Romania was long an emigration country. Substantial outflows of Romanians towards European OECD countries continued through the 2000s. Accession to the EU in 2007 contributed to a spike in outflows, and gradual lifting of transitional measures in different EU destination countries meant that more opportunities continued to open up in the years which followed. The arrival of Romanians in OECD countries persisted at high levels throughout the 2010s (Figure 4.1). The boom in 2007‑08 was largely in Italy and Spain, and in some cases represented emersion of Romanians already resident. Later flows were directly to Germany and the United Kingdom.
OECD Reviews of Labour Market and Social Policies: Romania 2025
Annual recorded inflows of Romanians to OECD countries, 2000‑22
Note: “Inflows” are not strictly comparable across OECD countries. Data for the United Kingdom are unavailable as of 2020 and fell sharply post-Brexit.
By 2015, Romanian-born were the fifth largest emigrant population in the OECD, with close to 3.4 million Romanian emigrants aged 15 and above residing in OECD countries in 2015/16 (OECD, 2019[1]). This was more than twice the figure in 2000/01. The numbers have increased since 2015. Most of these emigrants are working age; about 20% of the Romanian-born working-age population resides outside Romania. There is no registry of Romanians at foreign representations, so there is no exact count of how many Romanian-born or Romanian citizens reside abroad.
In addition to these settled emigrants who reside stably in the destination country, there are many more who reside in Romania but work for temporary spells abroad, primarily in Europe. In 2022, there were about 5.7 million Romanian citizens who lived at least 12 months in another country, and many others who performed work abroad for shorter periods. The census in April 2022, with reference to December 2021, counted almost half a million Romanians who had been temporarily abroad, of which half had gone abroad for employment.
In light of the tight labour market, Romania no longer seeks to negotiate bilateral agreements for placement of its citizens abroad. A 2014 BLA with Israel for construction workers led to limited placement, since wages and conditions had meanwhile grown more attractive in other destinations. The Romanian PES EURES service provides information on vacancies abroad, and statutory promotion of these positions as required, but the strategy is not to encourage seeking work abroad. EURES understandably tends not to push foreign vacancies in agriculture, ICT and the health sector, while construction and hospitality industry vacancies are promoted more visibly among Romanian job seekers. By now, however, PES mediation is not driving emigration, since job-search channels are well established and most Romanians are going abroad for employment through family and informal networks. The most significant barrier for employment in Europe by Romanians is the lack of language skills.
Emigration has tapered off in the 2020s, although it remains an important consideration and the possibility of employment abroad and expatriation is in the consciousness of Romanians. Remittances to Romania are a significant contribution – about 3% of GDP, according to World Bank Estimates, between 2015 and 2023 (Figure 4.2). Remittances declined following the Global Financial Crisis in 2008, but rebounded in the 2010s and were only interrupted briefly by the COVID‑19 pandemic. Most – more than 80% – come from within Europe. There is evidence to suggest that remittance levels fall off quickly as Romanians stay abroad more than one year (Mehedintu, Soava and Sterpu, 2019[2]). The long-term prospects for maintaining the high levels of remittances of the past decade will depend on continuing outflows for temporary work abroad, as well as efforts to involve Romanians who have settled abroad in the development of the country.
Note: OECD is a weighted average.
Source: World Development Indicators, dataset Personal remittances, received (% of GDP), accessed 12 August 2024).
4.1.1. The policy for emigrants is not oriented towards return for employment
The Law on Romanians Abroad is the main instrument for diaspora engagement, and the main implementing body is the Department for Romanians Abroad (DRA), under the Prime Minister. Prior to the creation of the DRA in 2017, there was a Minister Delegate for Romanians Abroad at the MFA and diaspora engagement was institutionally fragmented (Nica and Moraru, 2020[3]). Under Romanian law, a “Romanian Abroad” is defined as someone born in Romania or someone of Romanian ethnicity, and diaspora engagement encompasses these two somewhat distinct groups, although there is no specific difference in the activities of the Department for Romanians Abroad. Romanians Abroad can vote for two Senators and four Deputies in the parliament.
The policy framework within the DRA is not set to deal with all diaspora issues; the Law on Romanians Abroad focuses on protecting the rights of the Romanians abroad and their identity – in the spirit of the EU convention for protection of minorities – rather than attracting Romanians back or increasing the economic return to Romania from its substantial emigrant population. DRA also works to provide assistance – social and legal – to Romanians abroad who are not adequately covered by the social protection in their country of residence. The DRA works primarily through civil society bodies abroad, for which it provides capacity building and assistance in building community services. NGOs submit applications for support in these areas, including for purchase of real estate. The DRA also supports traditional diaspora engagement activities, such as direct support for short visits to Romania and summer camp places for children of Romanians abroad. Romanian cultural institutes abroad are part of the MFA and are tasked with promoting cultural diplomacy and mobilizing a wide set of actors, including NGOs, civil society representatives and independent personalities, around cultural projects; they are not meant to provide education to members of Romanian emigrant communities.
In order to develop a new Strategy for Romanians Abroad, the DRA commissioned a study in 2022, with focus groups and surveys, involving NGOs created to represent Romanians in major destination countries. One challenge in ensuring real representation is that many associations of Romanians abroad have been constituted not as grass-roots movements but in response to the need by the host country for representative institutions. Such associations may struggle to communicate the needs of Romanians living in the country due to their loose ties.
A form of consultative body exists in legislation, the “Congress of Romanians Abroad”. This body is constituted of self-nominating delegates approved by a technical parliamentary commission. It met once in 2016 but has since been dormant.
The budget for DRA and the National Strategy is now RON 150 million (about EUR 30 million), in Euro terms about 10 times the budget allocated in 2012 (RON 12.7 million). One proposal to increase resources for the DRA is to peg the budget to remittance volume, in order to provide more services to emigrants. The objective is to provide help and legal assistance, for those who fall between the cracks of social assistance or unemployment coverage in their countries of residence. DRA is not responsible for labour return, even if it can fund media which promotes return opportunities.
Part of the mandate of economic attachés at consulates is to promote investment in Romania, including among emigrants. There is limited evidence on the investment of diaspora. The motivations for diaspora investment in Romania are similar to those in other countries, although one obstacle which has emerged since the 2000s is the relative scarcity of labour in the tighter labour market (Bodocan and Egresi, 2021[4]). While there are no specific “diaspora bonds”, the Ministry of Finance does offer retail instruments that could be purchased by Romanians living abroad. An on-line platform under development could be used to promote access to retail government bonds and promote their purchase by emigrants.
The role of the labour and social attachés at Romanian embassies abroad includes contact with the competent central and local institutions and authorities in the field of labour and social protection in Romania and in the state in which they operate, including by joining field visits as observers, in order to facilitate solving the problems of Romanian workers. They are tasked with providing information and awareness actions – together with representatives of Romanian communities – for Romanian workers regarding their rights and obligations, as well as regarding illegal work and lack of social insurance.
4.1.2. Additional measures could be taken to attract emigrants back
The most important means to attract emigrants back to Romania – and to reduce emigration – is to improve wages and working conditions, and indeed the objective of convergence with European standards is where most of the hope of resolving net emigration currently lies. Some concrete efforts have been to improve relative conditions within specific sectors: in the public medical sector, there has been an increase in salaries for physicians in 2016, which staunched part of the outflow of medical staff, but this has not extended to other public sector roles. Returning Romanians who were registered as unemployed in Romania are eligible to benefit from some mainstream measures – in particular the “instalment premium” if they find employment in Romania and re‑establish their residence in Romania after at least 36 months abroad. The premium is a one‑time payment of RON 12 500‑15 500. However, they must have registered as unemployed while still resident abroad. An additional relocation premium of up to RON 900/month is available to all Romanians who move more than 50 km to take up employment and residence. Returnees to Romania (“repatriates”) who register for active labour market support are considered a vulnerable group. However, very few are registered. In May 2024, there were only 397 “repatriated” persons among the 236 000 receiving employment support measures.
Under the Start-Up Nation programme, returning Romanians who create businesses are eligible for up to RON 200 000 in subsidy for businesses creating two jobs, and 100 000 for businesses creating at least one job. RON 40 million were allocated for this programme and about 1 600 Romanians abroad applied for this support.
Even without wage increases, there may be interest in return for other reasons, and Romania can do more to provide information about options for return. One task of EURES is to inform Romanians abroad of the opportunities for employment in Romania – especially those emigrants who left many years ago. It collaborates with destination country EURES services to promote vacancies, although there is little support in destination country institutions for Romanian programmes to bring back its nationals. EURES also maintains contact with the labour attachés at Romanian representations abroad. Romanian employers have not been active in attempting to recruit workers back from abroad, even if experience abroad is viewed positively.
Beyond EURES, a more concerted campaign to support return should be considered, both with businesses – to raise awareness of the potential of recruiting among the Romanian diaspora – and with the diaspora. There are other European countries which have taken steps in this direction, through dedicated portals (OECD, 2013[5]). Poland has long had a portal for potential returnees, while Latvia has tried to focus on short stays by Latvian emigrants to foster scientific and entrepreneurial co‑operation (OECD, 2016[6]). A concerted return support policy requires providing information on issues as diverse as employment, school enrolment for children and how to ensure that pension contributions paid abroad will be safeguarded (OECD, 2020[7]). DRA has no role in provision of education to the children of returning Romanians abroad, but a return portal operated by DRA could still provide orientation towards options. On the point of pensions, with many Romanians working informally abroad or paying several years contributions into pension systems with which Romania has totalisation agreements, a return policy should also inform about and encourage voluntary contributions to maintain or accumulate pension eligibility in Romania – as allowed under the current legislation.
