Alberto González Pandiella
OECD
2. Enhancing equality of opportunities by increasing female labour participation and reducing informality
Copy link to 2. Enhancing equality of opportunities by increasing female labour participation and reducing informalityAbstract
Enhancing women’s participation in the labour market and reducing informality are crucial for addressing income inequality and poverty in Costa Rica. Despite notable achievements, including a low pay gender gap and strong political representation, female labour force participation remains significantly lower than that of men and has recently declined. Increasing women’s labour force participation would not only strengthen growth but also promote a more equitable distribution of income and opportunities. To achieve this, Costa Rica needs to expand the availability of early education and care and extend school hours or after school programmes. Furthermore, a comprehensive strategy is needed to reduce informality, including reducing the costs of formal employment and reducing the administrative costs of establishing formal businesses.
2.1. Introduction
Copy link to 2.1. IntroductionReducing income inequality and poverty are pending challenges for Costa Rica. After increasing during the pandemic, both inequality and poverty rates have recently fallen (Figure 2.1). Poverty levels have remained broadly stable at around 20% and extreme poverty at around 6% since the mid-nineties. This Chapter discusses the critical challenges of reducing the gender gap in labour participation and informality, which are key to continue alleviating poverty and inequalities in Costa Rica (Figure 2.2). Enhancing women’s access to labour market opportunities would boost households’ disposable incomes, reduce poverty risks and expand economic opportunities. Reducing informality is an essential step to provide workers with better wages and high-quality jobs. Since 2020, informality rates among women have aligned more closely with those of men, but historically they have been higher (Figure 2.3). Reducing informality would therefore significantly improve women’s access to higher-quality jobs and better employment opportunities. Besides addressing these challenges, improving the delivery of social programmes is another pending challenge, as discussed in Chapter 1 of this Survey and in the 2023 Economic Survey. Reducing the institutional fragmentation of social assistance policies and defining social programmes beneficiaries based on the national registry of social programmes (SINIRUBE), will be key to improve the coverage and reach of social protection and its effectiveness in reducing inequality and poverty (see Chapter 1).
Figure 2.1. Income inequality and poverty have recently fallen
Copy link to Figure 2.1. Income inequality and poverty have recently fallen
Note: Panel A: Poverty measures are based on national poverty lines. Panel B: Gini index measures the extent to which the distribution of income after taxes and transfers among individuals or households within an economy deviates from a perfectly equal distribution. LAC is a simple average of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, and Peru. The OECD average refers to 28 OECD member countries with available data.
Source: INEC (2024), Encuesta Nacional de Hogares (ENAHO) and Encuesta de Hogares de Propósitos Múltiples (EHPM); and World Bank WDI (database).
Figure 2.2. Women face higher poverty and informality is widespread among low-income individuals
Copy link to Figure 2.2. Women face higher poverty and informality is widespread among low-income individuals
Note: In Panel A, poverty is defined by the national poverty line. In Panel B, "low income" = 1 minimum salary, "middle income" = 1 to less than 2 minimum salaries, and "high income" = 2 or more minimum salaries.
Source: INEC (2024), Encuesta Nacional de Hogares (ENAHO); and INEC (2024), Encuesta Continua de Empleo (ECE).
Figure 2.3. Women tend to have higher informality rates
Copy link to Figure 2.3. Women tend to have higher informality ratesInformality rate, % of total employment by gender
2.2. Supporting female labour market participation
Copy link to 2.2. Supporting female labour market participationA fundamental human right, equal opportunities for women and men also strengthen economic efficiency through better allocation of talent and bring major economic benefits (OECD, 2024[1]). Costa Rica performs well across several gender equality dimensions in comparison with OECD and Latin American peers. This includes educational attainment, with women achieving equal or higher levels of education than men (OECD, 2024[2]), healthcare access and outcomes, with comprehensive maternal health services (WEF, 2023[3]), political representation, with women holding significant seats in parliament and government positions (OECD, 2023[4]), and the gender pay gap, which is relatively low (Figure 2.6). Costa Rica is also promoting women participation in trade, including by Costa Rica’s adhesion to the Global Trade and Gender Arrangement (chapter 4). However, female labour force participation (Figure 2.4) is notably lower than that of men, also compared to other OECD countries, including regional peers such as Chile, Colombia or Peru, and has recently declined (see Figure 1.3 in Chapter 1). The potential gains from increasing Costa Rican women's integration into the labour market are substantial (Figure 2.5). Fully closing gender gaps in labour force participation and hours worked by 2060 would increase Costa Rica’s potential GDP per capita by 0.5 percentage points annually, a more substantial improvement than in the average OECD economy. Moreover, boosting female labour force participation could mitigate the fiscal impact of population aging, helping to buttress the sustainability of Costa Rica’s pension and healthcare systems.
