Energy reforms in Western Balkan economies will affect different groups in different ways. This chapter explores the impacts on women and men across three key pillars based on qualitative focus group research. First, how electricity price reforms will affect men and women differently and how effective social assistance systems should be designed to mitigate the gender-differentiated impacts. Second, what employment-related impacts the transition to renewable energy may have on gender equality. And third, the inclusion of gender in energy policies.
Energy Prices and Subsidies in the Western Balkans
Reforms for a Fair and Green Future
Abstract
Assessing differences in energy access, consumption, services and labour among diverse societal groups – e.g. women and men; young and old; rich and poor; and urban and rural, can support more effective policy design. When designed and implemented with sensitivity to the wider social context and consideration of the dynamic nature of gender relations and social inclusion, energy policies can contribute to the goals of gender equality and social inclusion (United Nations, 2023[1]). This chapter builds on innovative qualitative research for this assessment (Box 6.1). It explores the impacts of energy reforms on women and men in terms of first, the effects of electricity price reforms and how effective social assistance systems should be designed to mitigate the gender-differentiated impacts; second, what employment-related impacts the transition to renewable energy may have on gender equality; and third, the inclusion of women and a gender perspective in energy policies.
Qualitative data for this report were collected through a combination of focus group discussions and roundtables with professionals and experts, organised during missions in each of the Western Balkan economies. The aim was to understand whether and why gender differences exist in relation to energy, particularly considering potential energy reforms that would lead to higher prices. Understanding gender differences in access to and satisfaction with social assistance institutions and energy providers was also an important part of the research. Qualitative assessments, used in combination with other data sources, are often best positioned to gain understanding of how social and cultural norms influence behaviours and perceptions. In this case, research focused on energy access and consumption.
The following research questions guided the qualitative data collection:
1. Are there systematic differences in the way men and women: use energy? save energy?
2. Are there gender-specific vulnerabilities in accessing, procuring, switching between energy sources?
3. Do men and women employ different coping strategies when energy prices are high? How are they impacted by coping mechanisms?
4. Are men and women equally informed and able: to access social assistance programmes? To seek their rights vis-à-vis energy providers?
5. Do men and women have access to the same knowledge on energy reforms and tariff increases? Do they have different attitudes towards energy reforms and tariff increases?
In total, 46 focus group discussions (including 4 specifically in Roma communities) were held throughout the region, led by six local partner research organisations. To capture an extensive range of perspectives, participants from diverse backgrounds were recruited: e.g. residents of both urban and rural areas, reflecting different income levels, age and social assistance beneficiary status. Separate focus groups were held for men and women to delve deeply into gender-specific differences in relationship to energy.
The qualitative data collected provided rich contextual information and detail on participants’ perceptions and experiences related to energy and potential or past energy reforms, which are woven into the content of this chapter.
Available data show that certain groups, such as single mothers and elderly women living alone, are more vulnerable to energy poverty
Households led by single people, which are predominantly headed by women, tend to suffer more from energy poverty. Data from the EU Survey of Income and Living Conditions (SILC) and Household Budget Surveys (HBS), when administered in Western Balkan economies, show that households led by single people face greater difficulties keeping their homes adequately warm and paying their utility bills on time. Such households are more often led by women. In Serbia, women head 64.4% of single-people-led households; in Albania, 76.4%; and in Kosovo, 55.2% (SORS, 2021[2]; ASK, 2021[3]; INSTAT, 2021[4]). In Albania in 2021, single women over 65 years of age allocated the highest proportion (10.9%) of their available budget to energy bills, closely followed by single men over 65 years (10.0%), single men under 65 without children (9.5%), and couples over 65 without children (9.1%) (INSTAT, 2021[5]). In Serbia, single parents are the most likely to report having had arrears on utility bills at least once in the preceding 12 months. In 2021, it was the case for 49.9% of households headed by a single father and 40.4% of households headed by a single mother, both double the average of 20.1% for couples with children (SORS, 2021[2]). In Kosovo, 21.7% of households headed by a single father and 17.8% those headed by a single women reported not being able to keep their home warm, compared with 14.8% of households headed by two adults with children (ASK, 2021[3]).
Household categories in the population and reporting levels of energy poverty, 2021
Note: Data is presented for the three economies for which comparable EU-SILC and HBS data was available.
Source: INSAT (2021[4]), European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions, https://www.instat.gov.al/; ASK (2021[3]), European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions, https://ask.rks-gov.net/; Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia (2021[2]), European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions, https://www.stat.gov.rs/en-US; (INSTAT, 2021[5]), Household Budget Survey, https://www.instat.gov.al/; (SORS, 2021[6]), Household Budget Survey, https://www.stat.gov.rs/en-US.
Rural households tend to suffer more from energy poverty than urban ones. A gap exists overall between these two contexts and, in particular, for households led by single women. In Albania, among households headed by single mothers, 48.5% of those residing in cities report not being able to afford to keep their home adequately warm; the figure soars to 80.3% in rural areas (INSTAT, 2021[5]). In Serbia, among households headed by single women over the age of 65, 11.3% in cities report not being able to keep comfortably warm against 20.9% in rural areas. These regional differences may be linked to both less favourable economic conditions in rural areas and lower energy efficiency of the rural housing stock. Households in rural areas also tend to rely less on electricity and district heating, and more on solid fuels for heating and cooking (Robić, 2016[7]).
Considering the impacts of possible future increases in energy prices, households led by single parents also express a limited ability to face unexpected financial expenses. In Serbia, an average of 50.9% of households led by single mothers report not having the capacity to weather unexpected financial expenses, broken down as 55.6% of such households in cities and 28.3% in towns and suburbs, while peaking at 67.4% in rural areas (SORS, 2021[2]). In Montenegro, the risk of poverty is 47.9% of households led by a single person with dependent children – more than double the 20.3% reported across all households. Figures are similar for Albania (37.4% versus 22.0%), North Macedonia (41.6% versus 21.8%) and Kosovo (62.2% versus 27.9%). For comparison, in the EU-27, the average rates are 31.8% versus 16.5% (Eurostat, 2025[8]).
Overcrowding rate for households by poverty status, 2023 (% of households)
Note: For Serbia and Montenegro data are for 2022 instead of 2023, for Albania they are for 2021 instead of 2023 and for North Macedonia they are for 2020 instead of 2023.
Source: Eurostat (2025[9]), Overcrowding rate by poverty status - EU-SILC survey, https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/tessi172/default/table?lang=en&category=es.tesip.tessi.tessisec.tessisec_hc.