Diaspora engagement can support human resource development even without return. A number of countries have programmes to foster greater ties in business and scientific fields. The Congress of Romanians Abroad could serve in the future as the basis for more economic-focused exchanges, such as the Lithuania World Congress, which include business and innovation ties among its goals (OECD, 2018[8]).
Romania is a relatively recent destination country for immigration. In 2021, the foreign-born population recorded in the Census was 386 000, or 2% of the population. This is a lower share of the resident population than all OECD countries except for Mexico (Figure 4.3). Three main origin countries accounted for more than half of the total: Italy, the Republic of Moldova and Spain, which each accounted for about 19% of the foreign-born. The Republic of Moldova is a special case, due to close ties (Box 4.1. ). Italy and Spain include immigrants as well as foreign-born children of Romanian emigrants who returned. The share of foreign-born in the population, however, almost tripled between 2011 and 2021, from 0.7% to 2%, a faster increase than almost all OECD countries.
Foreign-born population as a percentage of the total population in OECD countries, 2012 and 2022
Note: Romanian census data for years 2011 and 2021. Data refer to 2012 or the closest available year, and to 2022 or most recent available year. OECD is an unweighted average. For Japan and Korea, data refer to the foreign population rather than the foreign-born population.
Source: OECD (2023), International Migration Outlook 2023, https://doi.org/10.1787/b0f40584-en, Figure 1.19.
Census data does not capture all immigrants and the numbers have risen since 2021, driven mainly by the influx of persons from Ukraine seeking protection and by new labour migrants.
One possible origin country for labour migrants to Romania is the Republic of Moldova. Indeed, many citizens of the Republic Moldova already work in Romania. Among these, many hold Romanian citizenship, so face no obstacle to employment. Those who do not can benefit from an exemption from the work permit requirement to hold jobs in Romania for 9 out of every 12 months. In addition, they may apply for visas (more than 3 400 applications in 2023). The same conditions are also available for citizens of Serbia and Ukraine, although this is rarely taken up. In light of the dramatic demographic situation in the Republic of Moldova and the fact that dual citizens of the Republic of Moldova and Romania can seek work throughout Europe, the Republic of Moldova is not likely to provide significant additional labour in the future.
Since the mid‑2010s, most migration of third country nationals has been for employment (Figure 4.4). In addition to migration for employment, Romania also hosts international students, discussed below.
Inflows of migrants by category, 2014‑23
Source: Eurostat dataset: First permits by reason, length of validity and citizenship.
4.2.1. Rising labour migration is driving inflows of third-country nationals
Labour migration has been steadily increasing in recent years. Prior to the pandemic, first permit issuance for employment rose from fewer than 2000 annually in 2014‑16 to 16 400 in 2019, and to 31 000 in 2022. Admissions for employment in 2023 were around 45 000. In addition to labour migration from third countries, there are also EU citizens exercising free mobility for employment: in November 2023, about one in three resident EU/EEA nationals – or 17 500 persons – held residence documents for the purpose of work.
In 2022, the GII registered more than 138 000 applications for the issuance of employment permits, and almost 109 000 employment notices were issued during the year. In 2023, there were 124 000 requests for authorisation of employment of third-country nationals – almost all for “permanent employment” – and 101 000 approvals. In 2024, 106 000 work permits were issued.
Despite this increase, the share of total employment comprising non-EU regular labour migrants is still very small. At the end of 2024, there were more than 100 000 third-country nationals holding residence permits for employment, up from 52 000, a 94% increase from 2022 (Figure 4.5). This corresponds to 1.2% of total employment, up from 0.6% of total employment in 2022. Almost half were from Nepal and Sri Lanka. Initial work permit issuance in 2023 was around 45 000 new permits, with Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh accounting for more than half. The number of third-country nationals holding a valid full-time employment contract – which may include some third-country nationals present in Romanian on family or other grounds – rose from 54 000 in 2021 to over 100 000 in 2023 and stood at almost 140 000 in August 2024.
Source: General Inspectorate for Immigration (Panel A) and Eurostat dataset: First permits issued for remunerated activities by reason, length of validity and citizenship (Panel B).
Most labour migrants come through the channel for general employment, rather than highly qualified workers (EU Blue Card), although the number of EU Blue Card issuances has been increasing and stood at over 200 in 2022. Highly qualified workers accounted for less than 1% of all employment authorisations issued in 2023 and 2024.
4.2.2. The labour migration policy framework is catching up to meet challenges
Migration policy development in Romania sits primarily with the GII, although other actors – primarily the MLSS and the MFA – are involved in developing legislation and strategic documents, in the area of labour migration and other issues as determined by their respective competence. There is no specific migration policy department within GII, the Ministry of Interior or elsewhere in the public administration tasked with evaluation and policy feedback.
Similarly, there is no regular national statistical reporting on migration, whether by category or overall. Migration statistics managed by the National Statistical Institute cover “permanent migrants” (Romanian citizens arriving and departing) and “temporary migrants” (all others, by country of prior/next residence, rather than nationality). The Labour Force Survey has a small sample and does not pick up foreigners or foreign-born in sufficient numbers to report. Romania provides Eurostat with the required information on residence permits – extracted by GII from its registers – but does not regularly release any additional information. Annual reports focus primarily on performance outcomes (number of documents processed, enforcement actions), with little on the nationality, category, gender, occupation and other characteristics of migrants. The Ministry of Interior issues occasional press releases with information on residence permits issued and work authorisations processed, but there is no annual bulletin on migration. Unlike in many EU countries, the European Migration Network national contact point in Romania does not produce a public Annual report on migration and asylum. Until August 2023, the permit system could not distinguish between residence permits issued in Romania (for example, for graduating students or employer changes at renewal) and first work permits issued on the basis of a visa for persons arriving from abroad.
An Interministerial Council for Home Affairs and Justice first constituted in 2005 co‑ordinates the Commission for Immigration Management (CIM), established in 2008. The CIM’s role is principally to draft the National Strategy on Immigration (SNI) project and corresponding action plans, to supporting their passing, and to monitor their implementation. Until now, the motivation for developing the SNI has been to satisfy EU requirements, rather than because immigration issues had risen on the political agenda. The SNI remains the main policy document of reference.
The SNI covers a four‑year period. The 2021‑24 Strategy identified the following issues:
Insufficient capacity of structures within the Immigration Management Commission to efficiently manage immigration, especially to combat illegal or fraudulent entry and unauthorised overstay.
Low absorption capacity and lack of attractiveness of the Romanian labour market for foreign citizens.
Need to consolidate the national asylum system to ensure fundamental rights and liberties of people requiring international protection.
Inadequate public awareness and widespread misinformation regarding migration.
Concern over risk of use of legal migration channels by radicalised and dangerous individuals.
In addition to a series of action points on asylum determination and the fight against trafficking and illegal entry, the SNI also calls for improvement in the ability to secure labour force. This includes negotiating BLAs with origin countries, encouraging Romanian employers to hire international students who graduate from Romanian institutions. The SNI also calls to improve reception centres and reinforce the integration infrastructure for immigrants in general, by bolstering language education provision.
4.2.3. The labour migration process is very open
There is no minimum qualification threshold or occupational skill threshold for labour migration to Romania. Romania authorises employers to recruit from abroad following a labour market test (LMT) and subject to an annual admission ceiling (quota). The LMT requires a five‑day publication of the vacancy. All vacancies must be communicated to the PES (under Law 76/2002). Vacancies rarely lead to inquiry from job-seekers. Following this five‑day period, employers must request a certificate necessary for recruitment from abroad, which is always granted. At this point, the employer submits the certificate (which is valid 60 days) to the GII requesting employment authorisation. The GII issues an approval, with which the migrant can apply for a long-stay visa at the Romanian representation abroad.
In 2023, the GII processed almost 130 000 requests for employment or posting of foreign workers, of which 78% were approved. This is an increase in applications from 29 000 in 2020 and 60 000 in 2021.
The system is used by both large employers and small employers. Between 2021 and February 2023, 15 000 employers requested foreign workers, three of which filed more than 1 000 applications and 13 of which filed more than 500 applications. The language barrier does not appear to have been a major obstacle to recruitment; Romanian employers are comfortable hiring workers who don’t speak the language, or rely on foremen and intermediators. Most jobs are low-skilled and pay minimum wage.
One important limit on labour migration – and on residence permit processes in general – has been staff capacity. The GII was understaffed for many years, due to unfilled vacancies (14% in 2020 and 17% in 2021), which affected processing times and meant long waits for permit procedures at regional GII offices. With the increase in demand, staff expanded – the GII added 90 staff in November 2023, primarily to process work permits and their extensions.
4.2.4. The quota system is not playing its intended role and exceeds actual entries
The main instrument for managing labour migration to Romania is a general quota (ceiling) on annual new admissions of workers, first introduced in 2015 (Box 4.2. ). Numerical ceilings are used in a number of OECD countries for different purposes (OECD, 2014[9]). In Romania, the quota is an estimate of anticipated demand. For many years was underutilised and primarily served as a signaling mechanism to employers. In years where the number of requests increased, the government issued additional decrees increasing the annual quota. Quotas have started to be exhausted, however. In 2020, 75% of the quota was used; in 2021, 85%. The quota of 100 000 for 2022 was exhausted on 13 December 2022. The quota of 100 000 for 2023 was fully used – with 97 100 individuals authorised, of which 70% were arriving from abroad – and the government considered raising it to 140 000 for 2024, before deciding to keep it at 100 000. Until February 2024, the quota included not just initial entries from abroad but also changes of employer inside Romania. However, when the quota was reached in 2022, additional authorisations were still granted to hire third-country nationals admitted to Romania for employment in previous years.
