Jamaica also participated.
← 5. A global initiative aimed at promoting transparency, empowering citizens and fighting corruption. Member countries craft open plans with commitments elaborated by government authorities in consultation with civil society and multiple stakeholders.
← 6. The Bahamas, Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago.