This overview chapter introduces the scope of the report, focused on the decarbonisation of the passenger mobility system in Catalonia, explains why a systemic approach can help Catalonia meet its ambitious climate targets while improving well-being, and presents the main findings and recommendations of the analysis.
Transforming Catalonia’s Mobility System for Net Zero
Abstract
Regions and cities play a fundamental role in triggering the systemic transformations needed to achieve the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) set in the context of the Paris Agreement (IPCC, 2018[1]; OECD, 2020[2]). This report focuses on the decarbonisation of the land passenger transport sector in Catalonia, a region in northeastern Spain, whose capital is the well-known city of Barcelona.1
At the national level, Spain has committed to reaching net zero emissions by 2050, reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 55% in 2030 compared to 2005, and 32% in 2030 compared to 1990 levels (Gobierno de España, 2024[3]). To meet the 55% target, emission reductions are expected to come mainly from electricity, transport and industry, with reductions of 32, 32, and 19 million tons of carbon dioxide equivalent (MtCO2eq) respectively (Gobierno de España, 2024[3]). Spain’s commitment to decarbonise the transport sector and promote sustainable mobility is also reflected in the 2021 Climate Change and Energy Transition Law2 (Gobierno de España, 2021[4]), the Recovery, Transformation, and Resilience Plan3 (Gobierno de España, 2021[5]), and the recent Sustainable Mobility Bill4 (Gobierno de España, 2022[6]).
Catalonia has committed to reducing GHG emissions by 51% in 2030 compared to 2005, by 27% compared to 1990 levels (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023[7]), and to achieve net zero by 2050 (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2018[8]). A transport-specific emission reduction target of at least 42.9% by 2030 compared to 2005 is currently being formalized (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[9]). The city of Barcelona has committed to halving emissions by 2030, compared to 1992 levels, and to reduce motorised private mobility by 20% to contribute to this target (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2022[10]). Catalonia has also committed to a paradigm shift towards sustainable mobility, reflected in its 2003 Mobility Law (Box 1.1) (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[11]).
Catalonia has been a pioneer in identifying the need to transition to a sustainable transport system, with its 2003 Mobility Law introducing a paradigm shift in the region’s mobility model from one based on private vehicles, to one that allows accessibility via the modes of transport with the least environmental and social cost (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[11]; Generalitat de Catalunya, 2006[12]). Its guiding principles are summarised in Figure 1.1.
Source: Authors, based on 2003 Mobility Law (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[11]).
The law encourages modal shifts towards sustainable transport modes, the rational use of private vehicles and space, and the integration of land use and public transport. Article 3e of the 2003 Mobility Law emphasises “the promotion and protection of sustainable modes such as the use of public transport, bicycles and walking, particularly in urban areas, while discouraging the use of less ecological means of transport”. Article 3j states that Catalonia’s policies should reduce congestion by “promoting the use of public transport and by means of dissuasive actions against the use of private vehicles in city centres”. The law’s preamble calls for “minimising the consumption of energy resources and space”. Article 3x emphasises the need to “integrate land-use planning with the offer of public transport (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[11]).
Reducing transport emissions will be fundamental to achieving the regional GHG emission reduction goals and for contributing to the national goals. In Catalonia, transport accounted for 32% of total GHG emissions in 2022 (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[13]). It is the highest emitting sector5 (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[13]) and emissions from the sector increased by 19% between 1990 and 2019 (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[13]). Road transport was responsible for 94% of domestic transport emissions6 in 2019 and a growing trend of emissions has been observed in recent decades (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2021[14]). Based on demographics and economic development indicators, projections estimate an increase of total passenger mobility of 1% per year, from 2017 to 2050, totalling a 39% increase by 2050, compared to 2017 (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023[15]).
According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), meeting climate targets in the transport sector requires behavioural changes towards active, and shared modes (referred to here as sustainable modes), as well as the reduction of travel activity (IPCC, 2022[16]). Behavioural change also plays a crucial role in getting to net zero according to the International Energy Agency (IEA) (IEA, 2021[17]; IEA, 2023[18]). In line with IPCC and IEA results, transport modelling exercises suggest that policy packages that include efforts to trigger large-scale behavioural change away from private vehicles and towards sustainable modes are more closely aligned with net-zero goals than scenarios focused only on vehicle electrification/efficiency improvements (Box 1.2) (Fulton, Mason and Meroux, 2017[19]; Fulton, 2018[20]; ITF, 2021[21]; Barrett et al., 2022[22]). Results from the OECD Survey on Environmental Policies and Individual Behaviour Change also highlight the need for behavioural change and identify infrastructure as a key barrier to modal shifts (OECD, 2023[23]).
World urban transport modelling scenarios by Fulton, Mason and Meroux (2017[19]) find that the scenario assuming growing mobility demand, in which policies focus solely on electrifying and automating vehicles, falls short of achieving net-zero goals. In this scenario, emissions are reduced by 44% by 2050 (relative to 2015). A scenario that combines technological change with policies aimed at large-scale behavioural change towards sustainable modes (e.g. through urban planning) could reduce emissions by 76% by 2050 (relative to 2015) and is thus more closely aligned with net-zero goals.
ITF (2021[21]) scenarios are consistent with the results from Fulton, Mason and Meroux (2017[19]). They estimate that policy packages aimed at “reshaping” transport systems (e.g. to improve the attractiveness of public transport vis-à-vis private cars via road space reallocation) could lead to higher accessibility, reduced travel (passenger-kilometres), and tank-to-wheel emission reductions of 78% by 2050 (relative to 2015), compared to the business-as-usual scenario.
Energy-wise, Barrett et al. (2022[22]) find that in the United Kingdom, energy demand from transport could be more than halved in the most transformative scenario, with 60% of the obtained reduction in energy demand attributed to “avoid” and “shift” measures, and 40% to efficiency measures. “Avoid” policies aim at making motorised travel unnecessary, while “shift” measures encourage the transition from motorised travel to sustainable modes (ITF, 2015[24]).
Catalonia has been a pioneer in acknowledging the need for behavioural change and changes in infrastructure. As early as 2003, the region unanimously voted a mobility law committing to “guarantee[ing] accessibility to all citizens with sustainable transport modes” via “the prioritization of means of transport with the lowest social and environmental cost, both for people and goods” (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[11]).
However, triggering behavioural change towards sustainable modes (modal shifts, in transport jargon), and improving accessibility to reduce the need for mobility, has been challenging in practice. The design of Catalonia’s transport system – and many others across OECD territories – makes the use of private motorised vehicles more attractive than sustainable modes in most areas. This leads to an “attractiveness gap” across modes which fosters and locks-in the use of emission-intensive modes (ITF, 2023[25]; ITF, 2021[26]; OECD, 2024[27]).
By taking a systems approach (see Section 1.2), this report identifies processes and policy packages able to trigger systemic transformations to reverse this “attractiveness gap” (Figure 1.2) in favour of sustainable modes as a means to reduce emissions while improving well-being. While the report also refers to the need to reduce transport demand via the integration of land use and transport policies to increase proximity, further research is needed for detailed recommendations in this area.7
The analysis and recommendations in this report are based on inputs from local and regional stakeholders,8 desk reviews of selected plans and strategies, and international literature. To ensure that results reflect different realities in the region, authors interviewed local stakeholders and visited the following territories: Tarragona Functional Area (Camp de Tarragona), Girona’s Coast (Costa Brava), Western Pyrenees and Aran (Alt Pirineu i Aran), and Wider Barcelona Functional Area (Sistema Integrat de Mobilitat Metropolitana de Barcelona). While the information gathered at the territorial level does not allow for specific recommendations for each territory, the report refers to the application of policies in different contexts and suggests the co-creation of a roadmap involving stakeholders at the sub-regional and local levels.
The report’s insights aim to inform on-going processes in the region, which can provide concrete opportunities to accelerate the transition towards net-zero passenger transport systems and achieve the vision in the 2003 law. On-going processes include: (1) the development of the regional Integrated Plan for Energy and Climate (PINECCAT); a strategic framework for achieving the region’s climate targets (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[9]); (2) the revision of the Mobility Guidelines (DNM hereafter, based on the acronym in Catalan), a guiding framework to operationalise the priorities in the 2003 Mobility Law (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[11]); (3) the renewal of interurban bus concessions in 2028; (4) the development of mobility plans in Barcelona Girona, Tarragona and Terres de l'Ebre; and (5) Catalonia’s Smart Specialisation Strategy (RIS3CAT) sustainable mobility shared agenda.9 The analysis and recommendations in this report could also serve as inputs to national on-going processes, such as the Integrated National Energy and Climate Plan (PNIEC) and the Sustainable Mobility Bill, and be relevant for territories across the OECD with similar policy portfolios, system structures and goals.10
This report is structured as follows. The rest of this chapter explains why a systems approach can help trigger behavioural change towards sustainable modes and summarises key messages and recommendations. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 are structured around the three steps of the OECD process Systems Innovation for Net Zero: envision, understand, and redesign (see section 1.2). Chapter 2 assesses the extent to which the 2003 Mobility Law’s vision and the regional climate goals have permeated plans and strategies and discusses challenges in translating the law’s vision and climate goals into action. Chapter 3 examines the structure of the passenger transport system influencing current behaviour patterns and outcomes that emerge from the system. Chapter 4 assesses the potential of selected Catalonian policies for transforming the system structure. Chapter 5 provides recommendations for Catalonia, involving creating a roadmap through a shared process to translate the 2003 Mobility Law vision into action and achieve the region’s ambitious GHG reduction target.
A systems approach has been taken for this study, as it can help trigger behavioural change towards sustainable modes. In this report, the term behavioural change is intrinsically linked to the insight from complexity science that individual preferences – and the resulting patterns of behaviour observed over time – are largely determined by the structure of the system in which they are embedded (Calenbuhr, 2020[28]; Heino et al., 2021[29]).11 The system’s structure and its prevailing rules make some choices more feasible and attractive than others, thus influencing people’s behaviour.
When making transport choices, most people compare the attractiveness of available modes and choose the one that is most convenient to them. In Catalonia, as in most places, behavioural change towards sustainable modes is unlikely in a system in which motorised private vehicles are the most convenient option (e.g. faster or safer) by design in most areas. To trigger modal shifts towards sustainable modes and transition to net zero, the relative attractiveness of modes needs to be inverted (Figure 1.2).
To invert the attractiveness gap across modes, changes to the system’s structure – i.e. systemic or transformative changes12 – are necessary. By systemic changes, this report refers to changes in the system’s structure and the ideas or mindsets that shaped that structure, so that sustainable transport modes become the most attractive option by design, thus prompting behavioural shifts towards these modes at scale.
Note: This diagram is a visual – rather than a quantified – representation of the attractiveness gap between the use of private cars (left) and sustainable modes (right).
Source: Authors.
A systems approach can help policymakers identify and prioritise the policies with the most potential to trigger systemic change. The approach is based on insights from complexity science, which studies the characteristic and behaviour of complex systems. Complexity science suggests that a system’s structure – i.e. the way parts are organised – greatly influences the results and patterns of behaviour observed over time (Monat and Gannon, 2015[30]; Zimmerman, Lindberg and Plsek, 2009[31]; Sterman, 2000[32]; Systems Innovation, 2020[33]). It also suggests that there is more “potential for change” (Meadows, 2008[34]) in the way the system elements are organised (i.e. in the system’s structure), than in the properties of each element taken separately (Zimmerman, Lindberg and Plsek, 2009[31]), and that change can be faster than expected – in the desired direction or not – due to non-linearities or feedback loops.13
The analogy of an iceberg (Figure 1.3) helps to illustrate the relationship between the system’s structure, people’s choices and outcomes. Observed outcomes (e.g. traffic jams, pollution peaks, road fatalities, growing emissions) and related patterns of behaviors (e.g. people choosing private vehicles for the bulk of their trips) are the “tip of the iceberg”. These patterns arise from the structure of the system, which is in turn shaped by mental models or engrained ideas – both of which are less visible (“below water”).
Note: Systems thinking focuses on understanding the interconnectedness of elements within a system and seeks to transform the system’s functioning to influence future behaviour patterns. The analogy of an iceberg aims to shift the attention from the outcomes and behaviours fostered by a system (the “tip of the iceberg”), towards the system structure underlying such outcomes and behaviours (“below water”).
Source: Authors.
When taking a systems approach, the analyst focuses on understanding the interconnectedness of elements within a system (those “below water”) and seeks to transform the system’s functioning to influence future behaviour patterns. Policymakers taking a systems approach aim to identify where the potential for change – or leverage points, in systems jargon (Box 1.3) – lies within the system, and which policies can trigger this change and lead to better-functioning systems. A systems approach also provides tools to reflect on – and revise, if needed – the ideas or mental models which have shaped current systems.
The OECD has developed a three-step process (Figure 1.4) to facilitate the use of a systems approach in policy decisions. The analysis in this report is guided by these three steps.
Source: Authors.
In the first step of the process – envision – policymakers are invited to reflect on the ideas and goals guiding policy decisions, and on what is possible when these ideas change. The analysis in this step sheds light on the shared goal(s) – or lack thereof – guiding policy decisions and invites policymakers to imagine and agree on “what could be”. Since goals influence policy decisions and system functioning (Meadows, 2008[34]), when a system does not perform as expected, bringing to light and questioning goals, and the underlying ideas or mental models from which they emerge, is the first step towards triggering transformative change. This step is explored for Catalonia in Chapter 2.
In the second step – understand – policymakers are invited to visualise and reflect on how the system’s structure leads to current patterns of behaviours and outcomes, and to identify the policies with the most potential to “push” on high-leverage points and trigger systems change. Several systemic tools can help visualise the system’s structure and identify the policies with high transformative potential (transformative policies hereafter). These tools include causal loop diagrams, stock and flow analysis, and mental model analyses (Box 1.3). Chapters 3 and 4 in this report explore this step for Catalonia, with Chapter 3 focusing on understanding how the system structure affects travel choices, and Chapter 4 exploring the potential scope for existing climate-related transport policies to transform the system.
Several systemic tools are combined to assess the transformative potential of policies:
Causal loop diagrams (CLDs) help visualise the system’s structure. They make explicit the interconnections or causal relationships underlying the results produced by the system.
Stock and flow analyses shed light on the magnitude of stocks and flows in the system being analysed. Stocks change over time due to flows (inflows or outflows), they are the “system memory” and may lock systems’ functioning. The vehicle fleet and public transport infrastructure are examples of stocks. Vehicle sales and investments in public infrastructure are examples of flows. Stock and flow analyses are illustrated via the analogy of a bathtub in Chapter 4 (see Figure 4.8).
Mental model analyses focus on understanding the ideas that have shaped current systems and informed policy decisions.
The combination of these tools aims to focus policymakers’ attention on questions such as whether a policy strengthens (or weakens) feedback loops, reduces the loop’s dominance in the system, or leads to the creation of new loops. Further information is available in Chapter 4.
While not explicitly referred to in Chapter 4, the notions introduced by Meadows in her leverage points framework are present throughout the analysis. Meadows’ leverage points framework combines insights from CLDs and stock and flow analysis to identify “leverage points” (Meadows, 2008[34]). In systems jargon, the areas of the system with high potential for change are often referred to as high-leverage points. High-leverage points are places in which a small intervention may lead to changes in the system structure (i.e. the transformation of key feedback loops) capable of triggering large behavioural changes. Low-leverage points are places in which small interventions lead to small changes. In the iceberg analogy, high-leverage points are below water, at the level of the system structure and mental models.
In the third step – redesign – policymakers are invited to identify and agree on the policies to prioritise based on their transformative potential, and to design/lead processes to enable the conditions for implementing these policies at scale. While the “understand” step focuses on individual policies, no single policy can transform a complex system. This step therefore focuses on designing well-balanced policy packages, combined to enhance the transformative potential of single policy instruments. Chapter 5 pursues this step for Catalonia, presenting a roadmap for transformative change.
How transport systems, and territories overall, are designed is intrinsically linked to sustainability and well-being outcomes, both in the short and long run. Evidence suggests that territories fostering walking, cycling and shared transport for the bulk of the trips perform better in terms of well-being and sustainability than car-centric territories (ITF, 2024[35]).
Catalonia has been a pioneer in identifying the need to transition to a sustainable transport system. Its Mobility Law was approved as long ago as 2003, and introduced a paradigm shift in the region’s mobility model from one based on private vehicles, to one that allows accessibility via the modes of transport with the least environmental and social cost (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[11]; Generalitat de Catalunya, 2006[12]). In line with this law, the region has set an ambitious climate goal to reduce GHG emissions by 51% in 2030 (compared to 2005) (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023[7]) and to achieve net zero by 2050 (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2018[8]) and is in the process of defining a transport-specific emission reduction target for 2030 (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[9]).
