This chapter presents findings from the OECD’s research on masculinities in Côte d’Ivoire. Drawing on a novel OECD Masculinities Index, it analyses patterns across gender, regions and specific norms, and identifies key levers for promoting more positive masculinities at both national and sub-national levels. The chapter also examines misperceptions between individuals’ personal beliefs and their perceptions of others’ views, revealing important entry points for change notably when individuals overestimate others’ support for restrictive norms. It further explores how restrictive masculinities affect men’s well-being and health and concludes with policy implications based on this new evidence.
Masculinity and Gender Equality
Insights from Côte d'Ivoire and Senegal
Abstract
Key findings on masculinity norms in Côte d’Ivoire
Restrictive masculinities remain deeply entrenched. Nearly all Ivorians (96%) believe a man’s most important role is to provide financially, with men widely expected to act as providers and decision makers across private, economic and public life.
Some norms are beginning to shift, but unevenly. Men’s involvement in caregiving, especially for children and older family members, is gaining acceptance, while their participation in routine domestic work remains more contested. At the same time, women are increasingly challenging norms that limit their economic opportunities, including access to assets and equal pay.
Gender differences in attitudes towards masculinities and gender equality are modest overall, but are widening among younger cohorts. Men hold slightly more restrictive views than women overall, but younger generations show diverging trends: young men remain more attached to traditional norms, while young women are moving towards more egalitarian attitudes.
People often misperceive others’ support for restrictive norms. Individuals systematically overestimate men’s conservatism and women’s progressiveness. Identifying these misperceptions offers a powerful but underused lever for policy and legal change, especially in areas where people privately hold more egalitarian views than they believe their peers do.
Education is the strongest driver of more egalitarian masculinities. Higher levels of education are consistently associated with less restrictive views, but lasting change also requires addressing deeply rooted social norms beyond the education system.
Regional and urban-rural disparities remain significant. Support for restrictive masculinities is stronger in rural areas and in the North, reflecting longstanding inequalities in development, education and economic opportunities.
Restrictive masculinities place a heavy burden on men. They are associated with poorer well-being, stress and anxiety, and can contribute to harmful behaviours, including violence. In Côte d’Ivoire, over 90% of men report feeling stressed at the prospect of not being able to provide for their families.
Promoting gender equality as a driver of inclusive and sustainable development is a clear political priority in Côte d’Ivoire. National policies and action plans explicitly acknowledge the role of social and cultural norms in shaping gender equality outcomes, aligning with the OECD’s emphasis on discriminatory social institutions as root causes of persistent inequalities (OECD, 2023[1]). To close gender gaps in key areas of human and socio‑economic development – such as education, employment and health (Chapters 3 and 4) – the National Gender Policy (Politique Nationale sur l’Égalité, l’Équité et le Genre, 2024–2030) (Ministère de la Femme, de la Famille et de l’Enfant, 2024[2]) prioritises gender mainstreaming across all policies and sectors, inclusive economic and financial development, particularly for women, and the transformation of harmful gender norms and stereotypes. Gender equality is treated as a cross‑cutting priority and is also embedded in broader frameworks, including the National Development Strategy (2021–2025) (Ministère du Plan et du Développement, 2021[3]) and the National Gender and Climate Change Strategy (2020–2024) (République de Côte d’Ivoire, 2020[4]), which notably identifies positive masculinity as a lever to advance gender equality objectives.
Data were collected through a nationally representative household survey conducted by Côte d’Ivoire’s National Statistics Office (ANStat) between September and October 2025. The survey covered a sample of 1 530 households, including 1 401 women and 1 386 men. The sampling strategy ensured national and sub-national representativeness across Côte d’Ivoire’s 33 regions and 8 linguistic zones, enabling analysis of masculinities norms across diverse socio-cultural contexts.
33 regions and 8 linguistic zones in Côte d’Ivoire
Source: ANStat.
The questionnaire was developed by the OECD Development Centre and validated and tailored to the national context through a consultative process led by a national Technical Advisory Group. Chaired by the UNESCO Chair on Water, Women and Decision-making Power in Côte d’Ivoire, the group brought together representatives from government institutions – including the Ministry of Women, Family and Children – alongside civil society organisations, religious and customary leaders, academic experts and development partners. Data analysis was conducted by the OECD in close collaboration with ANStat and the Technical Advisory Group, which contributed significantly to the contextualisation of findings and formulation of policy recommendations.
In this context, addressing restrictive masculinity norms constitutes a critical policy lever for reducing gender inequalities. However, designing effective and targeted policies and programmes requires a robust evidence base on how these norms shape behaviours and outcomes. In line with Côte d’Ivoire’s national priorities and the African Union’s Agenda on Positive Masculinity (African Union, 2021[5]), this chapter draws on new empirical evidence on masculinities in Côte d'Ivoire (Box 2.1). It analyses prevailing masculine norms and their implications through the lens of the OECD’s Masculinities Index.
The OECD’s Masculinities Index offers unique insights into the state of masculine norms. Developed based on the OECD ten-norm framework on restrictive masculinities (OECD, 2021[6]), it has been calculated for the first time for Côte d’Ivoire. The index is a useful tool to understand differences by socio-demographic characteristics such as regions, gender or age, and enables nuanced analysis across its different sub-components, supporting comparisons across population groups (see Box 2.3 and Annex 2.A).