Figure 2.4. Female labour force participation is low
Copy link to Figure 2.4. Female labour force participation is lowWorking-age (15-64 years) labour force participation rate, %, 2023
Figure 2.5. Costa Rica has much to gain from closing gender participation gaps
Copy link to Figure 2.5. Costa Rica has much to gain from closing gender participation gapsDifference relative to the baseline in projected average annual rate of growth in potential GDP per capita, percentage points
Note: These model-based quantifications are based on the assumption that both gender gaps in labour force participation and hours worked are closed by 2060. Caution should be exercised when interpreting these projections for countries like Costa Rica, where average hours worked are already high, as the assumptions would result in such countries exhibiting significantly higher average hours worked per person by 2060 compared to the OECD average. LAC is a simple average of Chile, Colombia, and Costa Rica.
Source: (OECD, 2023[5]).
Costa Rica exhibits a relatively small gender gap in median gross earnings for full-time employees, (Figure 2.6). This reflects that women in full-time formal employment earn similar incomes to men. However, overall, women’s average income levels are lower due to lower labour force participation and fewer paid working hours. There is a notable disparity in paid work hours, with women working on average eight hours less per week than men. Domestic and care responsibilities disproportionately burden women, who spend almost three times as much time on these activities than men (OECD, 2024[2]). This limits their opportunities to participate in the labour force (Figure 2.7) or to work full-time. This affects women across all income brackets but particularly low-income ones, where 80% cite caregiving responsibilities as a barrier to accessing the labour market. It also particularly impacts mothers, whose employment rate, at 48%, is notably lower than in the OECD (72%).
Expanding access to good quality affordable early childhood education and care should be a top priority, as it offers dual benefits by enhancing women’s participation in the labour market and improving educational outcomes and equity (OECD, 2023[6]). Costa Rica needs to increase enrolment rates in early childhood education for both 3-5-year-olds and younger children (Figure 2.8). Currently, the early education network reaches only about 40% of households in poverty (both extreme and moderate poverty). Achieving full coverage for these households would require doubling the current budget, which is approximately 0.23% of GDP. The organization and delivery of early education and care is fragmented, with the Education Ministry responsible for policy design and three other public agencies handling service provision. This institutional arrangement leads to unclear roles and responsibilities among these entities including by the interinstitutional committee established for coordination, (CGR, 2023[7]), hampering service delivery. Plans to expand coverage by 15% from 2018 to 2022 fell short, achieving only a 1.6% increase. Despite significant demand and necessity for care, many centres operate below capacity, offering fewer places than they have the potential to accommodate. The fragmentation also results in difficulties to achieve homogenous levels of quality. This underscores the need for institutional reforms in the early education and childcare sector.
Figure 2.6. Costa Rica’s gender wage gap is smaller than in most OECD countries
Copy link to Figure 2.6. Costa Rica’s gender wage gap is smaller than in most OECD countriesGender wage gap, % of median earnings of men
Note: LAC is a simple average of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Argentina, and Brazil.
Source: OECD Gender Wage Gap Statistics (database).
Figure 2.7. Care responsibilities hinder women’s labour market participation
Copy link to Figure 2.7. Care responsibilities hinder women’s labour market participationEfforts are currently underway to create a new institutional framework where responsibility and governance would be centralized under a single entity, a new Ministry of Social Affairs (see also Chapter 1 of this Survey). This initiative has the potential to improve governance in the early education sector, reduce fragmentation and expand coverage. It can also help to provide stronger oversight in the early education sector and ensure coordination with other social programmes. Ensuring access for low-income households should be prioritised, as recommended in the 2023 Economic Survey (Table 2.1), with financing coming from the general budget. As a next step, access should become available to higher-income households. Implementing co-payments mechanisms for these households can help expand coverage in a constrained fiscal environment. Moreover, there is a pressing need to establish and enforce quality standards across early education and childcare centres. Recent evaluations have identified gaps in these standards, resulting in varying levels of education and care quality depending on the administering institution (CGR, 2023[7]).