Block tariffs can play a role in energy poverty as larger households may have higher overall energy consumption, which pushes them into more expensive pricing tiers. In the Western Balkans, poorer households experience higher overcrowding rates compared with the general population, indicating that low-income families are more likely to live in larger, multi-person households to share living costs. While this mirrors the pattern in the EU-27, overcrowding rates in the Western Balkans are notably higher – 52.8% for the total population in the Western Balkans compared to 16.8% in the EU-27 (Figure 6.1). Since block tariffs typically apply uniform consumption thresholds regardless of household size, larger households – despite potentially demonstrating efficient per-person energy use – are more likely to exceed lower-cost tiers and face higher electricity costs. These systems may disproportionally impact larger, low-income households.
Drivers of vulnerability to energy poverty
The vulnerability of women to energy poverty is driven by a multitude of intersecting characteristics. Women’s susceptibility to energy poverty stems from a complex interplay of factors, ranging from economic disparities to barriers in accessing resources, education, support services and participation in decision-making processes. Beyond gender alone, a myriad of intersecting factors heighten the risk for specific groups of women. These include: older women; single mothers; mothers with multiple children; women with disabilities; women caring for elderly relatives or children with disabilities; women from ethnic minority backgrounds; women residing in rural areas; and those with limited educational attainment.
Economic drivers of vulnerability
From an economic perspective, the composition of the households they predominantly head is one driver of women’s vulnerability. Due to longer life expectancy than men, there are more women living alone at pensionable age. With only one income source, such households are particularly vulnerable to energy price fluctuations and increased expenditures. Indeed, single parents have the highest “at-risk-of-poverty” rate (72.5%) in Albania followed by singles 65 years old and over (69%). Among single parents, the risk of poverty ranges from 64.7% in North Macedonia (2020) to 65.9% in Montenegro and 59.4% in Serbia. In Serbia in 2022, 79.5% of single adults living with children were women. In Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2023, that number was 86.3%, with 1.8 % of women aged 25 to 49 years living alone with children compared with just 0.3% of men of the same age. In North Macedonia in 2020, 87.5% of single adults living with children were women. In Montenegro, the rate was slightly higher at 88.5%. Regarding singles 65 years old and over living alone, in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2023, the share for elderly women (44.7%) was much higher than for men (28.3%). This trend is evident also in Serbia (28.0% versus 15.3% in 2022), in North Macedonia (13.3% versus 5.1% in 2020), and in Montenegro (35.1% versus 18.1% in 2020) (Eurostat, 2025[8]).
Across Western Balkans economies, low employment rates combined with high levels of unpaid house and care work (ILO, 2018[10]), lead to lower financial independence and social security contributions for women. Despite some variations, employment rates for both women and men (calculated as the ratio of people in employment over the total working age population) in the Western Balkans consistently lag behind those of the European Union. In turn, employment rates for women are consistently lower than those for men, with an average of 69% for men and 50% for women across the Western Balkans. In Albania, Montenegro and Serbia, the gap between male and female employment rates mirrors that of the EU. North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo exhibit larger gaps while Kosovo has significantly lower employment rates for both sexes (Figure 6.2). This dynamic is particularly pronounced in the Western Balkans, where most social assistance and social security benefits are closely tied to formal employment, meaning that limited participation in the paid workforce deprives women not only of independent income but also of long-term financial protection (OECD, 2022[11]).
Employment rates of persons aged 20-64 years, by gender, 2023 (% of total population)
Note: Western Balkan economies and Türkiye are ranked from left to right based on female employment rates of 2021; Data for Albania and Kosovo is for employment rate of persons aged 15-64 years old, instead of 20-64.
Source: Eurostat (2025[12]), Employment and activity by sex and age - annual data, https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/lfsi_emp_a/default/table?lang=en; Instat Albania (2023[13]), Database, https://www.instat.gov.al/en/; MAKStat (2023[14]), Database, https://www.stat.gov.mk/Default_en.aspx; MONSTAT (2024[15]), Database, https://www.monstat.org/eng/; ASKData (2024[16]), Databases, https://askdata.rks-gov.net/pxweb/sq/.
For those who are employed in the Western Balkans, gender pay gaps persist across all economies. In 2020, Bosnia and Herzegovina had the widest unadjusted gap, with men earning an average of 37.8% more than women. Gaps in North Macedonia (15.8%), Serbia (8.8%) and Albania (6.6%) highlight systemic inequalities in wage distribution across various industries and sectors (Shehaj, 2022[17]). At 17.3% in 2020, the average unadjusted gender pay gap across these four Western Balkan economies (Shehaj, 2022[17]) is higher than the EU-27 average of 12.9% (Eurostat, 2025[18]). However, because of the large share of employment that remains informal, gender pay gap statistics need to be interpreted with caution. In addition, unlike the trend in most EU countries, Western Balkan economies tend to have a higher adjusted pay gap than unadjusted, meaning that when factors such as education, experience, and occupation are taken into account (adjusted gap), the pay difference between men and women actually increases compared to the raw difference in average earnings (unadjusted gap). This is because women in the region often have better qualifications and work experience than men, and fewer low-skilled women are employed – so once these advantages are factored in, the remaining gap highlights even greater inequality (FREN and UACS, 2020[19]).
Unadjusted gender pay gap (%), 2020
Note: Data for Albania, Serbia and North Macedonia are for 2018, data for Kosovo and Montenegro are for 2017.
Source: Eurostat (2025[18]), Gender pay gap in unadjusted form, https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/SDG_05_20/default/table?lang=en; Shehaj (2022[17]), Regional Comparative Report on Women’s Employment in Western Balkans, www.rcc.int; Montenegrin Ministry for Human and Minority Rights (2017[20]), Action Plan For Achieving Gender Equality 2017-2021 with the Implementation Program for 2017-2018, https://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/mne180375.pdf; Gashi & Adnett (2020[21]), Are Women Really Paid More than Men in Kosovo? Unpicking the Evidence, https://intapi.sciendo.com/pdf/10.2478/jeb-2020-0017.
Elderly women are a particularly vulnerable group, in part because of the gender gap in pensions, which is rooted in the fact that men work for longer periods and have higher salaries than women. Women also tend to live longer, accentuating the lifetime negative impacts of the pension gap (Hrženjak and Redžić, 2022[22]). In Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Republika Srpska (RS), 20% of women aged 65 and older have no pension compared with 5% of men in the same age group (USAID, 2019[23]). Data on pensioners in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) in 2018 show the gender-based pension gap at 13% (Pijalović et al., 2021[24]). In Montenegro, the average pension for women is 12.7% lower than that of men (Golubović and Piper, 2021[25]). Similarly, in North Macedonia, older women have lower pensions and less access to the pension system; among those aged 65-79, the gender gap is 22.7% for pension income and 22.1% for pension coverage (Gerovska Mitev, 2021[26]). In Serbia, the pension gender gap was 18.3% in 2018 (Pejin Stokic and Bajec, 2021[27]).