Restrictive masculinities are widespread – but they are neither uniform nor fully uncontested
General support for gender norms that enshrine men’s dominant position over women remains high in Côte d’Ivoire. In other words, restrictive masculinities are deeply entrenched, shaping expectations of men as providers and decision-makers at home, at work and in public spaces. This is reflected in an average score of 57 on the OECD’s Masculinities Index, which ranges from 0 to 100, with higher scores indicating stronger endorsement of restrictive masculinities (see Box 2.3 for the methodology). At the same time, the index reveals that people’s support for masculine norms varies across regions, social groups and domains (Figure 2.2 and Figure 2.4). This reflects that masculinities are not static but flexible, context-specific social constructs.
OECD Masculinities Index scores (0-100), 2026
Note: The OECD Masculinities Index scores range from 0 to 100, where higher scores indicate stronger support for restrictive norms of masculinity.
Source: OECD (2026[7]), OECD Masculinities Database for Côte d'Ivoire, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4sy.
The OECD’s Masculinities Index highlights significant regional variation in adherence to restrictive masculine norms. While levels remain high overall, the lowest prevalence is observed in Abidjan and the surrounding Southern region of Côte d’Ivoire, whereas the highest levels are found in the North (Figure 2.2), in line with previous SIGI country studies on gender norms in Côte d’Ivoire (OCDE, 2022[8]). This clear North-South divide in norms partially reflects broader regional differences rooted in historical patterns of investment and unequal access to public services, exacerbated by political upheavals and geography (Box 2.2). Differences also emerge between rural and urban populations across all regions, with individuals in rural areas, on average, expressing slightly more restrictive views on masculinities (Annex Table 2.A.1). At the national level, this is reflected in Masculinities Index scores of 55 in urban areas and 59 in rural areas.
Regional disparities in Côte d’Ivoire between the largely rural North and the urbanised Southern regions are driven by a range of historical, political and socio-economic factors.
Under French colonial rule, public investment and infrastructure development were concentrated in the southern forest zone to support high-value export-oriented cocoa and coffee production. Northern savannah regions received comparatively limited investment in transport infrastructure, education, and health services. These patterns largely persisted after independence, as development strategies continued to prioritise agricultural industrialisation in the South, while labour migration from the North was encouraged by the government. As a result, a structural imbalance emerged between Abidjan and surrounding regions, which functioned as the country’s economic hubs, and the North, which remained reliant on lower yielding crops and activities such as cotton, cashew, and livestock farming (UNRISD, 2010[9]).
Political dynamics further deepened this regional divide. In the 1990s, the ideology of Ivoirité promoted exclusionary definitions of citizenship that disproportionately affected northern, predominantly Muslim populations, thereby limiting political participation and contributing to rising grievances. These tensions culminated in the 2002 rebellion, which split the country between a rebel-held north and a government-controlled south and produced nearly a decade of intermittent civil war and de facto partition (Langer, 2006[10]). During this period, public investment and basic services were severely weakened in the North. Since the end of the conflict in 2011, successive governments have prioritised reducing regional disparities; however, the legacy of conflict, combined with emerging security risks due to the presence of armed groups in northern border areas, continues to deter investment and constrain inclusive territorial development (Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2024[11]).
The resulting disparities are reflected in socio-economic outcomes across territories. Poverty rates sharply differ between urban and rural areas (24% and 51% of residents, respectively, live below the poverty line). Overall, poverty is most prevalent in the northern and western regions, whereas Abidjan shows a significantly lower rate of around 10% (UNDP, 2025[12]). Education and human capital show a similar pattern: school enrolment, literacy, and completion rates are substantially higher in the southern regions. Meanwhile, the North has fewer public schools – a gap complemented through informal and/or religious schools. These institutions do not fully implement the national curriculum which can limit acquisition of relevant skills for future access to higher-paying employment (Sany, 2010[13]). Additionally, living conditions and economic growth are constrained by limited access to public services including transport, electricity, safe water, healthcare, and finance – despite important progress made (Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2024[11]).
Differences in index scores by gender are relatively small. Men consistently express higher levels of acceptance of restrictive norms than women, but such norms are upheld by both men and women, with Masculinities Index scores of 59 and 54, respectively.1 Interestingly, gender gaps appear to be widening among younger generations in Côte d’Ivoire (Figure 2.3). After men aged 65 and older, young men aged 15‑24 express the highest levels of support for restrictive masculinities, while women in the same age group show the lowest levels of support. These diverging attitudes point to growing tensions among younger cohorts, with potential implications for social cohesion, family relations and well-being in the coming years. This is particularly the case for norms related to men’s reproductive dominance, financial power and leadership in the workplace. Conversely, views among young men and women are more closely aligned on men’s involvement in unpaid care and domestic work and on household decision-making than among older cohorts.2
Young men’s return to some restrictive masculine norms may reflect, in part, the limited attention paid to how changing gender relations affect boys and men. While sustained efforts by government, civil society and development partners to advance the rights and opportunities of girls and women remain essential, these efforts have not always been accompanied by equivalent approaches to help boys and men navigate evolving gender expectations. Ivorian experts note that young women’s stronger academic performance, combined with a strained labour market, may contribute to young men turning to traditional masculine norms in search of identity, status and purpose. This resurgence of restrictive views among young men is not unique to Côte d’Ivoire. Similar dynamics have emerged in several high-income countries, including France, Korea and the United Kingdom (King's Global Institute for Women's Leadership and Ipsos, 2024[14]; Lee, 2024[15]; HCE, 2025[16]). Promoting positive models of masculinity at the local and global level is therefore increasingly important to prevent further polarisation between young women and men, at a time when broad societal engagement is essential to advance gender equality goals.