The annual admission quota for new entries for employment with a work permit is established by Government Decision, at the proposal of the Ministry of Labour and Social Solidarity, in accordance with the policy on labour migration and taking into account the situation of the Romanian labour market. Data from the Public Employment Service on vacancies is taken into consideration. The PES identifies “Declared-Repeatedly Vacancies” (“D Vacancies”) which are also considered. Data from the GII on requests and inflows of foreign workers (but not exits) are also analysed by the Ministry of Labour and Social Solidarity, along with information from the labour inspection. On the basis of this review, as well as input from social partners, the Ministry of Labour and Social Solidarity proposes a quota of foreign workers newly admitted to the labour market.
Through 2018, the quotas were established for seven individual categories (permanent workers, trainees, high-skilled workers, etc.), the situation in which in case of exhaustion of the quota for a certain category of foreign workers, it would be necessary to supplement the quota for that category of workers, which implies the resumption of the legislative procedure for the adoption of a new government Decision. This process includes a 30‑day publication period, for public consultation, delaying issuance of the quotas.
The quota can be increased by Government Decision during the year. This occurred, for example, in 2018 and 2019.
Annual admission ceiling for new foreign workers
Note: For some years, this is the sum of multiple decrees which have adjusted the numbers upwards.
Source: Official Gazette, various years.
Basing the quota on vacancies may not capture shortages, since vacancies do not always correspond to shortages, and vacancy data from the PES is partial. For example, in the 2023 ELA EURES Report on labour shortages and surpluses, Romania submitted the fourth highest number of identified shortage occupations (154), but it had the lowest Job Vacancy Rate (with Bulgaria).
Source: Report on labour shortages and surpluses 2023, www.ela.europa.eu/sites/default/files/2024-05/EURES-Shortages_Report-V8.pdf.
While authorisations for employment may be issued exhausting the quota, this does not match with the number of workers admitted. In 2023, about one in three approved applications led to an actual entry in Romania. This is due to several reasons. First, not all employers who receive an authorisation proceed to make a job offer to the worker. Second, long delays and processing obstacles at consulates in origin countries may prevent the worker from receiving a visa or from receiving it in the timeframe of validity of the job offer. The time between authorisation and arrival can stretch beyond eight or nine months due to the difficulty of obtaining visa appointments in some Asian origin countries. Some applicants may not be able to travel to the consulate or lack the financial means to cover the costs. Others may find more attractive employment in the meantime. Knowing this, employers may be filing more applications than they truly need, inflating the demand. With the additional of Schengen checks, this process may get longer. Further, refusal rates in the main origin countries are high, even when the work permit has been approved; applicants may turn out not to have the characteristics claimed in their work permit application. Visa processing capacity has not expanded in line with increased labour migration, and the current processing capacity at Romanian consulates is not sufficient to handle an increase in inflows without the delays growing longer. Many of the documents are still in paper format, so digitalisation of some processes could reduce wait times.
Authorisations, rather than visa issuances, are counted against the quota, so even if the visa is never issued, or the worker never arrives in Romania, the quota is reduced. In light of the important role played by the quota system in governing admission, and considering the increase in labour migration, the process for determining the quota could involve more input, both in terms of data considered and in terms of more formal consultation from stakeholders.
4.2.5. The openness of the labour migration system creates vulnerability to abuse
In any OECD country, the arrival of low-educated migrants from less developed countries into non-skill jobs at minimum wage, with no proficiency in the local language, and dependency on their employer for information, housing and residence status, is considered a factor of vulnerability. This is accentuated by the recentness of the migration phenomenon in Romania. The capacity for oversight – including interpreters for labour and immigration inspections and for services – is still underdeveloped. The labour inspectorate itself is stretched by its work of covering the large number of small firms and no additional resources have been allocated with the increase in labour migration. Any role of trade unions in ensuring protection or referring cases of abuse is limited by the concentration of labour migrants in small firms or through labour dispatch, in simple labour, where unionisation is very low. There is no dedicated hotline to report exploitation or abuse, and no specific contact e‑mail, although workers may go physically to report complaints at the labour inspectorate or GII. Foreign-language information is limited, and the labour inspectorate does not have the resources to produce information in the languages of the new labour migrants. There is no requirement to transfer pay to bank accounts, and signed payroll statements are taken as proof of pay; this has occasionally been an issue in non-payment of salaries, as workers do not always understand what they are signing. The GII can conduct spot-checks of the national contract database (REGIS), in which all employment contracts are electronically filed, to see if labour migrants have a valid labour contract, and can consult the insured status in the social health insurance system (SIUI) to see if contributions are being paid. In practice, GII conducts inspections of high-risk employers or in response to reports. In 2022, the GII conducted more than a thousand inspections, of which about 30% were jointly conducted with the labour inspectorate.
Employers cannot file applications without committing to hire the worker. The work permit authorisation is valid for 180 days when issued and the migrant must apply for the visa within this period, although if the visa is issued later the work permit remains valid. Regardless of the time taken to issue the visa and for the employee to arrive, the employer still has an obligation to employ the worker for whom the permit was issued. From April 2024, employers sponsoring foreign nationals on long-stay visas must now finalise individual employment contracts within 15 business days of entry or receipt of a new work permit. There is a RON 5 000 to 10 000 fine for non-employment, as well as a 6‑month ban on requesting work permits. However, employers authorised to provide services can dispatch the worker to another workplace as long as they remain employed by the authorised employer. In the case of platform work, it is difficult to reconcile the requirement to post a specific vacancy with authorisation of employment for platform work. In the absence of strong measures to ensure that minimum wage is paid, and an open question of whether platform work (delivery work, for example) is truly a critical shortage, this kind of employment should not be part of the labour migration system. Employment of foreign workers in posting should also be regulated more closely, since it increases the risk of unpaid wages and obscures responsibility in chain subcontracting for example on construction sites. The relative ease of employer change – on the basis of a new employment authorisation – in the Romanian system should allow foreign workers to be direct employees in most cases of persistent demand by the end-user.
Job changes following arrival prior to 2022 were simple: the worker could change employer as long as the new employer must be authorised to employ the foreigner and must notify GII within 10 days of taking up the new employment. From 2022, however, workers who wish to leave their employer voluntarily within the first year after arrival in Romania must obtain the written consent of the first employer. This condition does not apply in the case of termination or if the employer fails to satisfy legal obligations. Employers must inform GII within 10 days of termination of contract. Workers have 90 days to find a new employer. There is no data on job changes by work permit holders, since the GII only tracks entry and exit, not changes within Romania.
Most incoming workers have longer-term contracts (two years) and receive an initial permit with a duration of one year (from 2024, initial permit duration will be up to two years). However, retention appears relatively low for recent cohorts – the cumulative number of recent long-term admissions exceeds the stock of legal resident permit holders. In part, this is due to rotation, and in part due to mismatch between skills in demand and the actual skills of migrants. The increase in inflows have not led to a corresponding increase in the stock of labour migrants, suggesting that retention is an issue. Whether this is due to onward movements – authorised or unauthorised1 – to other European countries, illegal overstay, or return, is not yet clear. However, several employment agencies raised concerns that many foreign workers might leave Romania following the partial opening of Schengen, with some employers reporting increased difficulty in retention in Romania.2 This is also a concern in other lower-wage countries in the Schengen area.
The private sector conducts recruitment and there is little information on its practices. Agencies recruiting third-country nationals are not governed by the same regulations which cover those recruiting for placement from Romania to other EU Member States. Information on intermediation agencies can be gleaned from declared business field of activity (code 78‑10 – intermediation) but this may not be the primary activity of the business, or not be listed as the primary activity. There is no regulation of placement fees and intermediaries are allowed to change whatever fees they wish to employers and migrants. The absence of any legislation requiring employers to cover recruitment fees or limiting recruitment fees should be addressed.
One issue which has emerged in the recruitment process is misrepresentation of job opportunities in Romania by recruiters in origin countries and the taking of substantial placement fees in exchange for the visa. Migration costs are not taken by the Romanian state: fees for issuance of the visa and work permit are low. The visa fee is EUR 120 and the permit RON 259. Total work permit costs are about EUR 300. Yet, there are reports of workers from some origin countries paying very high fees – upwards of EUR 4 000 – to intermediaries in order to obtain offers of employment and work visas, expecting to earn high salaries in European countries, without fully understanding that the work is in Romania.
While high and illegal recruitment fees generally occur in origin countries, bilateral labour agreements can help address the risk of miscommunication, high fees and poor information on actual contract conditions and work locations. The Memorandum of Understanding on labour and social security signed between Romania and Nepal in October 2023 and between Romania and Viet Nam in January 2024 are a step towards better co‑operation.
On the Romanian employer side, safeguards have recently improved. Until 2024, it was not possible to blacklist non-compliant firms from recruiting labour migrants; from 2024, firms (legal and physical persons) with prior violations of labour and immigration law face a ban on requesting work authorisations.
The framework for highly qualified migrants is largely determined by the EU Legal Migration Framework: Blue Cards, Researchers and Intra-corporate transfers are all accessible permits in Romania. In addition, there is a Digital Nomad scheme introduced in 2022. A long-stay visa for “other purposes” is granted to foreign individual who is either employed under an employment contract by a company registered outside Romania or who owns such a company that provides services using information and communications technology and who conducts their activities remotely using information and communications technology. The visa is valid for six months and can be extended for an additional six months; after this period, further extensions require proof of Romanian income tax. Residence permits are issued for “Digital Nomads”. This kind of permit in OECD countries has not so far proven its ability to attract talent, and digital nomadism poses tax complications for the countries which offer long-term stay (OECD, 2022[10]). Where Romania may benefit more from remote work possibilities is to stem the outflow of higher-educated Romanians, who may be able to work remotely from Romania for employers in other European countries.
4.2.6. The asylum reception and humanitarian migration framework is adequate
Relative to other European OECD countries, Romania has not been a major destination country for asylum seekers. Its exclusion from the Schengen area prior to the partial opening, and the fact that its only external borders are with Ukraine, Serbia and the Republic of Moldova, made it less attractive for asylum seekers seeking to transit to other destinations. While the number of asylum seekers in 2022 (12 400) was almost 30% higher than in 2021, most (4 400) were Ukrainians and assessed under the temporary protection provisions. In 2023, there were about 10 200 applications, of which more than half from Bangladesh, Syria and Pakistan. Many of the applications are filed at Romania’s borders while trying to exit; about one in four claims were filed at the Hungary-Romania border. Most applications are registered at the regional centre in Timisoara. The acceptance rate of asylum applications has historically been low – about 2% of applicants in 2023 received a form of protection. Many of the applicants, however, do not remain in Romania for the decision.
The reception system comprises six regional reception centres with a maximum capacity of 1 100 places, which can be extended with a total additional number of 262 places. These centres are managed by the General Inspectorate for Immigration. In addition to these six reception centres, two centres for the accommodation of vulnerable people (20 places) were established and funded by AMIF in the past and managed by an NGO. Asylum applications are processed on-site. The occupancy rate was 27% in April 2024, suggesting reserve capacity, although asylum seekers can and do also reside in private accommodation. In the administrative phase of the asylum procedure, the time limit to issue the decision is 30 days from the moment the case officer receives the case, with extension possible in certain cases, up to a total of six months. The 30‑day period for applicants who are present, is generally respected.
Beneficiaries of international protection may request an integration programme within three months of receiving protection. An integration officer interviews the beneficiary for a needs assessment and, together with other actors in the integration system, develops an individual plan with actions, responsible institutions and contacts, and referral to a specific local community among those where programmes are offered. The plan grants rights such as housing or social benefits. The programme is for 12 months and can be extended by an additional six months. In 2022, about 800 beneficiaries of international protection were enrolled in the integration programme. In 2023, a total of 1 500 participated, and in the first quarter of 2024, about 855 were in the programme.
The Actions foreseen within the governmental integration programme are funded by national budget and are carried out by the institutions with responsibilities in the integration field. Also, the purpose of the support provided by the NGOs through AMIF-funded project is to complement the activities foreseen within the governmental integration programme. In addition to this programme, integration projects funded by AMIF are offered to complement the activities foreseen within the governmental integration programme – according to tender priorities and proposals – in the regional integration centres. These include individually tailored assistance and are one of the main channels through which language education is provided but are not always running in all regions and do not guarantee continuity of support.
Romania hosted about 80 000 Ukrainian beneficiaries of temporary protection in early 2024. About half of all the beneficiaries of temporary protection from Ukraine in Romania are no longer in the country. From 18 March 2022 through 20 June 2024, 166 342 residence permits were issued for beneficiaries of temporary protection. Of those present in Romania in 2024, about two‑thirds were working-age and of these 21 000 were registered with the employment services. Many have small children, which is an obstacle to employment. Some of these Ukrainians are likely to remain in Romania longer term – there are about 40 000 Ukrainian schoolchildren in Romanian schools.
4.2.7. The general integration framework is very basic
The permit framework for labour migrants offers the possibility of family reunification – after one year residence3 – subject to financial requirements (minimum salary for each family member, or RON 3 300 monthly, currently) and demonstrating available and adequate housing. Most labour migrants earn very low salaries and are unlikely to meet the requirements for family reunification.
Work permit holders who are unemployed are able to use PES services and active employment measures, including training, information and counselling, while their permit is valid. They can also start an apprenticeship, which allows them to extend their residence permit.
Language learning has recently been reformed. The Methodology on Romanian Introductory Courses for Foreign Adults was adopted in 2022.4 It includes 216 hours of language course to be provided over 36 weeks, to progress to level CEF B1. The course is free for beneficiaries of international protection but fee‑based for other migrants. Courses are provided by the public education system and the cost of paying teachers is covered under the national integration law.
4.2.8. International Students could contribute to the skilled labour force
International students are a significant presence in Romania, where they comprise between 5% and 6% of the half million students in higher education institutions. The number of international students enrolled in higher education stood at 38 000 in the 2023‑24 academic year (including Romanian students from abroad), a 38% increase from 2016‑17. One factor driving international student enrolment is the affordability and availability of programmes in foreign languages. In the 2022/23 academic year, foreign students comprised 7.4% of undergraduate students (7.8% in state education and 5% in private education), a 4.5% increase from the previous year. There is a ceiling on enrolment for each institution, established by the Romanian Agency for Quality Assurance in Education.