Catalonia’s vision for sustainable mobility could, however, be more concretely translated into action. The law encourages modal shifts towards sustainable transport modes, the rational use of private vehicles and space, and the integration of land use and public transport (Box 1.1). While the plans and strategies analysed (regional, sub-regional and local) are aligned with the law’s objectives, the translation of the 2003 Law’s ambition into action is still vague in the documents analysed. Throughout the drafting of this report, documentation summarising or mapping priority actions across the territory to achieve the Law’s vision was difficult to find. The translation of the climate target into action is on-going via the development of the PINECCAT, a strategic framework for achieving the region’s climate targets. A technical document informing the PINECCAT 2030 puts forward targets per sector - including a transport target of at least -42.9% of GHG emissions by 2030 - and a list of actions to achieve such targets (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[36]). While the document does not yet indicate the abatement potential of actions and how they will be prioritised to meet the 2030 and 2050 targets, factsheets per action are being developed, including information on the action’s estimated impact on energy use, emission abatement potential, budget requirements, and responsible authorities for implementing each action, as inputs to inform forthcoming policy prioritisation discussions with different Government Departments.
There are several barriers to the translation of the 2003 law and climate target into action, as identified during discussions with stakeholders:
Disagreements over the desirability of the law’s vision, particularly concerning the future of the car industry. While some stakeholders support reducing the private car fleet to advance sustainability, others argue that this is an undesirable path as it could harm the automobile industry and regional employment.
Approaches and mindsets prevalent within the administration which are not always conducive to transformative change. A reactive mindset dominates, focusing more on mitigating current mobility demand than proactively shaping future mobility patterns. In addition, a tendency to prioritise mobility and the absolute attractiveness of individual transport modes – rather than considering accessibility and the modes’ relative attractiveness (see Boxes 2.2 and 2.3 in Chapter 2) – further limits the administration's capacity to implement the law’s transformative goals.
The region's fragmented governance structure is perceived as a barrier to holistic action. The lack of co-ordination mechanisms across institutions, limited human and financial resources, and the absence of harmonised data for decision making were frequently cited by stakeholders as barriers to achieving the law’s vision.
Triggering modal shifts towards sustainable modes and improving accessibility to reduce the need for mobility have been particularly challenging. This report finds that the design of Catalonia’s transport system, like many others across OECD territories (ITF, 2023[25]; ITF, 2021[26]; OECD, 2024[27]), favours the use of private motorised vehicles over sustainable modes in most areas. The current allocation of infrastructure and space locks the transport system into emission-intensive travel patterns. A legacy of long-lasting investment in private motorised vehicles has led to the accumulation of road infrastructure and space allocated to this mode. As a result, the stock of this infrastructure is several orders of magnitude greater than the stock of infrastructure and space for active and shared transport, increasing the attractiveness of private motorised vehicles and pushing people to choose this mode. Three dynamics underly and sustain car-centric travel patterns14 in the territory: induced car demand, urban sprawl, and the spatial inequality of sustainable modes. Induced car demand refers to the increase in traffic and congestion as a result of public policies expanding roads with the aim to reduce traffic and congestion (Mattioli et al., 2020[37]). Urban sprawl refers to the phenomenon of people moving away from urban cores into low-density suburban areas (OECD, 2018[38]). The spatial inequality of sustainable modes refers to the lack of space for sustainable transport modes, compared to the space allocated to private motorised vehicles.
The region has undertaken sustained and important efforts to decarbonise the sector in the last decades. Examples of these efforts include financial resources for rail and buses having tripled the resources allocated to road infrastructure between 2015 and 2021, the implementation of space reallocation initiatives such as Superblocks, fare reductions to public transport, incentives for electric vehicles and low-emission zones.
The travel patterns observed in the region and the system analysis in this report suggest, however, that Catalonia's current policies are not yet able to reverse the attractiveness gap between private vehicles and sustainable modes of transport. Policies such as incentives for electric vehicles and low-emission zones, while important to reduce emissions and improve air quality, focus on mitigating the effects of car use rather than fundamentally changing the stocks in the system leading to the prioritization of private vehicles. Fare reductions for public transport, though helpful for encouraging its use in the short run, have limited long-term impact as they do not alter the structural dynamics that favour private vehicles over other modes. Investments in public transport infrastructure and road space redistribution15 towards active and shared modes are essential and have transformative potential, but they need to be implemented at a greater scale and in parallel with efforts to reduce private vehicle attractiveness to effectively shift preferences away from private vehicles.
To achieve the systemic change envisioned in Catalonia's 2003 law, a policy package is needed that simultaneously improves sustainable transport options while reducing the attractiveness of private vehicles. To reverse the attractiveness gap between sustainable modes and private motorised vehicles, policy packages need to – simultaneously – improve services (add), subtract space allocated to private vehicles, in favour of sustainable modes, and connect sustainable modes. Reallocating funding from emissions-intensive to sustainable modes could further increase their attractiveness.