Note: The OECD masculinities index scores range from 0 to 100, where higher scores indicate stronger support for restrictive norms of masculinity.
Source: OECD (2026[7]), OECD Masculinities Database for Côte d'Ivoire, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4sy.
The OECD’s Masculinities Index is a new measurement tool designed to assess the prevalence of restrictive masculine norms at the population level. The methodology builds around ten core masculine norms identified in the OECD’s Man Enough? report (OECD, 2021[6]). While these norms are not an exhaustive representation of restrictive masculinity, they were selected because of their direct impact on women’s rights and opportunities. Each norm is measured through two or more attitudinal statements, with respondents indicating their level of agreement on an ordinal scale (Table 2.1).
To quantify the degree to which restrictive masculinity norms are upheld, the OECD constructs a composite masculinities index derived from ten norm‑specific indicators. Survey responses are normalised and averaged to create norm-specific indicators that range from 0 (gender-equitable norms) to 100 (restrictive norms). A composite score, the OECD’s Masculinities Index, is calculated as the unweighted average of these ten norm indicators. The index offers a single, continuous measure of how strongly restrictive masculinity norms are endorsed in the population. Further details on index construction, variable coding, and statistical validation can be found in Annex 2.B.
Norms positioning men as breadwinners and household decision-makers are the most prevalent forms of restrictive masculinities in Côte d’Ivoire. For instance, 96% of the population agree that men’s most important role is to meet the family’s financial needs, and 84% believe that men should have the final say in important household decisions. Other norms – such as expectations that men should be “manly” leaders, work in ‘manly’ jobs and exercise authority over women rather than engage in care and domestic work – are also widely shared, albeit to a lesser extent. By contrast, norms that enshrine the importance of financial superiority either through higher pay or control of assets, receive relatively lower support, as it is the case for male domination over sexual and reproductive choices (see Annex 2.A for detailed results).
OECD Masculinities Index (0-100) scores by gender and residence, disaggregated for all ten norms
Note: The scores for each norm range from 0 to 100, where higher a higher score indicates stronger support for the specific restrictive norm of masculinity.
Source: OECD (2026[7]), OECD Masculinities Database for Côte d'Ivoire, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4sy.
Small but consistent differences by residence and gender also emerge when examining each of the ten norms that compose the Masculinities Index separately.3 Across both rural and urban areas, as well as between men and women, patterns are broadly similar: rural populations and men tend to express stronger support for each restrictive masculine than urban populations and women (Figure 2.4). The same patterns are thus observed at both the overall index level as well as its sub-components.
At the same time, variation across specific norms reveals important nuances. Agreement is uniformly high that men should be the breadwinner, regardless of residence. This norm becomes restrictive when breadwinning is treated as a primary marker of men’s worth and authority, placing significant pressure on men to fulfil the role of main or sole provider while limiting women’s ability to take on or share this responsibility equally with their partner. By contrast, the greatest variation – both geographically and by gender – concerns norms related to financial power, such as control over assets, income dominance, and household decision making. These differences suggest that men’s ability to fulfil socially expected roles may be more closely tied to access to and control over assets in rural areas, where economic opportunities are more limited than in urban settings. Qualitative evidence tends to support this interpretation. In Côte d’Ivoire, women’s autonomy in agricultural activities is sometimes perceived by men as a threat to their authority and masculinity, exposing them to a potential loss of social status within the community (Yeo et al., 2024[17]). Overall, the data suggest that women are increasingly challenging norms that visibly constrain their ability to achieve financial parity with men such as the belief that men should control household assets or earn more than women in similar jobs (OECD, 2026[7]).
These patterns are also reflected at the sub-national level. Table 2.2 shows that norms associated with men’s roles as breadwinners and household decision-makers consistently receive the highest levels of support across regions. However, important regional differences persist. A clear trend emerges: support for restrictive masculinities is strongest in the North across most norms. Two exceptions stand out – norms related to men being “manly” leaders and having the final say in household decisions receive their highest support in the South-West, followed closely by the North.
Overall, disaggregated results by residence, gender and region confirm that men’s roles as providers and decision-makers remain widely accepted, while other dimensions of restrictive masculinities – though less strongly endorsed – continue to shape gender relations and constrain women’s autonomy.
OECD Masculinities Index scores (0-100) for each norm by region
Note: The scores for each norm range from 0 to 100, where higher a higher score indicates stronger support for the specific restrictive norm of masculinity. Cells highlighted in orange indicate the strongest masculinity norm per each region, and cells highlighted in green indicate the weakest masculinity norm per each region. Numbers in bold indicate the overall highest score obtained per norm.
Source: (OECD, 2026[7]), OECD Masculinities Database for Côte d'Ivoire, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4sy.
Support for restrictive masculinities follows educational inequalities and longstanding value systems
This section examines how individual characteristics – such as education, age, religion, ethnicity or economic situation – help explain differences in adherence to restrictive masculinities across gender, regions and places of residence. Drawing on econometric analysis that goes beyond descriptive patterns, it identifies the factors most strongly associated with more egalitarian attitudes, and therefore potential levers for promoting less restrictive forms of masculinity.4
Across all results, education clearly stands out as the most consistent and influential factor associated with rejecting restrictive masculinities and supporting more positive alternatives. Whether considering the overall Masculinities Index or specific norms, higher levels of education are linked to markedly lower support for restrictive views. This relationship is gradual and robust: even primary compared to no formal education is associated with less restrictive attitudes, while secondary and higher education correspond to substantially larger shifts across key domains, including breadwinner expectations, control over resources, leadership roles and reproductive decision-making (Figure 2.5).