Figure 2.8. Enrolment in early education for the youngest is low
Copy link to Figure 2.8. Enrolment in early education for the youngest is low% of children enrolled in education services, 2020 or latest
Table 2.1. Past OECD recommendations on social policies
Copy link to Table 2.1. Past OECD recommendations on social policies|
Past recommendation |
Actions taken since the 2023 Survey |
|---|---|
|
Set up a universal cash transfer for poor children. |
Efforts have been made to better target the Avancemos, scholarship programme towards secondary school students in poverty. |
|
Improve targeting and reduce fragmentation of social programmes. |
A reform proposal has been tabled to integrate public agencies in the social sector into a new Social Affairs Ministry. |
|
Set up a universal pension covering all poor seniors. |
Consultations between the government, social security system, business sector, trade unions and academia have begun with a view to undertake a pension reform. |
|
Expand the coverage of early education for children below four years, giving priority to low-income families and using co-payment mechanisms. |
A reform proposal has been formulated to reduce fragmentation and increase coverage. |
Beyond early education, elementary school schedules also have an important bearing on women employment. Reforms in several OECD countries (Box 2.1) attest that extending primary schools’ hours can significantly foster mother's labour force participation, leading to increased employment and working hours. Extending Costa Rica’s current four-hour school day for children aged three to five years would greatly enhance women’s access to the labour market and to work full-time, enabling more flexible work schedules and higher employment rates among mothers. It would also offer the double dividend of improving education outcomes, as analysed in the 2023 OECD Economic Survey of Costa Rica. Only 8.5% of Costa Rican primary schools offer a full-day curriculum, with the remaining schools operating on half-day schedules. This prevents many Costa Rica women from working full-time or be available to work. Increasing the number of primary schools offering full-time schedules would facilitate that more Costa Rica women can take paid jobs and work full-time.
Box 2.1. School schedules and mothers’ employment: evidence from Chile and other OECD countries
Copy link to Box 2.1. School schedules and mothers’ employment: evidence from Chile and other OECD countriesIn 1997, Chile began to implement a national education reform in the public school system that increased weekly hours of instruction without extending the number of school days. For most primary schools, the policy meant changing from a system of half-day shifts to continuous full-day schedules. Impact evaluation of the reform signals an important positive causal effects on mother’s labour force participation, employment, weekly hours worked, and months worked during the year (Berthelon, Kruger and Oyarzún, 2023[8]). According to the evaluation, increasing the share of full-time schools by 30 percentage points would boost mothers’ employment and participation by around 9% during a one-year period. Lower-educated and married mothers benefit the most from the reform. Other positive experiences include Mexico, with full-day schedules in some elementary schools (Cabrera-Hernández, Padilla-Romo and Peluffo, 2023[9]), and Switzerland, with after-school programmes (Felfe, Lechner and Thiemann, 2016[10]).
Promoting the uptake of paternity leave entitlements for fathers would also be beneficial. In Costa Rica, mothers are entitled to 17 weeks of paid maternity leave following childbirth, which is closed to the OECD average. Public sector employees receive 4 weeks of paternity leave and private sector employees 1.6 weeks. Across OECD countries, there is a trend towards a more balanced distribution of parental leave, gradually approaching a 50/50 split in some countries like Iceland. Gradually expanding fathers' leave entitlements could encourage greater involvement in caregiving and other unpaid work, which could enhance mothers' labour market outcomes both during and after the leave period (OECD, 2024[1]). To increase the take-up of parental leaves by men, Costa Rica could consider gradually introducing reserved leave weeks for fathers, as done by Canada, Denmark, and the Netherlands. The extension of paternity leave entitlements should be financed via the Social Security system, as done for mothers, to facilitate take-up and avoid creating stigmas.
Women also disproportionately bear the responsibility of caring for elderly relatives, highlighting the critical need to expand access to elder care services. The availability of formal elderly care services, where paid workers assist individuals with daily activities, significantly enhances women’s participation in the labour force (OECD, 2024[1]). Whether community-based or home-based, these services also contribute to cost savings in healthcare by promoting preventive care and reducing hospitalizations. In Costa Rica, access to elder-care community services is limited, currently serving only about 1600 people nationwide. Initiatives have begun to establish home care services, including a recent pilot programme with the Inter-American Development Bank aimed at supporting caregivers and developing a standardized methodology for assessing the cost of essential care services. Gradually expanding elderly formal care services, including both home-based and community-based care, would also contribute to higher female labour market participation. Prioritizing access for low-income households and implementing co-payment mechanisms for higher-income households holds potential for expanding these services in a fiscally sustainable manner.