Catalonia could launch a process for the co-creation of a roadmap to translate the 2003 Mobility Law vision into action. The roadmap process could provide an opportunity for government officials to take a step back from managing current and predicted mobility demand to reflect on what needs to be transformed in the transport system so that better results emerge by design.
Policy packages acting on “both sides” of the attractiveness gap require the co-ordination of a wide range of stakeholders. The roadmap process could help to co-ordinate multiple actors by creating spaces to align visions, set clear, shared and measurable targets, identify the right combination of policies to transform the system and achieve targets in different territories, and rethink governance for holistic action (Box 1.4).
Align views and engage key stakeholders.
Catalonia could generate spaces for visioning exercises towards sustainable mobility systems at the regional and local levels, and foster questions and reflection on current and future approaches to system transformation. These spaces for discussion can enlarge the scope of “what could be”, trigger mindset shifts towards a transformative approach, provide inputs into on-going processes (e.g. PINECCAT, interurban buses concession renewal) and trigger discussion opportunities with key actors in the system (e.g. automobile industry).
Set shared targets and performance indicators to guide and monitor action.
Catalonia could set the inversion of the relative attractiveness of modes as the “compass” for policy prioritization across administrations. Such a goal could foster collaboration across institutions and geographical levels and orient efforts to the physical transformation of the system necessary to achieve modal shifts towards sustainable modes at scale.
Identify transformative policy packages.
To achieve the systemic change envisioned in Catalonia's 2003 law, a policy package is needed that simultaneously improves sustainable transport options while reducing the attractiveness of private vehicles. To reverse the attractiveness gap between sustainable modes and private motorised vehicles, policy packages need to – simultaneously – improve services (add), subtract space allocated to private vehicles, in favour of sustainable modes, and connect sustainable modes. Reallocating funding from emissions-intensive to sustainable modes could further increase their attractiveness. While accounting for territories’ specificities and needs, Catalonia could:
increase the ambition for reallocating public space for active and shared modes.
scale up investments in high-quality cycling/micromobility infrastructure and in parking and storage for bikes at major rail and bus stations to increase the uptake of cycling and micromobility and allow the practice of bike-and-ride.
increase the availability of (public and/or private) micromobility services by partnering with the private sector.
expand the T-mobilitat project to integrate private micromobility services and allow users to pay for multiple transport modes with a single account/card.
These policies need to be complemented with continued efforts to support vehicles’ electrification, the creation of low-emission zones, public transport fare integration and quality improvement of public transport services.
Strengthen governance and data management for holistic action.
Catalonia could consider expanding the functions of the Mobility Territorial Authorities (ATMs) in line with those mandated by the 2003 Mobility Law and further suggested in this report. ATMs could play a pivotal role in the transformation of the passenger transport system in the region. Due to the geographical level in which they operate, they could facilitate planning and the development of multimodal transport networks, while taking into consideration local needs. Catalonia could also build on international experience in data collection and management by leveraging comprehensive data collection, advanced analytics, and open data initiatives to enhance multimodal transport networks.
The process would require the co-ordination of the transport and territorial planning expertise of the Department of Territory,16 the Catalan Traffic Service, Mobility Territorial Authorities (ATMs) and local authorities. Co-ordination with the Ministry of Transport and Sustainable Mobility and other Autonomous Communities would help ensure the roadmap is aligned with national targets, for example, in the context of the PNIEC and the Sustainable Mobility Bill. In addition to this technical expertise, the process would benefit from the engagement of a variety of stakeholders from outside the transport sector (e.g. housing, energy, safety, economic, and health), and from outside the public sector (e.g. private sector, academia, civil society). It would also benefit from training sessions on systems thinking and transformative approaches for staff and selected stakeholders, to facilitate policy prioritisation and co-ordination throughout the process.
Catalonia’s Smart Specialisation Strategy (RIS3CAT) could support the roadmap co-creation process via its shared agendas. The RIS3CAT’s shared agendas bring together stakeholders from multiple backgrounds to tackle challenges related to a green and just transition (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2022[39]). The regional and multidisciplinary nature of the RIS3CAT can help bridge administrative and disciplinary boundaries by promoting cross-departmental discussions that may otherwise not take place. The RIS3CAT structure could also help to align regional and local goals, support discussions on resource needs for implementing transformative policies, and co-ordinate efforts across an ecosystem of actors that look beyond the public sector, to include academia, civil society and the private sector.