Note: The scores for each norm range from 0 to 100, where higher a higher score indicates stronger support for the specific restrictive norm of masculinity.
Source: OECD (2026[7]), OECD Masculinities Database for Côte d'Ivoire, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4sy.
These patterns hold at both national and sub-national levels, although the strength of the effect varies by region. In Abidjan and in the Centre, Centre-West and South-West, the association between education and less restrictive views is particularly strong. By contrast, this effect is weaker in the North and North-East. This regional variation suggests that, while education remains the most reliable pathway for promoting positive masculinities, its normative influence is shaped by local socio-economic and cultural contexts. Further research should also incorporate informal and religious education systems in order to comprehensively assess if different educational institutions shape people’s adherence to restrictive masculinities in distinct ways.
By contrast, other factors show weaker, inconsistent or context-specific relationships with masculinity norms, underlining how deeply entrenched these norms are across Ivorian society. Younger men, for example, appear more supportive of restrictive masculinities in descriptive comparisons (see Figure 2.3), but age effects are inconsistent and largely disappear once education, ethnicity, region and other factors are taken into account.5 Similarly, apparent differences by religion should be interpreted with caution. While Christian respondents tend, on average, to express lower support for restrictive norms than Muslim respondents,6 religious affiliation follows a clear North-South divide that reflects wider regional disparities (Box 2.2). Support for restrictive masculinities also varies by ethnic group, though results should again be interpreted cautiously due to possible overlap with other factors. For example, the Mandé du Nord – largely represented in the North of Côte d’Ivoire – show significantly higher support for restrictive norms compared to the Akan which show the lowest support.7 Economic factors – including income, employment status and sector – also show no systematic association with restrictive views, with effects varying or even reversing across regions.
Taken together, these findings reinforce a central message: restrictive masculinities are widespread and deeply rooted across society, but education stands out as the most promising lever for fostering more positive masculinities and more egalitarian norms.
Personal beliefs alone do not determine social norms. What also matters are people’s expectations about what others believe and how they behave. Social norms therefore define what is considered appropriate or acceptable behaviour in a given context and are upheld through informal enforcement mechanisms such as approval, stigma, ridicule, or social exclusion (Bicchieri, 2016[18]; Zhang et al., 2023[19]; Young, 2015[20]). Importantly, people’s personal beliefs can differ from what individuals think others believe. Identifying these misperceptions can open opportunities for change (Bursztyn, 2023[21]). For example, a man may support equal caregiving in principle but avoid participating in childcare because he assumes his peers disapprove. However, if he were aware that others also support more equal caregiving, he might change his behaviour. When individuals act on overly conservative assumptions about social expectations, despite holding more progressive personal beliefs, this is known as pluralistic ignorance. Such misperceptions can create a “conformity trap” where change for the better does not happen, a phenomenon that has been increasingly studied and documented in the literature (Bussolo et al., 2023[22]; Matavelli et al., 2025[23]; Smerdon, Offerman and Gneezy, 2020[24]).
Data from Côte d’Ivoire reveal widespread misperceptions about masculinities. Most strikingly, people systematically overestimate both men’s support for and women’s opposition to restrictive masculinities, regardless of their own gender (Figure 2.6). In other words, while women and men hold different personal views on some issues, their expectations about other people’s beliefs are largely similar, reflecting shared social norms. For instance, on average, 76% of the population (81% of men and 71% of women) agree that men make better political leaders. However, on average, they expect 62% of women compared to 83% of men in their area to share this view.8
Personal beliefs about masculine norms and expectations about other women’s and men’s support for such norms in Côte d’Ivoire
Note: Data presented in this figure was collected through a sequence of three questions which (1) ask the respondent whether they agree or not with the specific statement; (2) ask the respondent to estimate how many out of 10 men in their area would agree with the statement; (3) ask the respondent to estimate how many out of 10 women in their area would agree with the statement. The population-weighted responses for type (1) questions are labelled as “Personal beliefs (all/women/men)” and the responses to type (2) and (3) are labelled as “Perceived support among men” or “Perceived support among women”, referring to respondents’ estimated shares of women and men who would support the different statements. For instance, on average 98% of the population agrees that women should obey their husband/partner and the population expects 85% of women and 96% of men to agree with this. The applied methodology follows (Bursztyn, 2023[21]) approach.
Statements marked with an asterisk were initially asked in the opposite way – e.g. instead of “I think women cannot refuse sexual relations with their husband” the question was asked as “I think women can refuse sexual relations with their husband”. To present all data in a harmonised way, the mean values for the social expectations on men and women for these statements were reversed.
Source: OECD (2026[7]), OECD Masculinities Database for Côte d'Ivoire, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4sy.
Identifying and addressing gaps between personal beliefs and perceived support for restrictive masculinities offers promising entry points for normative change. This is particularly the case when people significantly overestimate men’s support for restrictive masculine norms. For instance, fewer than 20% of the population disagree with fathers taking parental leave, yet respondents expect almost 40% of men to hold this view. Similarly, opposition to equal pay is widely overestimated, particularly among men. While about 40% of the population believe that men should earn more than women for the same or similar work, respondents estimate that 48% of women and 70% of men hold this view.