Physiological drivers of vulnerability
Based on physiological factors, women are more vulnerable to insufficient heating and cooling for several reasons. Western Balkan climates make space heating and cooling necessary for significant parts of the year. Gender, age and health status are all important factors in one’s ability to cope with heat and cold stress. Women have been found to be more sensitive to ambient temperature than men (Karjalainen, 2012[28]). As such, on average, women need to consume more energy to reach thermal comfort (whether to make homes cooler when it is hot or warmer when it is cold). Evidence shows that older people are also particularly vulnerable to extreme temperatures (Xu et al., 2012[29]; Chard and Walker, 2016[30]). Also, people with disabilities or long-term illness tend to have more important energy needs (Snell, Bevan and Thomson, 2015[31]). As women tend to live longer, they are more likely to require even more reliable access to heating or cooling in their old age.
Socio-cultural drivers of vulnerability
Existing gender imbalances in household unpaid activities are further accentuated by higher energy prices. Many household care tasks – such as cooking, washing clothes and cleaning – are energy intensive. Across the Western Balkans, women are responsible for a majority of domestic unpaid work.1 In the face of high energy prices, these imbalances are accentuated by the composition of tasks that women tend to predominantly take on: they do most of the cooking and cleaning (ILO, 2018[10]), which are strongly reliant on electric power. As collected qualitative data show, increases in electricity prices mean that more women stay up later at night, wake up earlier in the morning, or stay in on the weekend to run appliances (e.g. dishwashers and washing machines) during off-peak hours. In turn, their time for leisure and rest is then restricted. Women are also more likely to be at home during the day performing these activities and, thus, might suffer more if heating (or cooling) is turned off to reduce expenses.
The gender imbalance in household work, coupled with the use of wood and coal for cooking and heating, means women in the Western Balkans are more exposed to higher rates of indoor air pollution. Solid fuels and wood form a significant part of the energy mix for space heating and cooking in several economies in the region. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, solid fuels (including coal, peat, peat products, oil shale and oil sands) and wood products represent 47.0% of the energy consumed by households for cooking. In Serbia, it is 43.1%; in Albania, 25.8%; and in North Macedonia, 15.1%. For space heating, Bosnia and Herzegovina relies on solid fuels and wood at 87.1%, Kosovo at 81.4%, Serbia at 62.0%, North Macedonia at 49.8% and Albania at 26.7% (Eurostat, 2025[32]). This form of energy usage is associated with high levels of indoor air pollution and an increase in the incidence of respiratory infections (including pneumonia, tuberculosis and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease). It is also linked to low birthweight of infants, cataracts, cardiovascular events and all-cause mortality (both in adults and children) (Fullerton, Bruce and Gordon, 2008[33]).
Indoor air pollution affects rural women more than urban women across the region. In rural regions, households tend to rely even more heavily on burning solid fuel for heating. The 2021 HBS shows that households in Central Albania rely mainly on electricity (59.9%) for space heating followed by coal and firewood (33.8%). In Northern and Southern Albania, the pattern is reversed, with coal (61.78%) surpassing firewood (59.5%) followed by electricity (at 30.2% in the North and 34.5% in the South) (INSTAT, 2021[5]). In rural areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia, nearly all households rely primarily on firewood for heating (World Bank, 2018[34]). An added layer of gender differences complicates this problem. Focus groups held as part of this project revealed that, even though women are the primary users of appliances and heating methods used in households, men often make most of the decisions regarding them.
Although modelling shows that electricity price increases likely would have lower direct impacts on rural households (than on urban ones), mitigation measures should not ignore them. Indeed, fuelwood prices in the Western Balkans were also impacted by the energy crisis, increasing by approximately 30% year-on-year in May 2022 in domestic markets before accelerating to reach an annual increase of 50% by September 2022 (UNECE, 2022[35]). Notably, households in rural areas tend to report higher levels of energy poverty (Robić, 2016[7]), though likely not as much electricity poverty. As such, policy solutions to address energy poverty in the context of increasing regulated electricity prices should be inclusive of rural populations. Social protection schemes, for example, cannot be tied only to electricity bills or offer direct discounts on electricity bills. Such practices would overlook a large swathe of the energy-poor population.
Gender energy disparities are starker in Roma communities
The Roma population in the Western Balkans, reported at around 275 000 people (Roma Integration 2020, n.d.[36]), experiences more severe gender disparities. Gender gaps in economic and human development indicators are more pronounced among Roma communities compared with non-Roma. Adherence to traditional culture and strict gender roles makes it more difficult for women from Roma communities to achieve economic empowerment (Kosovar Gender Studies Center, 2017[37]). They also experience difficulties in accessing information and support, often facing discrimination on both gender and ethnic grounds (Robayo-Abril, de Paz Nieves and Saavedra Facusse, 2019[38]). These intersecting disadvantages can make Roma women particularly vulnerable to energy poverty, as lower income, limited access to support services, and exclusion from decision-making processes reduce their ability to afford or access reliable and clean energy sources.
Roma settlements also differ in terms of the energy sources used and connection to electricity grids. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Roma households exhibit a higher reliance on solid fuels (92% of their energy mix) than non-Roma households (70%) (UNICEF, 2014[39]). In Serbia, among the marginalised2 Roma population, 90% use either coal or wood to heat their dwellings (UNDP, 2018[40]). Access to essential services (e.g. electricity) is contingent upon the legal registration of residential buildings. This limits access for Roma communities, which often reside in informal settlements (OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, 2013[41]). In Albania, only 84% of marginalised Roma households have access to electricity (UNDP, 2018[42]), compared with 95% for non-Roma households living in close vicinity and 100% at the national level. Roma women in the Western Balkans are, thus, even more likely than non-Roma women to be exposed to previously mentioned health risks related to indoor air pollution.
Gender differences in coping strategies in the face of high energy prices
Cutting energy consumption
Across the Western Balkan economies, both male and female participants recognise that women make most efforts to save energy by reducing daily consumption. One explanation for this role is that women are the biggest energy consumers within households, due to their shouldering of most of the domestic work and the fact they often spend more time in the home. By extension of being managers of households, women take on the role of energy managers.
"I say turn off the light if you’re not in the room. If you are not watching TV, turn off the TV. If you don’t need that much hot water, you don’t need it to let it run all the time when you shower and so many things for years. I’m the house’s policewoman." (Woman, 50, full-time wage worker, Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
“I clean, iron, use lights more, washing machine, my husband at home he doesn’t do half, he doesn’t clean with a mop. We women spend more energy.” (Woman, 33, living on social assistance, Pristina, Kosovo).