In addition to expanding the child and elderly care network, Costa Rican women would benefit from a greater representation in career fields with better job prospects. Although women in Costa Rica are more frequently enrolled in upper secondary education and earn more tertiary degrees than men, they remain underrepresented in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. The share of male STEM graduates exceeds female graduates by about 19 percentage points, though this gap is smaller than the OECD average of 25 percentage points. Encouraging young girls and women to pursue STEM studies, including through mentorship programmes as recommended in the 2023 Economic Survey, would improve their chances of gaining quality jobs and support Costa Rica’s competitiveness (Chapter 4).
2.3. Reducing informality
Copy link to 2.3. Reducing informalityInformality, at around 40% of total employment, remains high (Figure 2.9) and is a key driver of inequality and poverty. It is also a cause and a consequence of low productivity. Informality is particularly prevalent among low-income individuals, workers with less than secondary education, the self-employed, and those working in the agriculture sector. Earlier OECD Economic Surveys of Costa Rica ( (OECD, 2023[6]), (OECD, 2020[11]), (OECD, 2016[12])), have emphasized that reducing informality requires coordinated actions across multiple policy fronts (Figure 2.10). These include lowering non-wage labour costs, reducing barriers to the creation of formal firms, simplifying the minimum wage system, helping Costa Ricans to acquire the skills needed to access formal jobs (as discussed in Chapter 4 and in the previous Economic Survey), simplifying taxes (as discussed in Chapter 1) and strengthening enforcement of labour and tax regulations. This section reviews recent progress achieved in some of these policy areas and highlights pending challenges.
Figure 2.9. Informality has recently fallen but remains high
Copy link to Figure 2.9. Informality has recently fallen but remains high
Note: In Panel A, informality is defined as the percentage of workers in employment meeting one of these conditions: 1) salaried workers not contributing to the social security system; 2) salaried workers who receive their wage on cash or who only get paid once and who due to the nature of their contract are not deemed eligible for social security registration; 3) unpaid workers; 4) self-employed workers and employers who have companies that are not registered in the National Property Registry and do not keep a formal accounting; and 5) self-employed workers with occasional work (working for less than one month) who due to the nature of the work are not likely to be registered or have formal accounting. Data are quarterly data. Panel B shows the ILO definition of informal employment as self-employment in informal enterprises (small, unregistered enterprises) and wage employment in unprotected jobs, meaning jobs with no social contributions, in both formal and informal enterprises. The ILO definition of informality might differ from that of INEC. LAC is the simple average of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, and Peru.
Source: INEC (2024) Encuesta Continua de Empleo (ECE); and ILOSTAT (database).
Figure 2.10. Reducing informality requires action across different policy areas
Copy link to Figure 2.10. Reducing informality requires action across different policy areasInformality drivers, 2023 or latest
Note: The figure covers some of the policy areas typically related to informality, but its coverage is not comprehensive. OECD refers to an unweighted average of OECD countries with available data. Higher values denote policy settings conducive to higher informality.
Source: OECD Taxing Wages (database); OECD Education at a Glance (database); OECD 2023-2024 PMR (database); OECD Labour Force Statistics (database); and OECD calculations based on ILOSTAT (database).
Employer payroll charges are high in comparison with the OECD average (Figure 2.11), which hampers formalisation. Given the low levels of labour productivity, one of the main impediments to formal job creation is this relatively high mandatory social contributions and other payroll taxes (Arnold et al., 2024[13]). Experience in countries like Colombia (OECD, 2024[14]) suggests that reducing these non-wage costs can decrease labour informality.
Currently, payroll charges represent 37% of the wage bill in Costa Rica with employers paying 72% of them. A significant portion of these charges—about 35%—is not financing the Social Security. Instead they are allocated to finance other institutions such as the vocational training unit (INA), a state-owned bank, or the Social Protection Fund (FODESAF). This is a regressive and inefficient way to finance these institutions, as it hinders formalization and erodes tax bases. It particularly hinders low-skilled workers' chances of accessing formal jobs by widening the gap between their productivity and the cost of labour. Financial contributions to the state-owned bank, established in 1969 and now a mature financial institution integrated into financial markets, could be phased out. The vocational training unit and the social fund could be gradually financed through the general budget.