Targeted communication on actual levels of support for more equitable masculine norms can help pave the way for policy and legal reform and implementation. For example, equal pay is already mandated by the law, and fathers are entitled to three days of paternity leave (OECD, 2023[25]). Public awareness campaigns highlighting broad support for equal pay could encourage men to express support more openly, empower women to challenge discriminatory outcomes – including persistent gender pay gaps, which stood at 27% in 2022 – and reduce the tendency of employers to justify unequal pay as socially accepted (ILO, n.d.[26]). Similarly, policymakers could consider expanding the duration of paternity leave given the population’s broad acceptance of fathers’ involvement in childcare. By encouraging and normalising men’s participation in caregiving, such measures could contribute to a more equitable distribution of responsibilities within households and, ultimately, support more equal opportunities for women and men in the labour market.
Conversely, resistance to change may be higher when personal beliefs and social expectations are more closely aligned. This is notably the case for norms that already enjoy broad societal support, such as the belief that men’s most important role is to provide financially for their families, or that women should be submissive and seek their husband’s permission to engage in paid work. In these cases, actual support even exceeds perceived social expectations among both women and men, pointing to deeply entrenched and widely shared beliefs that are likely to be resistant to immediate change. Policies or programmes aiming to transform such norms should therefore adopt longer-term, gradual and context-specific approaches.
Taken together, these findings suggest that efforts to promote more positive masculinities may be most effective when they target norms characterised by large misperceptions and existing support for change, while also addressing more deeply rooted beliefs through education and awareness raising.
Restrictive masculine norms can negatively affect men’s health and well-being, harming both those who conform to these norms and those who do not (OECD, 2021[6]; Kato-Wallace et al., 2016[27]; Connell, 1995[28]). A well-established body of evidence shows that behaviours linked to restrictive masculinities – such as avoidance of help-seeking, dismissal of healthcare needs and sick leave, or engagement in risky behaviours – are associated with poorer physical and mental health outcomes (Wong et al., 2017[29]; Ragonese, Shand and Barker, 2019[30]). Experts consulted for this study confirm similar dynamics in Côte d’Ivoire, describing a vicious circle in which the masculine norms men aspire to fulfil can also harm them. These patterns often emerge early in life, as boys seek ways to prove their masculinity and when stigma and shame contribute to boys’ disengagement from healthcare services (Verma and Khurana, 2023[31]). The resulting outcomes include higher rates of substance use, unsafe sex, occupational risk-taking, depression, and suicidal ideation, with emotional distress frequently expressed through risk-taking rather than care-seeking (Courtenay, 2000[32]).
Outcomes in Côte d’Ivoire are consistent with these gendered health patterns, even though direct links to masculinity norms cannot be fully established with available data. Men’s life expectancy is lower than women’s (60 compared to 64 years), and suicide rates are 4.6 times higher among men. Other health indicators show a mixed picture: tobacco use is higher among men, while obesity and HIV/AIDS are greater concerns for women. Data on mental health remain limited, though feelings of loneliness are widespread among both women and men (Table 2.3). Taken together, these indicators reflect health challenges commonly associated in the literature with restrictive masculinities.
Note: Data based on the most recent year available. HIV stands for human immunodeficiency virus.
Restrictive masculinity norms can generate significant psychological pressure, particularly when men feel unable to meet entrenched expectations such as providing financially for their families. Research shows that perceived threats to masculinity can increase stress and anxiety and prompt compensatory behaviours, including risk-taking and violence (Vandello and Bosson, 2013[37]). Broader socio-economic circumstances, such as the decline of traditionally male-dominated industries or high unemployment rates can intensify these pressures (Matavelli et al., 2025[23]; Kimmel, 2012[38]). In such situations, some men may seek to reassert their status through exaggerated masculine behaviours, often at the expense of women’s rights and safety.
Evidence from Côte d’Ivoire aligns with these findings and highlights the central role of the breadwinner norm in shaping men’s well-being. More than 90% of men report that they would feel stressed or anxious if they were unable to provide financially for their families. This “provider anxiety” is especially pronounced among men who more strongly endorse restrictive masculinities, particularly norms linking manhood to financial provision and “manly” work.9 10 It can also affect life choices and behaviours, including by delaying marriage among economically precarious young men, fuelling chronic anxiety and contributing to compensatory behaviours such as risk-taking, substance use or violence. At the same time, the near-universal nature of this anxiety suggests that pressure to fulfil the breadwinner role is widely shared across socio-economic groups, rather than confined to specific circumstances. Importantly, these norms are also associated with harmful gender outcomes: men who more strongly adhere to restrictive masculine ideals and feel pressure to conform to them are more likely to perpetrate violence against women than those with more egalitarian beliefs (see Chapter 5).
Sexuality represents another domain where restrictive masculinities strongly shape men’s experiences and well-being. In Côte d’Ivoire, as in many contexts, sexual activity and performance are central to socially sanctioned notions of masculinity (Greene et al., 2019[39]). Two thirds of Ivorian men agree that men should always be ready to have sexual relations, and more than 80% consider male sexual underperformance embarrassing or shameful (OECD, 2026[7]). Analysis reveals that adherence to restrictive masculinity, and notably norms that enshrine men’s sexual dominance and decision-making power show the strongest association with perceived shame related to sexual performance – largely irrespective of age, education, marital status, income, or place of residence.11 12 Together, these findings highlight that different norms influence men and women through distinct channels, and not all norms are equally relevant for specific health and well-being outcomes.