Qualitative evidence from focus groups reveals a pattern of gendered specialisation regarding energy saving behaviours. Women seem mainly responsible for saving energy within households, largely by changing their own and other household members’ behaviours. Examples include: encouraging reducing consumption; timing the use of appliances to benefit from cheaper electricity tariffs during off-peak hours; turning lights off; and unplugging chargers. In contrast, men exhibit, on average, a deeper knowledge of technical aspects of energy topics. For example (among other aspects), they: display better awareness of the different energy appliances available on the market: have more often researched which energy sources and systems are likely to be less costly for the household; and acquired knowledge as to where and when to procure energy for it to be cheaper. Excerpts below from focus groups reflect this division of roles along gender lines:
“The effort to conserve electricity, especially by timing cooking and washing during cheaper rate periods, really impacts our electricity bill. My mother pays close attention to this because she’s always at home and can stick to those specific time intervals. We’ve noticed a significant difference in the bill when we adhere to these time slots compared to when we don’t. This especially applies to cooking and washing — these two activities make a noticeable impact.” (Man, 25, employed, Kocani, North Macedonia)
“I cook at night, before going to bed, because that’s when the electricity is cheapest. I would like to use that time to rest, but I can’t afford to cook during the day”. (Woman, 46, unemployed, Skopje, North Macedonia)
“We also forgo the use of household appliances. We try not to run the washing machine twice a day, but only once.” (Woman, 58, housewife, Kukes, Albania)
“Before the increase in electricity prices, I used to go hiking every Sunday morning, regardless of the weather. Now, I spend Sundays doing laundry, cooking most of the meals, and taking care of household chores. It’s no longer a day for rest.” (Woman, 45, Skopje, employed, North Macedonia)
“One year ago, I suggested replacing part of our stove with a gas one due to high electricity bills.” (Man, 39, full-time wage worker, Skopje, North Macedonia)
“The difference lies in whether you use wood or pellets. If you use wood, the quality can vary, and sometimes you’ll get good wood, but often you won’t. This inconsistency is frustrating. You have to deal with the mess of wood chips and ash. Although wood can produce good heat, it’s a hassle to handle every year. Personally, I’ve found that pellets are more convenient and cleaner. Pellets have their pros and cons – you can’t cook on a pellet stove, so you still need to use a regular stove. But after five years of using pellets, I appreciate the convenience: just press a button, and it lights up. It’s a cleaner, easier process”. (Man, 51, employed, Kocani, North Macedonia)
Heating is an area where women are reluctant to make cuts to save energy. Both male and female participants across focus groups noted that women prioritise other areas of reducing energy consumption over maintaining their thermal comfort. Older female household members are perceived as particularly sensitive to cold temperatures.
“We women are more cold-sensitive… A woman is more likely to get sick. That’s why I can’t stand the cold.” (Woman, 51, employed, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
In many low-income households, it is common to heat only one room during the winter to conserve energy and reduce costs. Families tend to gather in this single heated space, minimising the use of additional heating in other parts of the home.
“We all move to a warmer room due to large electricity bills.” (Man, 43, employed, Vrnjacka Banja, Serbia)
Switching between energy sources
Fuel switching is an important coping mechanism for managing energy costs and reliability; for many, however, it remains out of reach due to the financial and infrastructural resources required. Focus group participants reported that they supplement the use of electricity with alternative fuel sources, such as wood, gas, pellets, coal and – in very few cases – solar power. The most common fuel switch is to wood, particularly for heating during winter months. Gas is frequently used as an alternative for cooking. Fuel switching is an important strategy for optimising household energy use, allowing families to adapt to fluctuations in the cost, availability or reliability of different energy sources. Such flexibility is often less accessible to low-income households, as it requires access to both various fuels and the necessary equipment (e.g. electric heaters, gas stoves or wood-burning systems), which can be costly to purchase and install. Fuel switching was also mentioned as a coping mechanism for dealing with power outages.
“We evaluate and try to get through cheaper. We look at whether wood, coal or gas pays off more." (Woman, 43, employed, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
The physical work associated with using gas bottles or wood for heating and cooking makes this coping strategy more feasible for households that include at least one abled man. In focus groups, women heads of household reported avoiding the physical labour of carrying gas bottles from the point of purchase to their home or bearing an additional cost for the transport and delivery. In Montenegro, female participants who use fuelwood for space heating and cooking expressed that it would be much harder for them without men when it comes to procuring firewood. They believed that men have an advantage in carrying out this physically demanding task and tend to know more about wood. Also, as wood suppliers are usually men, female participants felt it would make communication easier (among men) and sometimes result in lower prices.
Male participants described relationships with people owning forests as a key resource when relying on wood as an alternative energy source. Female and male participants in Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina reported that men often gather wood, from either their own forests or forests belonging to friends or family members, highlighting a coping mechanism that does not appear as commonly available to women heads of households. A female participant in Kragujevac (Serbia) reported that her husband and his friend got a large amount of wood and divided it between them, thereby getting a lower price. Again, this highlights that the role of social relationships in procuring energy sources at a lower cost seems to be more easily available to men.
“My father-in-law has a forest. I pay for the transport, I do the chopping, and I’m set for that year.” (Man, 37, self-employed, Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
“We have this forest in the village, so we provide everything ourselves.” (Man, 23, employed, Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
Despite the strong link between use of fuelwood and indoor air pollution, many participants in the region appreciate fuelwood, often describing it as healthier and providing warmer, more pleasant heat compared with other energy sources. Participants highlighted that wood heating creates a cozier, more natural atmosphere, which they considered more appealing. Some participants believed it to be healthier than using gas, pellets or electricity. Additionally, many perceived cooking and heating with wood as safer than gas, as it eliminates the risk of gas leaks, which are often associated with explosions, fires and carbon monoxide poisoning.
"I prefer wood and heating with it, it’s healthier and more pleasant, so I wouldn’t switch to electricity even if I had the means." (Man, 53, unemployed, Bijelo Polje, Montenegro)
Redirecting discretionary spending toward energy bills
To cope with rising prices and pay increased energy bills, focus group participants reported first resorting to reducing their spending on various non-essential and luxury categories. Household budget management and decision-making are often described as joint responsibilities shared between men and women, particularly in households where both partners are present. Both male and female participants expressed fear of being disconnected if they did not pay – or delayed paying – energy bills. Energy bills were the first thing they would pay from the household budget, after which they would adapt their spending to whatever money was left. Some male participants expressed they always paid energy bills to avoid the shame of being disconnected.
When women reported being in charge of managing the household budget and taking care of paying the energy bills, they also reported being more willing to sacrifice their own well-being for that of other household members. Women report coping by cutting down on eating out or social outings and avoiding spending on a haircut, clothing and trips. Focus group participants also reported delaying non-urgent health appointments (e.g. dentist visits). In households where managing the budget was a shared task, both men and women reported cutting down on non-essentials to cope with high energy bills. Parents and elderly members of households often reported cutting down on expenses to preserve expenses benefitting children.