The payroll changes imply that employer charges could be reduced by 7.25 percentage points, without compromising the financing of the social security system. The changes could even be positive for the social security system, as more workers would potentially become formal workers and contributors. Financing the vocational training unit and the social fund fully from the budget would require increasing revenues by broadening the personal income and VAT tax bases or phasing out some tax expenditures, as discussed in Chapter 1 of this Survey. Given the fiscal situation, the change could be implemented gradually and the reduction in employer’s payroll charges could be initially targeted at low-income workers.
Figure 2.11. Employers’ payroll charges are high in international comparison
Copy link to Figure 2.11. Employers’ payroll charges are high in international comparisonEmployer social security contributions, % of labour costs, 2023
A relatively high minimum wage and a complex minimum wage systems can also foster informality. Costa Rica has simplified its minimum wage system over the last five years, reducing the number of minimum wages from 26 to 16 and plans to further reduce them to 11. In relative terms, Costa Rica’s average minimum wage, at nearly 90% of the median mean wage of full-time formal employees, is high in comparison with other OECD countries (Figure 2.12). For emerging economies, often characterised by the co-existence of formal and informal employment, minimum wages that are too high and not effectively enforced may shift workers from formal to informal employment (Del Carpio and Pabon, 2017[15]). Future minimum wage increases should be approached with caution and aligned with labour productivity growth, as they could potentially lower formal employment prospects, especially for low-skilled workers. Undertaking a thorough evaluation of how the level of the minimum wage impacts the likelihood of youth and low-skilled workers accessing formal employment could inform future’s discussions and decisions by the committee in charge of advising about the minimum wage. The committee includes representatives from the government, employers, and workers. Its analysis could be strengthened by including labour market experts from academia, bringing in technical expertise and enabling evidence-based recommendations.
Informality is particularly high among part-time workers (Figure 2.13), a situation more common among women. Currently, there is no social contribution regime for part-time workers, who face a minimum contribution base which is fixed regardless of working hours. Consequently, part-time workers often shoulder disproportionately high contribution burdens relative to their income. In addition to high social contribution rates, the fixed minimum contribution base discourages the formalisation of small enterprises, as well as for women and youth, who are more likely to work part time (OECD, 2017[16]). Recognizing these challenges, the Costa Rican Social Security Fund has recently begun implementing a lower minimum contribution base for low-wage and part-time workers. This policy initially applies to workers under 35 years old as of 2023, to workers aged 35 to 50 as of 2024, and will encompass all age groups by 2025. Evaluating the impact of these reductions on formalization rates among low-wage workers will be crucial. The impact of introducing an income threshold should be carefully assessed, particularly regarding potential disincentives for working longer hours and the resulting loss of eligibility for the lower minimum base. Enabling part-time workers to contribute proportionally to their part-time incomes remains a valuable option to facilitate higher formality among part-time workers.
Figure 2.12. The minimum wage is high relative to the median wage
Copy link to Figure 2.12. The minimum wage is high relative to the median wageMinimum wage, % of median wage of full-time workers, 2023
Note: OECD refers to an unweighted average of 30 OECD member countries.
Source: OECD Labour Force Statistics (database).
Figure 2.13. Informality is high among part-time workers
Copy link to Figure 2.13. Informality is high among part-time workersInformality rate, % of total employment
Burdensome regulations and red tape can also act as a barrier to business formalization. The OECD’s Product Market Regulation indicator for Costa Rica shows that Costa Rica has one of the most stringent regulations among OECD countries, particularly as concerns regulations related to starting up a formal company (Figure 2.14). There remains ample opportunity to decrease the bureaucratic and economic costs associated with starting a formal enterprise. Many OECD countries (e.g. Portugal, New Zealand, Estonia or Denmark) have successfully lowered these costs by implementing virtual one-stop shops, where all administrative requirements can be completed at once and online. Costa Rica has taken steps in this direction with the establishment of an Investment Single Window Facility (OECD, 2024[17]). Initially the window was targeted at free trade zones activities and to San Jose metropolitan area but it is now available to all firms. It has the potential to further streamline firm formalization by incorporating more administrative requirements. This is the case of municipal regulations, such as licenses and permits, which are crucial for new firms’ creation but are not yet included in the window. There is scope to involve more municipalities in this initiative, as currently, only 30 out of 84 municipalities participate. Environmental and construction requirements could also be added to the platform (OECD, 2024[17]). The low take-up of the digital signature among enterprises and households (see the discussions in the 2020 and 2023 Economic Surveys) is a barrier to broader digitalization of administrative requirements covered by the single window. The cost for business and households of obtaining the digital signature is deemed to be onerous (OECD, 2024[17]). Efforts to reduce these costs would unlock the full potential of the Investment Single Window to simplify administrative procedures and promote formal business creation. The Central Bank's ongoing initiatives to implement a mobile phone-based signature mechanism hold promise for reducing the costs associated with obtaining a digital signature and broadening its adoption.