Source: OECD (2026[7]), OECD Masculinities Database for Côte d'Ivoire, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4sy.
Finally, strong pressure to conform to narrow masculine ideals can also limit men’s life choices, including their engagement in caregiving and career paths. Across countries, men’s uptake of parental leave, for example, remains low due to a combination of traditional norms, stigma, financial constraints and policy design, causing many to miss opportunities for caregiving that benefit both fathers and children (OECD, 2025[40]; Parental leave corporate taskforce, 2022[41]; Rudman and Mescher, 2013[42]). In Côte d’Ivoire, access to paid paternity leave is further compounded by high informality rates (Chapter 4). Evidence from Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa shows that while some men engage in childcare out of conviction, others conceal their involvement due to peer pressure (Omobowale, Adebayo and Iyanda, 2023[43]; Morrell and Jewkes, 2011[44]; OECD, 2026[45]). Similar dynamics shape employment choices. Fear of stigma discourages men from entering occupations perceived as insufficiently masculine. In Côte d’Ivoire, such beliefs are widespread and shared by both women and men, with over 40% agreeing that men working in traditionally female-dominated occupations would be negatively judged (Figure 2.7 and see Chapter 4).
Restrictive masculinities remain deeply embedded in Côte d’Ivoire, shaping expectations of men as providers and decision-makers across all spheres of life. While these norms are widely shared by both men and women, they are neither uniform nor static. Important variations across regions, social groups and domains – and growing divergence among younger generations – highlight that masculinities are socially constructed and can evolve over time.
The findings also point to critical levers for change. Education emerges as the most consistent factor associated with more egalitarian attitudes, although its impact varies across contexts and is mediated by broader socio-economic and cultural conditions. At the same time, widespread misperceptions about others’ beliefs sustain restrictive norms: individuals tend to overestimate support for unequal gender roles, particularly among men. This identified gap offers a powerful and underutilised entry point for accelerating norm change, especially in areas where more egalitarian attitudes already exist.
Not all norms are equally amenable to change. While some – such as attitudes towards caregiving or equal pay – show signs of transformation and provide opportunities for intervention, others, particularly the breadwinner norm, remain deeply entrenched and may require longer-term strategies. Addressing restrictive masculinities therefore requires a differentiated approach that combines short-term behavioural interventions, legal and policy reforms with sustained efforts to shift underlying value systems.
Importantly, restrictive masculinities do not only constrain women’s rights and opportunities; they also impose significant costs on men, including psychological pressure, reduced well-being and limited life choices. In some cases, these pressures are associated with harmful coping strategies, including violence. Promoting more positive masculinities is therefore not only a matter of gender equality, but also of broader social and economic well-being.
While this chapter offers unique evidence from the first national representative study on masculine norms in Côte d’Ivoire, it is important to recognise some limitations. The analysis relies in part on self-reported data on social norms, which may be influenced by social desirability bias and cultural differences in how attitudes and behaviours are perceived and reported. In addition, the study does not aim to capture the full spectrum of masculinities or masculine norms but rather focuses on the ten norms identified as those having the most adverse impacts on women’s rights and gender equality. Future research could explore more profoundly how these norms affect men themselves across different dimensions of well-being and life outcomes. In addition, qualitative research could provide deeper insights into the complex interplay between cultural, religious, ethnic and structural factors that shape adherence to social norms and gender expectations.
Moving forward: Policy priorities
The analysis together with concrete recommendations made by Ivorian stakeholders representing the government, academia, civil society, customary and religious leaders, identifies the importance of promoting positive masculinities – as defined and encouraged by the African Union – as a key pillar to enhance gender equality, public health, social cohesion and prevent gender-based violence (also see Chapters 4 and 5).
“Positive Masculinity” means a societal approach that develops transformed mindsets, behaviors, and attitudes among men and boys, to respect, promote, and protect the rights and empowerment of women and girls, including equality, non-discrimination, non-violence, conflict resolution, and healthy relationships with women and girls (African Union, 2025[46]).
The following actions should be prioritised, acknowledging that women and men across all socio-economic groups can be gatekeepers, allies and agents of change.
Develop a national strategy and programme on positive masculinity. Develop a National Strategy for the Promotion of Positive Masculinity (2026–30), aligned with the National Policy for Equity, Equality and Gender (2024–30), and establish a dedicated national programme to support implementation. The strategy should engage men and boys as partners for gender equality, while addressing the pressures that restrictive masculinities place on them, including around provision, authority and social status. Ensure a multi-stakeholder approach through institutionalised dialogue with traditional and religious leaders, while engaging the private sector to integrate positive masculinity objectives into corporate social responsibility initiatives. Family-centred programmes, including initiatives inspired by the “École des Maris” model (see Chapters 1 and 3), can help promote caregiving, responsible fatherhood and equitable gender relations within households.
Address misperceptions and accelerate norm change through targeted communication and policy action. Implement evidence-based communication campaigns and norm-change interventions that target particularly young men, fathers and community influencers at both local and national levels. These efforts should be complemented by policy and legal reforms, as well as stronger enforcement of existing legislation, particularly in areas where public support for positive masculinity may be greater than commonly assumed, such as men’s involvement in caregiving and equal pay for equal work.