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← 1. Situated in the northeastern part of the Iberian Peninsula, Catalonia is an autonomous community within the Spanish state. Its population of 8 million spans a territory of 32 000 square kilometres, with an average density of 243 inhabitants per square km (IDESCAT, 2023[43]). Barcelona is the region’s administrative capital. The Barcelona Metropolitan Area hosts 3.3 million inhabitants (43% of the population) (AMB, 2021[44]) within an area of 636 square km (AMB, 2024[45]). The region has a GDP of EUR 270.710 million (as of 2022) (IDESCAT, 2023[46]), 6.5% of which is attributable to the automotive industry (ACCIO, 2023[42]).
← 2. In the context of the Paris Agreement and European commitments, the law aims to embed climate change mitigation efforts and the energy transition at the centre of political action (Gobierno de España, 2021[4]).
← 3. Funded via the NextGenerationEU funds, the 2021 Recovery, Transformation, and Resilience Plan supports the decarbonisation of passenger mobility via two components (components 1 and 6). With an estimated investment of EUR 6.5 million, component 1 (Shock Plan for sustainable, safe and connected mobility in urban and metropolitan environments) promotes the decarbonisation of urban mobility, and the improvement of air quality and well-being in cities and towns. Component 6 (Sustainable, safe and connected mobility) aims to modernise, digitise and improve the safety and sustainability of key interurban and intermodal transport infrastructure (estimated investment: EUR 6.7 million) (Gobierno de España, 2021[5]).
← 4. In February 2024, the Council of Ministers approved and sent to the Spanish Parliament the Sustainable Mobility Bill, which focuses on enabling the conditions for a sustainable, fair and inclusive mobility system in Spain. The bill's objectives include social and territorial cohesion, contribution to resilient economic development, the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, and the improvement of air quality (Gobierno de España, 2022[6]).
← 5. Followed by industry, which accounts for 28% of total GHG emissions (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[13]).
← 6. Domestic transport emissions include emissions from road, rail, maritime transport and civil aviation, as well as combustion in compressors by maritime transport, civil aviation, and gas transport; and emissions from military transport. Emissions from international flights and international maritime transport are excluded from the calculation (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2021[14]).
← 7. Areas for future research for an in-depth understanding of what generates mobility include an analysis of housing, land use, and the distribution of job opportunities across the territory, as well as further research on governance mechanisms able to foster land-use and transport policy integration.
← 8. Collected through interviews and discussions during a stakeholder workshop held on February 2024 in Barcelona. See Annex A for the list of stakeholders interviewed and Annex B for the list of participants to the February workshop.
← 9. Shared agendas help to co-ordinate the actions of diverse actors addressing related challenges in the region. See Chapter 5 for more.
← 10. This report is part of a series of case studies carried out by the OECD to build evidence on the implementation of a systems approach for the transition to net zero. A first case study at the national level was published in 2022, focused on Ireland (OECD, 2022[47]). This report provides insights at the regional level, and a study at the local level is being carried out in parallel in Dublin.
← 11. A system is “a group of interrelated, interdependent, or interacting elements forming a collective unity” (Fuenmayor, 1991[40]); “a complex whole” (Cabrera, Colosi and Lobdell, 2008[41]). The system’s structure or design refers to the way in which parts are organised or interconnected.
← 12. The terms systemic change, transformative change, and systems change are used interchangeably throughout the report.
← 13. A feedback loop is a non-linear cause-effect relationship. In a linear causal relationship, one variable affects a second, and the cause-effect chain stops there. In non-linear cause-effect relationships, one variable affects a second, which in turn affects the first one again, to produce a circular rather than a linear cause-effect chain. Feedback loops can be reinforcing or balancing. A reinforcing feedback loop is one in which a first variable alters the second, which then affects the first variable in the same direction. Reinforcing feedback loops accelerate over time, and systems dominated by reinforcing feedback loops lead to exponential growth (positive or negative). A balancing feedback loop is a feedback loop in a system’s structure in which variables affect each other in opposite directions.
← 14. Car-centric travel patterns refer to the situation in which private car trips represent the bulk of trips.
← 15. The terms road space redistribution and road space reallocation are used interchangeably throughout the report.
← 16. Including the Climate Change Office, which is part of the Department of Territory (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[48]).