Costa Rica has started to reduce the stock of regulations that are deemed to be bottlenecks to formal economic activity (Box 2.2). This has been done in cooperation with the private sector, which is an effective way to identify the regulations no longer needed. An important next step would be to conduct comprehensive evaluations of these regulatory changes, as such assessments can provide insights for further reforms. A critical challenge that remains is the absence of an updated and comprehensive centralized catalogue or single registry encompassing all administrative procedures, licenses, and permit requirements for businesses. Currently, this information is scattered across various websites, leading to inconsistencies in some cases (OECD, 2024[17]). Establishing such a registry, and conducting evaluations regularly, would be valuable steps to continue eliminating duplications, harmonizing regulations across different public agencies, and enhancing the functionality of the Investment Single Window.
Figure 2.14. Administrative requirements to set up formal firms are burdensome
Copy link to Figure 2.14. Administrative requirements to set up formal firms are burdensomePMR Administrative requirements for limited liability companies (LLCs) and personally-owned enterprises (POEs), from 0 (“more competition friendly”) to 6 (“less competition friendly”)
Note: The majority of the data was collected in 2023. However, in some countries the data collection was completed at a later date. LAC is an unweighted average of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, and Peru.
Source: OECD Product Market Regulation (database).
Box 2.2. We let you work
Copy link to Box 2.2. We let you work“We Let You Work” (Le Dejamos Trabajar) is a programme by the Ministry of Economy, Industry, and Trade designed to identify and remove bureaucratic hurdles that slow down business operations, hiring, and growth. The Ministry worked with the private sector, chambers of commerce, and 16 public organizations in Costa Rica to pinpoint key obstacles. As a result, they identified 163 bottlenecks, 140 of which were resolved in three phases between August 2022 and September 2023. The remaining 33 will be addressed in 2024.
Most bottlenecks were linked to sector-specific regulations and permit time limits. The second most common issue involved delays in processing permits and licenses. The third issue focused on standardizing application requirements, particularly the technical criteria used by different departments for permit approvals. Other resolved issues included improvements to digital platforms, social insurance enrollment, and service delivery by public institutions.
Multiple ministries, including Environment and Energy, Health, Agriculture and Livestock, Finance, and Public Works and Transportation, helped resolve these challenges. To speed up implementation, the programme prioritized solutions that could be enacted through executive actions, avoiding the need for new laws. Clear deadlines were set for each stage, and specific decrees were published in government reports or in La Gaceta, the official government newspaper.
The second phase of the programme was launched in October 2024 and aims to address barriers that impact citizens when dealing with public institutions, covering issues like water billing or passport processing.