Expand access to inclusive and gender-transformative education across all learning environments: Integrate positive masculinity, gender equality and non-violent relationship skills into formal, non-formal and religious education curricula. Strengthen collaboration with education authorities and higher education institutions to ensure that curricula, teacher training and community-based learning programmes promote equitable gender norms from an early age.
Reduce regional and socio-economic inequalities that reinforce restrictive masculine norms. Prioritise investments and targeted interventions in regions and communities where restrictive gender norms remain particularly prevalent. Efforts to expand educational opportunities, economic inclusion and access to public services can help address structural inequalities that contribute to the persistence of harmful norms and unequal gender relations.
Mobilise indigenous knowledge and community institutions to promote positive masculinity. Build on Côte d’Ivoire’s rich cultural traditions and community-based mechanisms to promote positive masculine identities. Initiation rites, councils of elders, oral traditions, mentoring relationships between generations and respected community figures can serve as powerful vehicles for transmitting values such as responsibility, self-discipline, respect and non-violence.
Strengthen evidence, monitoring and learning on positive masculinity. Invest in regular data collection, monitoring and evaluation to track changes in masculine norms and assess the effectiveness of interventions. Strengthen knowledge sharing across sectors and countries to support evidence-based policymaking and the scaling of successful approaches.
The primary data of the OECD study on masculinities in Côte d’Ivoire, conducted in close partnership with the national statistical office and the Ivorian government in 2025, have been treated in order to create an index capturing the overall support for restrictive masculinities in the country. The index score ranges from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates the absence of support or restrictive masculinities and 100 the full support. The index builds on ten norms of restrictive norms, in accordance with the OECD’s masculinity framework (OECD, 2021[6]). As for the overall index, a score per norm has been calculated based on the averaged and normalised survey responses for the respective questions used to assess each norm. The scores per norm and overall index score for Côte d’Ivoire are presented in Annex Table 2.A.1. More details on the methodology can be assessed in Annex 2.B.
Index scores at the national level, by residence (urban/rural), zone and gender
Source: (OECD, 2026[7]), OECD Masculinities Database for Côte d'Ivoire, https://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4sy.
This annex provides additional details on the construction and validation of the OECD Masculinities Index presented in Chapter 2. While Box 2.1 describes the conceptual framework and survey module used to measure masculine norms, this annex explains the methodological steps used to build the norm indicators and the composite index.
The OECD Masculinities Index builds on the conceptual framework introduced in Man Enough? Measuring Masculine Norms to Promote Women’s Empowerment (OECD, 2021[6]). The framework identifies ten core masculine norms that shape expectations about men’s roles in both the public and private spheres. These norms relate to economic provision, authority within households, leadership roles, control over assets, engagement in unpaid care work, and sexual and reproductive decision-making.
Each norm is measured through two or more survey questions capturing individuals’ attitudes towards gender roles and expectations about men’s behaviour. Respondents indicate their level of agreement with each statement using ordinal Likert-type scales. The survey module was implemented as part of nationally representative household surveys conducted in Côte d’Ivoire in 2025–2026.
Survey responses were first recoded to ensure that higher values consistently reflect stronger support for restrictive masculinity norms. For example, statements expressing gender-equitable views were reverse-coded so that agreement corresponds to lower endorsement of restrictive norms.
To ensure comparability across questions with different response scales, item responses were normalised to a common scale ranging from 0 to 1 using a min-max transformation:
Under this transformation,
0 represents gender-equitable attitudes, and
1 represents the strongest endorsement of restrictive norms.
Binary variables used in some norms (e.g. attitudes towards unpaid care work or reproductive decision‑making) were already coded on a 0‑1 scale and therefore did not require further normalisation.
For each of the ten masculine norms, a norm-specific indicator was calculated as the simple average of the normalised item responses belonging to that norm:
Where:
is the normalised response to item iii for norm , and
is the number of items used to measure that norm.
Each norm indicator therefore ranges from 0 (gender-equitable norms) to 1 (strongly restrictive norms). For communication purposes, the index is rescaled to a 0–100 range.
The decision to use a simple average reflects both conceptual and statistical considerations. Conceptually, each item captures a distinct but related dimension of the same normative domain. Empirically, exploratory factor analysis confirmed that items within most norms load on a single underlying dimension, supporting their aggregation into a composite indicator.
The OECD Masculinities Index is calculated as the unweighted average of the ten norm-specific indicators:
The resulting score ranges from 0 to 1, where higher values indicate stronger endorsement of restrictive masculinity norms across multiple domains of social life.
For communication purposes, the index is rescaled to a 0–100 range, where:
0 represents the absence of support for restrictive norms, and
100 represents the strongest support for restrictive masculinities.
Several diagnostic tests were conducted to assess the robustness of the index construction.
Descriptive analysis
The distribution of each survey item was examined using frequency tables, histograms, and summary statistics. As expected for attitudinal data, most variables show non-normal distributions and some degree of skewness. However, none exhibited extreme floor or ceiling effects that would justify removing them from the index.
Internal consistency
Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were calculated for each norm to assess internal consistency between items. While several norms show moderate reliability, lower alpha values were expected given the small number of items per norm and the fact that items capture related but distinct aspects of masculinity norms.
Dimensionality analysis
Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was used to examine whether items within each norm and across norms load onto a common latent dimension. For most norms, the first principal component explains more than 50% of the variance, indicating a coherent underlying construct.