"I won’t go shopping or for a walk and have coffee just to save money to pay the bills." (Woman, 57, employed, Podgorica, Montenegro)
“First pay the bills, then everything else, depending on how much money remains. It’s different now. I used to eat much better and ‘fancier’ a few years ago. Now when I’m shopping for food, I ask myself a million times if I actually need something that I would have bought without much thought before.” (Woman, 34, employed, Skopje, North Macedonia)
“I’m really modest in my income but I don’t want to cut anything short on the kids.” (Man, 75, retired, Bitola, North Macedonia)
Some participants from particularly vulnerable households reported, in rare but severe cases, having to sacrifice basic needs and essential services to keep the lights on. They described making difficult trade-offs, such as skipping meals during long work hours to save money for electricity bills. Others reported cutting back on essential food items such as fruits, vegetables, meat and dairy, or postponing critical medical appointments, including necessary check-ups and treatments. Parents shared difficult decisions, such as cancelling school transportation. In the most extreme cases, participants resorted to illegal electricity connections after disconnections left their families without power. These hardships were most commonly reported in Kosovo, where financial struggles were more pronounced among focus group participants.
Family budgets are sometimes supplemented by support from extended family members. Participants across the region frequently mentioned relying on financial assistance from close relatives, such as parents or siblings, as a coping strategy to manage high energy bills. In some cases, this support came from family members working abroad or migrants sending remittances.
Finding additional work
Seeking additional work is a common strategy to keep energy bills paid in the Western Balkans, but it tends to be more accessible to men than to women. Participants highlighted that men have more opportunities to secure informal or seasonal work, such as construction, agricultural labour or other physically demanding jobs. In contrast, women face significant barriers when it comes to finding additional income, including limited job opportunities, especially in rural areas, and cultural expectations that restrict their mobility and time due to caregiving responsibilities.
“A man can work extra hours during the month, since he is a man. A woman on the other side, even doing two jobs is prejudiced here. Men have more job opportunities.” (Woman, 36, unemployed, Kukes, Albania)
Not paying the bill
Not paying the electricity bill emerges as a coping mechanism mentioned by both male and female participants across the region, though it is generally viewed as a last resort rather than a preferred solution. In Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia and Serbia, individuals reported being behind on payments, sometimes accumulating significant debts or facing disconnections. Not paying bills as a coping mechanism was especially mentioned in relation to the winter months, when energy consumption and costs are higher, making it more difficult to keep up with payments. In Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, some participants described coping by paying only part of the bill when finances are tight, with the intention of settling the remaining balance once their financial situation improves. Despite doing so, participants recognised that not paying the bill is unpopular or unsustainable. Fear of disconnection, accrued interest, additional costs for reconnection and the social stigma associated with unpaid bills serve as strong deterrents. Many participants expressed that they would rather borrow money, cut essential expenditures or even sacrifice personal health than risk losing access to electricity.
“With the current times, you can’t joke around with the government anymore. If they cut off your electricity and you request a reconnection, you’ll end up paying both the bill and their fine. The procedure will also take longer.” (Man, 37, informally employed, Tirana, Albania)
“I have a debt of, say, BAM 3 000 to 4 000 (to Toplane Sarajevo). So you can’t pay for it, especially when there are winter months. Fortunately, they tolerate it a little. I guess they turn it off when it comes to KM 10 000.” (Man, 51, unemployed, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
"It’s not that I don’t pay the bill, but I pay half if I can’t pay it all. I postpone a too-large bill, I transfer it to the next month to ease the costs for myself and my family." (Woman, 50, unemployed, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
Gender differences in ability to seek one’s rights with regards to energy
Gender gap in awareness and ability to engage with social assistance institutions
Social assistance access and benefits in the Western Balkans do not exhibit gender-based discrimination, as both men and women generally have equal access to benefits and face similar challenges in the application process. Focus groups across multiple economies revealed no consistent evidence of gender-based discrimination in accessing social assistance. Participants from both genders reported comparable experiences regarding eligibility criteria, bureaucratic hurdles and dissatisfaction with the adequacy of benefits. The barriers to accessing social assistance – such as complex documentation requirements and strict eligibility rules – tend to be more economy-specific or tied to broader structural issues rather than gender-based disparities.
Eligibility criteria and application processes for social assistance prevent particularly vulnerable groups from benefitting from such measures. Focus group participants, particularly those who are single parents, reported having to gather extensive paperwork to apply for social assistance programmes. This demands too much time in their already busy schedules and deters them from applying for such programmes. This concerns social assistance programmes that require a separate application process (not those that “top-up” pre-existing social assistance programmes). Many participants reported trying once to apply for support programmes, not getting the benefit and renouncing further effort because of that first rejection.
“Years ago, when my child was little, I, as a single parent, tried to apply once, but I was not approved for the extra help. The second time, I don’t know what happened, I didn’t get it either. It was a shame that I never tried to sign up for anything again. That’s the reason I never applied anywhere else.” (Woman, 60, employed, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
"That’s how it is, and while we go through it all and end up being rejected, then when anything appears, we don’t trust it.” (Woman, 70, retired, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
“As a single mother of two, I tried applying for the financial support programme for dealing with the electricity price increase. The process was so long and so complicated, I gave up quickly. I did not have the time or energy to obtain all those documents that should be available to the government anyway. I shouldn’t have to provide them. If the process was simpler, I would have definitely applied.” (Woman, 45, employed, Skopje, North Macedonia)
In middle-income households, men tend to take charge of applying to support measures that subsidise the cost of energy efficient appliances. In North Macedonia, support measures that subsidised the purchase and installation of equipment (e.g. solar panels, PVC windows for better insulation, and A/C inverters) were made available to households on a “first-come, first-served” basis, with no restrictions to vulnerable categories of citizens. A relevant gender pattern surfaced during focus groups and is confirmed by the gender breakdown of subsidy recipients published by the Ministry of Economy of North Macedonia. In 2018 and 2019, recipients of subsidies for PVC or aluminium windows were 73% men and 27% women. Between 2018 and 2020, recipients of subsidies for purchasing pellet stoves were 74% men and 26% women. In 2018 and 2019, recipients of subsidies for installing solar panels were 78% men and 22% women (Apostolova, Kondovski and Spasovska, 2020[43]).