Table 2.2. Policy recommendations to enhance equality of opportunities
Copy link to Table 2.2. Policy recommendations to enhance equality of opportunities|
MAIN FINDINGS |
CHAPTER 2 RECOMMENDATIONS (Key recommendations in bold) |
|---|---|
|
Increasing gender equality |
|
|
Female labour force participation is lower than for men and that in other OECD and Latin America countries. Previous plans to increase the supply of early education and care have failed. The early education network reaches only about 40% of households in poverty. |
Expand early childhood education and care, prioritizing low-income households. |
|
Short school schedules limit women ability to work full-time. |
Extend the current four-hour school day for children aged three to five. Accelerate the implementation of full-day schedules in all primary schools. |
|
The delivery of early childhood education and care is highly fragmented, and the quality level is heterogenous. |
Improve early education governance by increasing coordination with other social policies and by reducing fragmentation in the delivery of early education. Establish and enforce good quality standards across all early education and care centers. |
|
The duration of paid parental leave is significantly lower for men than women. |
Lengthen gradually fathers’ paid leave entitlement in the private sector. |
|
Costa Rica ageing process is accelerating rapidly. The current availability of community-based elder care services is low. |
Gradually expand elderly formal care services, including home-based and community-based care, prioritizing access by low-income households and establishing co-payment mechanisms for higher income ones. |
|
Reducing informality |
|
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40% of workers are informal, hindering well-being, productivity and tax revenues. Several factors contribute to informality, including high non-wage costs, complex regulations, and skills mismatches. Costa Rica has one of the most stringent regulations among OECD countries, particularly as concerns setting up formal firms. |
Pursue a comprehensive strategy to reduce informality, including lowering the cost of formal job creation, reducing administrative barriers, enhancing skills, strengthening enforcement, and simplifying taxes. Include all administrative requirements to set up formal firms in the investment single window. |
|
Costa Rica has notably simplified its minimum wage system over the last five years. The level of the minimum wage, at nearly 90% of the median wage of full-time formal employees, is high. |
Align future minimum wage increases with labour productivity growth to facilitate youth and low-skilled workers accessing formal employment. |
|
A widespread use of digital signature mechanisms would facilitate the digitalization of administrative requirements required to set-up formal firms. The digital signature mechanism has improved notably but the financial cost to obtain is perceived to be too high. The low take-up of the digital firm limits the digitalization of administrative requirements. |
Reduce the financial cost for business and households to obtain the digital signature. |
|
Efforts to reduce the stock of regulations are underway. Measures taken are promising but there are no evaluations about the impact, which limits policy design and planning. Information about the stock of regulations is dispersed across different sources and is sometimes contradictory. |
Undertake a thorough evaluation of efforts to reduce administrative requirements acting as bottlenecks to formal economic activity. Build and regularly update a catalogue of all the administrative procedures, licensing and permits requirements that firms must pursue. |
|
Employer payroll charges are high in comparison with the OECD average, which hampers formalisation. Not all the employer payroll charges are allocated to finance the social security system. Around 35% of the charges go to finance other institutions, such as a state-owned bank, the vocational training centre or the fund financing social protection programmes. |
Gradually shift the financing of social programmes and vocational training away from payroll charges and into the general budget. Phase out the payroll charge devoted to finance a state-owned bank. |
|
Informality is particularly high among those working part-time. With a minimum contribution base which is fixed and the same regardless of working hours or earnings levels, part-time workers are subject to high contribution burdens relative to their earnings. |
Make part-time workers contributions proportional to their part-time income. |
References
[13] Arnold et al. (2024), “Towards better social protection for more workers in Latin America: Challenges and policy considerations”, OECD Economics Department Working Papers, No. 1804, OECD Publishing, Paris.
[8] Berthelon, M., D. Kruger and M. Oyarzún (2023), “School schedules and mothers’ employment: evidence from an education reform”, Review of Economics of the Household, Vol. 21/1, pp. 131-171, https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-022-09599-6.
[9] Cabrera-Hernández, F., M. Padilla-Romo and C. Peluffo (2023), “Full-time schools and educational trajectories: Evidence from high-stakes exams”, Economics of Education Review, Vol. 96, p. 102443, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.econedurev.2023.102443.
[7] CGR (2023), “Informe de auditoría de carácter especial sobre la gobernanza y estándares de calidad de los servicios de cuido y desarrollo infantil de la redcudi”, Contraloría General de la República. Informe N.° DFOE-BIS-IAD-00010-2023.
[15] Del Carpio, X. and L. Pabon (2017), “Implications of Minimum Wage Increases on Labor Market Dynamics : Lessons for Emerging Economies”, WorldBank.
[10] Felfe, C., M. Lechner and P. Thiemann (2016), “After-school care and parents’ labor supply”, Labour Economics, Vol. 42/C, pp. 64-75.
[17] OECD (2024), “Estudio de la Ventanilla Única de Inversión de Costa Rica”, Estudios de la OCDE en Reforma Regulatoria.
[2] OECD (2024), “Gender gaps in Costa Rica: An international and sub-national comparison”, in Gender Equality in Costa Rica: Towards a Better Sharing of Paid and Unpaid Work, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/cbe5e383-en.
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