At the composite level, PCA results confirm the presence of a dominant common factor across the ten norms. The first component explains approximately one-third of the total variance, which is considered acceptable in social norms research where multiple dimensions contribute to the overall construct. These findings support the aggregation of the ten norms into a single composite index.
Sensitivity checks
Alternative aggregation approaches were explored during the validation process, including weighted aggregation using factor loadings and alternative normalisation methods. Results were broadly consistent across specifications, supporting the use of the simple average approach due to its transparency and interpretability.
Population-level estimates were calculated using survey sampling weights to account for the survey design and ensure representativeness. Weighted means of the norm indicators and the composite index were computed for the national population and disaggregated by gender, place of residence, and region.
Statistical tests based on survey-weighted regression models were used to assess differences in index scores across groups.
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← 1. Differences in mean index scores by gender and residence (urban and rural) are statistically significant at the 1% (p < 0.01) and 5% (p < 0.05) levels, respectively, based on survey-weighted Wald tests.
← 2. Differences in mean scores by age groups and gender for the individual ten norms that constitute the masculinities index reveal the most striking gender gaps for the youngest cohort (15-24 years) for financial dominance (12-point gap); manly leader (9-point gap) and reproductive dominance (8-point gap) in comparison to the gender gaps observed for other age cohorts for the same norm. For unpaid care and domestic work and final say in household decisions, the trend is reversed. The gender gap among the youngest cohorts is significantly smaller than the eldest cohort.
← 3. For most of the ten norms, mean differences by gender and residence (urban vs. rural) are statistically significant at the 1% or 5% levels based on survey-weighted Wald tests. However, differences by residence are not significant for norms expecting men to be the breadwinner, financially dominant, work in “manly” jobs, and dominate sexual and reproductive decisions, nor for the norm that men should not engage in unpaid care and domestic work; this latter norm also shows no significant difference by gender.
← 4. Associations between support for restrictive masculinities and individual characteristics such as age, education, ethnicity, religion or economic status are estimated using a fractional logit model. Different specifications are used with the Masculinities Index and the norms-specific indicators as key explanatory variables, respectively. The explanatory variables used are age, gender, education, place of residence, household expenditure, religion, labour status, formal/informal employment and sector of employment. The different specifications were run for the full sample (national level) as well as at the sub-national level – for the different zones.
← 5. When age is modelled continuously, the results indicate a small but statistically significant decline in support for restrictive masculinities as age increases. When age is modelled using age groups, only respondents aged 35–49 show significantly lower support for restrictive norms compared with the youngest cohort (15–24), while differences for older groups are not statistically significant.
← 6. Differences between Christians and Muslims are statistically significant at least at the 5% level for the following norms: manly jobs, ideal worker, manly leader, final say, asset control and reproductive dominance.
← 7. The OECD Masculinities Index score by ethnic group are as follows: Akan (53), Mandé du Sud (54), Krou (55); other ethnicity (55), Voltaïque/ Gur (59) and Mandé du Nord (60).
← 8. For example, on average, women estimate that 63% of women and 83% of men agree that men are better political leaders. Men estimate that 61% of women and 83% of men agree that men are better political leaders.
← 9. Estimates are based on logistic regression models using a sample of male respondents. The dependent variable is a binary indicator equal to 1 if the respondent reports feeling stressed or anxious about not being able to provide financially for himself or his family, and 0 otherwise. The key explanatory variable is the OECD’s Masculinities Index, a standardised index ranging from 0 to 100 that captures endorsement of restrictive masculinity norms across multiple dimensions. Control variables include age, education, income, marital status, employment status, religion, ethnicity, number of children, and urban–rural residence. Survey weights are applied in all estimations.
← 10. Associations between specific masculinity norms and men’s well-being outcomes are estimated using logistic regression models. The explanatory variables include individual indicators for the ten masculinity norms captured in the Masculinities Index framework: breadwinner expectations, financial authority, gendered division of jobs, ideal worker norms, leadership norms, norms related to unpaid care and domestic work, household decision-making authority, asset control, guardianship, and reproductive and sexual decision-making. Models control for individual socio-demographic characteristics including age, education, income, marital status, employment characteristics, number of children, religion, ethnicity, and urban–rural residence. Robust standard errors are clustered at the household level. The analytical sample consists of male respondents with valid information on the relevant well-being outcome.
← 11. Estimates are based on logistic regression models examining the association between restrictive masculinity norms and sexual performance–related shame. The dependent variable is a binary indicator equal to 1 if the respondent agrees that a man should feel embarrassed if he cannot perform sexually, and 0 otherwise. The main explanatory variable is the OECD’s Masculinities Index, which ranges from 0 to 100 and measures the degree of endorsement of restrictive masculinity norms across ten normative domains. The regressions control for age, education, income, marital status, employment characteristics, number of children, religion, ethnicity, and urban–rural residence. Survey weights are applied in all estimations.
← 12. Associations between specific masculinity norms and men’s well-being outcomes are estimated using logistic regression models. The explanatory variables include individual indicators for the ten masculinity norms captured in the Masculinities Index framework: breadwinner expectations, financial authority, gendered division of jobs, ideal worker norms, leadership norms, norms related to unpaid care and domestic work, household decision-making authority, asset control, guardianship, and reproductive and sexual decision-making. Models control for individual socio-demographic characteristics including age, education, income, marital status, employment characteristics, number of children, religion, ethnicity, and urban–rural residence. Robust standard errors are clustered at the household level. The analytical sample consists of male respondents with valid information on the relevant well-being outcome.