“I am seriously considering investing around EUR 5 000 to EUR 6 000 to install solar panels. Even though the house is energy-efficient with proper insulation, you still need a reliable source of heating. Electricity is the easiest option, but it’s not affordable to everyone.” (Man, 51, truck-driver, Kocani, North Macedonia)
Job market implications of energy reforms
Despite much improvement and success in leadership roles, fewer women than men work in the energy sector. At present, women make up only 17.6% of the workforce of energy sector companies in the Western Balkans. As such, possible job cuts in coal-related industries would hit women to a proportionally lesser extent than men. With the expansion of renewable energy and other investments in the green transition, new employment opportunities will emerge that women may be able to benefit from. Creating the right conditions – in terms of dedicated training initiatives and creation of childcare services – would be important (Box 6.2).
Despite still representing a limited share in the overall sector workforce, women play increasingly important leadership roles in energy-related ministries, agencies and companies across the region. Making up 17.6% of the workforce, substantially fewer women than men work in the region’s energy sector companies,1 yet the share is slightly higher than the global average of 16% (IEA, 2023[44]). As of early 2025, four of the six ministers in charge of energy portfolios in the region are women and women make up the majority of staff and senior positions in several ministries and agencies. Within many energy companies (mostly state-owned) in the region,2 the share of women in senior management and on boards is between 20% and 40%, significantly exceeding the share of women in the overall workforce of these companies.
The lower share of women in the overall workforce of energy sector companies, in comparison to ministries and agencies, partly reflects their underrepresentation in technical occupations. Globally, the majority of women in the energy sector are employed in jobs such as administration and public relations (IEA, 2023[44]). The situation seems similar in the Western Balkans. Across 14 energy sector companies in Serbia surveyed by the World Bank, women represented 51% of employees in business and administration functions but only 12% in technical and operational functions (World Bank, 2022[45]).
The limited presence of women in energy sector companies can also be partially attributed to a “pipeline” issue, with fewer women than men having science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) training, particularly technical and vocational training. In North Macedonia, females make up only 15% of students in upper secondary vocational education in electrical engineering and only 5% in mechanical engineering (MAKSTAT, 2023[46]). Similarly in Serbia, females make up about 2% of students who completed three-year secondary vocational school in electrical engineering and about 31% in geology, mining and metallurgy (SORS, 2024[47]). The disparities in specialisation between men and women can be largely explained by gender norms and expectations, perpetuated by a scarcity of female role models (IEA, 2022[48]). Addressing this imbalance requires interventions much earlier in the education system, as research shows that gendered perceptions of ability and interest begin to form in primary school, influencing later choices in subjects and careers (Bian, Leslie and Cimpian, 2017[49]).
In higher levels of STEM education, women are now close to parity or overrepresented across the region. In Albania in 2022, female students represented 44.8% of graduates at the tertiary level in engineering, production and construction (EPC) (INSTAT, 2023[50]). In Serbia, females represented about 41% of students enrolled in EPC tertiary education (SORS, 2024[47]). In North Macedonia, women made up 63% of graduated masters’ students in EPC (MAKSTAT, 2023[46]). In the earliest version (2008) available of the Women and Men in North Macedonia report, females made up only 26% of graduated masters’ students in the field of technical and technological sciences (MAKSTAT, 2008[51]). Clearly, female representation in STEM fields at universities has improved substantially over just 15 years.
Increasing the availability of care infrastructure and services would be important to increase female participation in the labour market generally and the energy sector in particular. Studies investigating the gender angle of the labour impacts of just transition policies highlight that women tend to see their total workload increase. In effect, their responsibilities double, with both domestic and wage-earning work (Walk et al., 2021[52]). Companies can implement several policies to enable female labour force participation and reduce the share of women dropping out of the workforce after having children. Encouraging flexible working arrangements – including options for part-time work, job sharing and telecommuting – to accommodate childcare responsibilities can alleviate the burden women continue to disproportionately shoulder. Additionally, subsidising the establishment of child- and elderly-care facilities, particularly in rural areas, would facilitate women’s full participation in the labour market (OECD, 2022[11]). Implementing paid parental leave policies that encourage men to take an active role in caregiving responsibilities would also contribute to changing gender norms, promoting gender equality in parenting and opening up career opportunities for women.
Note:
1. Understood broadly as the aggregation of NACE Rev. 2 sectors B, D and E.
2. Bosnia and Herzegovina is the only exception.
Aiming for greater gender balance in technical and vocational training relevant to energy would be particularly important considering increasing job opportunities in renewable energy fields. The need for skilled workers specialised in renewable energy technologies, construction and installation will increase as energy systems in the Western Balkans transition to greener sources. The education system needs to adapt to these developing needs by offering tailored technical and vocational training. Many technical and vocational education (TVET) centres and technical schools in the region could support expanded education opportunities and make more effort to include more girls and women in such programmes. A key challenge is the current misalignment between TVET teaching curriculum and private sector skill demands, with outdated energy curricula failing to meet market needs. To bridge this gap, TVETs should offer opportunities for ongoing education, delivering tailored skills for renewable energy careers. Currently, females are starkly underrepresented in TVET relevant to the energy sector. In Kosovo, they represent 12% of trainees in electric installation programmes (AWESK, 2022[53]).
Consultation processes – involving both men and women – are also needed in the design of reskilling programmes. In Pljevlja, Montenegro, the coal mine employs 1 124 employees, of which 16.9% are women, and the thermal power plant employs 7% women out of 158 people. A 2022 survey of employees, mandated with the planned closing of the mine, showed that only 1.6% of respondents see themselves owning their own business in the future – with most of those having no idea what it could be. When asked about their willingness to participate in adult education programmes (e.g. retraining, professional advancement), in order to obtain opportunities for new employment slightly more than half of the respondents (54.3%) answered yes, while 45.7% were not ready for that move. Women showed more interest in additional training (58.4%) than did men (53.2%) (Berger, 2023[54]).
Safety implications of coal transitions for women
Increase in male unemployment due to the energy transition, including for example mine closures, may have indirect impacts on women’s safety. While risk factors for domestic conflicts and violence are manifold, past research has shown that increased unemployment of men can lead to increased rates of intimate partner violence within households (Bhalotra et al., 2021[55]; Sanz-Barbero et al., 2015[56]). Energy price reforms in the Western Balkans would likely lead to layoffs in the energy sector, in which the majority of workers are men. This could potentially increase the risk of intimate partner violence within these households. Studies on gendered impacts of mine closures show a rise in domestic and other types of violence against women, along with an increased burden of household duties. Women experience heightened anxiety and mental stress as they seek alternative employment to sustain their families. Layoffs in the coal sector in the Silesia region of Poland, for example, led to an increase in men’s alcoholism, substance abuse and violence against women. Social unrest caused by mine closures permeated into households as laid-off husbands brought their anger back home, contributing to increased domestic violence suffered by women (Lahiri-Dutt et al., 2022[57]). Men’s struggles to find alternate employment and to manage challenges to masculine cultural ideals are also proposed as determinants on increased intimate partner violence (Aung and Strambo, 2020[58]).