The main origin of international students is non-EU Europe (primarily the Republic of Moldova, but also Serbia), followed by the EU (especially France, Italy, Germany, Greece, Hungary) (Figure 4.7). Other major origin countries are Israel, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, and Jordan. About 57% were studying in Romanian language, 27% in English-language programmes and 12% in French-language programmes. Almost half were studying in biological and biomedical sciences; medical programmes are a popular course for many international students, and the tuition fees – about EUR 10 000 annually – are low in international comparison but support the education industry in Romania. The Romanian-language medical programme has lower fees (about EUR 8 000). Romanian students from abroad who come to Romania to study tend towards social sciences.
The permit framework is relatively simple: students receive permits for the full duration of their studies and do not have to renew this annually. Host institutions must inform GII of expulsion of students or no-shows or absenteeism. International students can work up to six hours per day without a work permit (increased from four hours/day in February 2024). Most students, however, do not work long hours.
Post-graduate retention is facilitated by a 9‑month post-graduation job-search extension (the minimum required under the EU Directive), which is frequently requested. Retention of medical students is not high, since degrees are certified for a number of global destinations (United States and Israel) which are attractive for graduates, and regulated professions in Romania are open only to certain nationalities and holders of EU Blue Cards, permanent residents, or family of EU nationals. Retention is one of the objectives of the 2023‑24 Action Plan for the National Migration Strategy (A.2.3 and A.2.4), but results have not been published as of September 2024, so it is difficult to establish a benchmark on retention. Retention varies widely in OECD countries, but retaining one‑third of international graduates after graduation would be at the lower end of retention rates (OECD, 2022[11]). As foreseen in the action plan, evidence on stay and transition to employment would be useful to help support policy in this area.
International student enrolment, 2013‑24, by nationality
Note: Estimates of student origin in 2022‑24.
Source: UNESCO, UIS, Ministry of Education (2025).
Romania has a strategy to attract international students, including a portal (studyinromania.gov) and active outreach and support for international students. The internationalisation of universities is supported by measures to attract foreign and Romanian students abroad through European and national funding programmes, including scholarships and a dedicated provision in the funding mechanism of TEIs. Scholarships are offered to Romanians Abroad, who are also target of outreach. This approach is one which can inform the broader outreach to the diaspora.
References
[4] Bodocan, V. and I. Egresi (2021), “Diaspora FDI: Why do Returning Migrants Invest in Their Home Countries and What are the Main Difficulties They Face? The Case of Romania”, Turkish Journal of Diaspora Studies, Vol. 1/1, pp. 29-48, https://doi.org/10.52241/tjds.2021.0003.
[2] Mehedintu, A., G. Soava and M. Sterpu (2019), “Remittances, Migration and Gross Domestic Product from Romania’s Perspective”, Sustainability, Vol. 12/1, p. 212, https://doi.org/10.3390/su12010212.
[3] Nica, F. and M. Moraru (2020), “Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Romanian Citizens Abroad”, in IMISCOE Research Series, Migration and Social Protection in Europe and Beyond (Volume 2), Springer International Publishing, Cham, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_24.
[12] OECD (2023), International Migration Outlook 2023, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/b0f40584-en.
[11] OECD (2022), “Retention and economic impact of international students in the OECD”, in International Migration Outlook 2022, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/6d130809-en.
[10] OECD (2022), Should OECD countries develop new Digital Nomad Visas?, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/4d425e15-en.
[7] OECD (2020), Sustainable Reintegration of Returning Migrants: A Better Homecoming, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/5fee55b3-en.
[1] OECD (2019), Talent Abroad: A Review of Romanian Emigrants, Talent Abroad, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/bac53150-en.
[8] OECD (2018), OECD Reviews of Labour Market and Social Policies: Lithuania, OECD Reviews of Labour Market and Social Policies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264189935-en.
[6] OECD (2016), OECD Reviews of Labour Market and Social Policies: Latvia 2016, OECD Reviews of Labour Market and Social Policies, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264250505-en.
[9] OECD (2014), “Managing labour migration: Smart policies to support economic growth”, in International Migration Outlook 2014, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/migr_outlook-2014-6-en.
[5] OECD (2013), Coping with Emigration in Baltic and East European Countries, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264204928-en.
← 1. Some of the exits may also be due to trafficking of legal labour migrants from Romania to other European countries by criminal networks.
← 2. Newspaper interviews www.zf.ro/eveniment/pregatiti-va-urmeaza-exodul-muncitorilor-straini-veniti-la-munca-in-22365645, www.bursa.ro/aproximativ-35-procente-din-muncitorii-straini-aflati-in-romania-au-fugit-dupa-intrarea-tarii-noastre-in-schengen-86597254?mc_cid=19ca8a8aa5&mc_eid=cd1f92f96c.
← 3. As required by the Directive, holders of the EU Blue Card can bring accompanying family without waiting one year.