Measures are needed – ahead of mine closures in the Western Balkans – to prevent domestic violence. For the reasons described above, it is crucial to engage both men and women – early on – to fully comprehend and address the various impacts that mine closures can have. As revenues diminish, social services may face underfunding, prompting families and community members to seek assistance from alternative social structures. In Silesia in Poland, for instance, women’s nonprofit organisations played a vital role in supporting individuals, families and communities affected by the downsizing and layoffs in the Polish coal sector. Such organisations provided assistance, counselling and shelter to those in need, while also addressing issues such as domestic violence, alcoholism and substance abuse, which intensified as a result of the layoffs (World Bank, 2018[59]).
Inclusion of gender in energy policy documents
Key energy policies of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia consider the gender angle only sparsely, if at all. Despite female representation within government institutions and gender focal points in line ministries, inclusion of gender perspectives is lacking in key energy policy documents. This project reviewed all Western Balkan National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs), which outline how economies intend to meet the EU energy and climate targets for 2030. The review considered whether NECPs include the following terms: women, woman, girl, female or gender. Albania’s 2021 NECP draft does not mention any (Ministry of Infrastructure and Energy of Albania, 2021[60]). The NECP of Bosnia and Herzegovina also does not mention any (Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Relations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2023[61]). Serbia’s NECP draft mentions only that training energy professionals in charge of deploying smart meters should include the topic of gender equality (Republic of Serbia, 2023[62]). Also gender-neutral are Serbia’s Energy Sector Development Strategy of the Republic of Serbia for the period by 2025 with projections by 2030 (Republic of Serbia Ministry of Mining and Energy, 2016[63]) and its Law on the use of renewable energy sources (Republic of Serbia, 2021[64]). In contrast, national Strategy for Gender Equality documents in both Albania and Serbia highlight the need for policies in the energy sector to take gender into consideration. They also describe the need for women to have equal access to employment opportunities created by the energy transition (Republic of Albania Ministry of Health and Social Protection, 2021[65]; Republic of Serbia, 2021[66]). Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Gender Action Plan 2018-2022 does not cover the topic of energy (Gender Equality Agency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2018[67]).
Montenegro’s key energy policy documents do not consider gender, but the Just Transition Roadmap shows more promise. A 2021 European External Action Service (EEAS) report found no mention of women or gender-responsive policies linked to climate-related sectors in Montenegro. The Energy Development Strategy of Montenegro until 2030 and the NECP have no specific gender-related measures (EEAS, 2021[68]). In the draft of Montenegro’s Just Transition Roadmap, serious consideration is given to gender aspects. Among others, the roadmap defines four relevant key performance indicators (KPIs) that aim to increase and track: childcare options for working women, making full-time employment a viable option especially in energy-related jobs; the number of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and newly established enterprises in the energy and green economy sector run by women; the number of women in the highest management positions in energy jobs; and the establishment of a council including youth and women’s voices on the topic of just transition (Berger, 2023[54]).
Kosovo and North Macedonia are more advanced in considering the energy and gender nexus in their policies. Kosovo’s NCEP (2025-2030) mentions gender equality as a principle of the Science Program 2023-2028 (Government of Kosovo, 2023[69]). It also lists a 2020 policy aimed at supporting women entrepreneurs’ investments in energy efficiency and modern equipment as well as a Millennium Foundation programme aimed at supporting career advancement of women in the energy sector. Kosovo’s Energy Strategy (2021-2030) does not include a section on gender equality but mentions the goal of developing skills for both men and women in the energy sector as well as the objective of including women in education and training programmes to work in the energy sector (Government of Kosovo, 2023[69]). It also sets a minimum target of 25% of women in the energy sector workforce by 2031. The strategy also lists female-headed households as potential vulnerable consumers that should be protected. North Macedonia’s NECP draft asserts that gender perspectives should be considered very carefully when designing policies and measures (Government of the Republic of North Macedonia, 2020[70]). It also highlights existing gender gaps in the labour market, in business ownership, in large energy companies and in the energy sector as a whole. Importantly, it does mention the vulnerabilities women face because of traditional gender roles. Notably, the simulation of impacts of the measures proposed in the NECP considers green job creation for women, projecting up to 2 718 jobs for women or 27.5% of the green jobs created in 2035. In addition, the Accelerating Coal Transition Investment Plan proposes targeted measures to address gender disparities, including support for women-led businesses, skills development programmes, and inclusive community-based renewable energy projects. It also integrates gender-sensitive monitoring to ensure that women and other vulnerable groups benefit equitably from the coal transition process (Government of the Republic of North Macedonia, 2024[71]).
Addressing data gaps on gender and energy
In order for energy policies to properly account for gender-specific vulnerabilities, Western Balkan economies need to increase their collection and use of gender-disaggregated data. Major policy challenges related to tackling energy poverty and upskilling the labour force in the context of the just transition will not be properly addressed if the gender angle is not considered. Defining gender-energy indicators and collecting gender-sensitive data related to energy policies are critical to support the integration of the gender-energy nexus in policy making. Such data will help set directions, quantify the benefits of such an integrated approach, and improve the overall quality of policies designed for both gender equality and the energy transition. The statistics offices of Western Balkan economies could conduct a gender audit of the energy-related datasets they maintain to then consider the potential addition of gender-specific questions to surveys or the creation of additional survey instruments.
The paucity of gender-disaggregated data regarding energy, whether on use of energy or participation in the energy labour force, poses a significant challenge for policy design. This lack of data obscures gender disparities related to energy, hindering the development of inclusive and evidence-based policies and programmes. While collection of gender-disaggregated data is becoming more common, existing statistics are insufficient to inform – in meaningful ways – energy policy and the just transition. At present, a related challenge is that data collection is often not supported by various international organisations or local industry associations, but is carried out in an ad hoc, project-based manner. Gender-disaggregated data could be better documented to improve understanding of various gender gaps and their explanation in key areas such as (among others): participation in the energy labour force across occupations and levels of hierarchy; gender pay gaps; and schooling in energy-related tracks at all levels of educational attainment.
Increasing gender integration of household-level surveys on budget and income will enhance understanding of household gender dynamics and improve policy design. To date, gender-sensitive indicators included in household surveys primarily cover household headship and household composition. Limited data are collected on other aspects such as questions for individual members of the household to understand differences in roles, consumption patterns and perceptions. Key gender indicators could gather data related to patterns of energy consumption, knowledge of energy topics and household decision-making. The focus on households as the main observation unit is also questionable, as what constitutes a household is contested (Clancy et al., 2017[72]). Household composition is dynamic, characterised by fluctuations in income, class, ethnicity and education levels. In addition, demographics and marital status could be systematically considered. Divorce, for example, often results in families spanning multiple households, particularly when children are involved. Yet these configurations are almost impossible to detect and track in current datasets.
Exploiting the breadth of existing data from labour force surveys will give deeper insights into gender gaps in the energy labour force. Specific gender indicators from these surveys are already published by state statistical offices in their annual reports on gender equality. Often, however, only a subsample of the available data and analyses is made available, thus limiting the data’s utility. Reporting fine-grained, gender-disaggregated data on occupations within energy industries would be interesting, as it would, for example, enable tracking the evolution of the representation of women within the energy sector in technical occupations. Data disaggregated by age and gender would help understand the temporal dynamics in terms of gender balance in the energy sector, as well as understanding of if and when attrition occurs in women’s careers, for example.
Programmes promoting energy efficiency and those targeting energy poverty in the Western Balkans should be tailored to specific audiences and target their needs, interests and vulnerabilities. The focus groups undertaken for this report highlighted the following specific features that should inform programme and assistance design:
Women: Women are important managers of household energy and carry out most of the daily energy conservation efforts in homes, due to their shouldering of most of the domestic work. Education and incentive programmes, especially those for energy efficiency, should be designed with women as a specific target group in mind. Restricting eligibility for support measures, including those subsidising energy-efficient appliances, to holders of ownership titles represents a significant barrier for women, who often do not own their homes.
Single parents: Single parents are among the most vulnerable and disadvantaged groups, often in need of support. Given their care obligations, single parents are often time-poor: programmes to support them and their energy needs must take this into account. Application procedures must be kept simple; ideally, they would be automatic.
Elderly: The elderly also require simple application processes. Many elderly might not have the required digital literacy to apply for social assistance through an online platform and will require special outreach. Due to the gender gap in pension coverage, pension top-up schemes may be less effective in reaching older women, who make up the majority of elderly individuals in need.
Households using other energy sources: Many households – particularly in rural areas and Roma settlements, which tend to be among the most vulnerable – often rely on energy sources other than electricity. As such, support measures in the form of discounts on electricity bills fall short of providing support to all that need it. Moreover, an increase in electricity prices might induce vulnerable households to switch from electricity to fuel sources (such as wood or coal) that produce higher pollution and emissions in the home. Programmes should provide incentives against such switching.
Job losses in the fossil fuels branch of the energy sector can have important implications for the safety of women and require preventative action. Energy sector reforms can lead to job losses, particularly in the coal industry, which are concentrated in specific regions. Mass job losses for men have been shown to increase the likelihood and severity of intimate partner violence, as well as higher rates of alcoholism and substance abuse. Consulting early on with both men and women, but separately, is critical to understand and address the potential impacts that closures may have on local communities. In parallel, funding needs to be increased for local social centres and local organisations (including shelters and counselling services) to accommodate higher reliance on their services.
Job programmes in the context of mine closures and new renewable energy opportunities should be gender-inclusive. As women often hold different jobs than men in the mining sector, programmes targeting only underground mine workers will overlook women working above ground and even in supporting sectors (catering, cleaning, etc.). Programmes offering new job options should include both men and women in the consultation and implementation phases to ensure that mitigating measures include all affected workers. Similarly, programmes to promote employment in renewable energy and provide participants with new skills need to promote equal opportunities for women, whether in the technical and installation jobs or in administrative jobs. Imposing previous experience requirements for entry into these programmes can represent a barrier for women. Designing the programmes, or creating additional programmes, so that such previous experience in related fields is not necessary is advised. Close attention needs to be paid as to where these opportunities are advertised, and effort must be made to reach both men and women.
Improving the attractiveness of TVET in energy-related fields for girls and women is key to diversifying the energy sector’s workforce. Supporting the organisation of events, as well as longer science and technology project-based programmes in schools, in collaboration with national women in energy industry associations is vital. Such activities will provide girls with more information about working in the field and allow them to see and meet female role models in the sector. Such school programmes should also engage parents, who play a major role in children’s orientation decisions, and aim to challenge traditional gender role beliefs. Many avenues to combat gender stereotypes within TVET centres can be explored, including through: providing gender equality training to teachers and career counsellors; hiring female teachers; removing sexist content from textbooks; and training all students on sexual harassment. Providing decent and safe transportation options, accommodation close to TVET centres for female students, and offering childcare services can increase enrolment. Also, setting up the curriculum in the form of modular trainings will better accommodate students’ potential interruptions due to life events and allow for later returns to continue the training. Fostering the creation of girls’ clubs within centres can also help raise awareness, build community and foster the sharing of strategies to address gender-specific issues.
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In order to collect qualitative data on the gendered impacts of energy reform in Western Balkan economies, focus group discussions were conducted by local research partners throughout the region. Purposive sampling was adopted as a strategy to identify and recruit focus group participants. Purposive sampling is used in qualitative research to identify and select information-rich cases and participants for the most effective use of constrained resources. It involves identifying and selecting individuals or groups of individuals that are particularly affected and knowledgeable about the phenomenon of interest.
Based on findings from the existing literature and conversations with civil society representatives in the Western Balkans region, the guiding hypothesis was that certain groups of the population are more likely to be particularly impacted by energy reforms. These groups included poorer households and, within these, households residing in rural areas, female-headed households and households belonging to ethnic minorities. Another key hypothesis was that behaviours and norms around accessing social assistance measures are likely influenced by income levels and prior experience as beneficiaries of social assistance programmes. Focus group participants were thus also sampled from these specific groups. Recruiting participants from both urban and rural areas was key to learn from households using different types of energy as main heating sources.
Along with these criteria, participants were selected from different age groups, with the aim of including in each focus group at least two participants ages 18–39, 40–63, and 63 and older. Focus group participants also varied along primary breadwinner status.
Because homogeneity tends to foster more open discussion, focus group discussions were most often held separately in groups of men and women. This helped identify gender-specific differences regarding attitudes toward reforms, coping strategies, and ways in which men and women perceive rising energy costs and impacts on themselves and their households.
← 1. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, women spend an average of 6:32 hours per day on care activities while men spend 3:31 hours (UN Women, 2023[73]). In Serbia, the time spent on daily unpaid household activities by women is 5:01 hours versus 2:28 for men. In North Macedonia, women spend 3:44 hours versus 1:25 for men. In Albania, women spend 5:14 hours versus 0:52 for men (ILO, 2018[10]). In Kosovo, women spend 6:12 hours and men 3:30 hours in unpaid care work (IPS Musine Kokalari, 2022[74]).
← 2. The sample constructed by the World Bank and United Nations Development Programme was purposefully not representative of all Roma in Western Balkan economies. Rather, it focused on those communities in which the share of the Roma population equals or is higher than the national share of Roma population, the marginalised Roma.