This chapter presents findings from the OECD’s research on masculinities in Senegal. Drawing on qualitative evidence, it examines which norms of masculinities are most widespread in Senegal and why – by shedding light on the underlying social, religious and structural factors. The chapter further assesses how socioeconomic pressures and transformations along with misperceptions around dominant masculine norms can create both tensions but also entry points for change. It concludes with targeted policy recommendations on how to accelerate the implementation of Senegal’s positive masculinity agenda.
Masculinity and Gender Equality
Insights from Côte d'Ivoire and Senegal
Abstract
Key findings on masculinity norms in Senegal
Restrictive norms of masculinity remain widely recognised in Senegal, particularly expectations that men provide financially, hold authority in household decisions, and do not engage in unpaid care and domestic work.
At the same time, Senegal’s policy framework increasingly addresses the role of men and boys in advancing gender equality, including through initiatives framed around positive masculinity.
Qualitative evidence suggests that support for women’s economic participation is often genuine but conditional: women’s income is welcomed when it reduces pressure on men but may be resisted when perceived as challenging men’s role as the primary provider and decision-maker.
Restrictive norms persist through interconnected mechanisms: early gender socialisation, strong community-level enforcement and fear of social judgement, as well as selective interpretations of religion and tradition.
There are signs of positive change, especially among younger generations, but these shifts can also generate tension and frustration among young men who seemingly face difficulties in meeting the expectation to be the main provider for the household.
Perceived social expectations often appear more conservative than people’s actual personal views, suggesting that targeted communication about the actual support of positive masculinities remains an underused entry point for accelerating change.
In Senegal, expectations about what it means to be a man remain strongly defined. Across discussions with policymakers, practitioners, researchers, technical and financial partners and civil society representatives, a consistent picture emerges: men are expected to provide for their households, lead decision-making, and remain largely absent from unpaid care and domestic work. These expectations are widely recognised and rarely questioned in principle, even as social and economic conditions evolve.
At the same time, Senegal is increasingly addressing the role of men and boys in national policies and initiatives, in line with continental efforts such as the African Union’s agenda on positive masculinity and the African Union Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (African Union, 2025[1]; African Union, 2021[2]). This policy direction is reflected in Senegal’s National Gender Equity and Equality Strategy (Stratégie Nationale pour l'Egalité et l'Equité de Genre, 2016-2026) and the National Strategy to Promote Positive Masculinity (Stratégie nationale « École des Maris » et de Promotion de la Masculinité positive, 2021-2035) (République du Sénégal, 2015[3]; République du Sénégal, 2021[4]).
Both strategies recognise that persistent gender inequalities are rooted in male dominance, unequal power relations and unequal access to resources – dynamics that are reinforced by discriminatory social institutions. The emphasis on positive masculinity therefore reflects an important shift in how gender issues are framed, with a greater attention to the norms and behaviours that sustain inequality. Importantly, positive masculinity does not need to be understood as a new or externally imported concept. Many of its core principles, including responsibility, mutual respect, non-violence, care for family well-being and social cohesion, resonate with existing cultural and religious values in Senegal. The challenge is to unlock and scale these principles in ways that transform everyday practices, including by advancing women’s economic empowerment and preventing gender-based violence.
This chapter examines these dynamics based on qualitative evidence from key informant interviews and a locally-led participatory workshop, triangulated with existing literature and relevant secondary data. It focuses on how masculine norms are organised, how they are sustained, and how they are evolving in practice. The findings notably show that breadwinning, male authority and the gendered division of unpaid labour remain central to dominant masculine norms in Senegal. These norms are reinforced through socialisation, structural pressures, as well as cultural and religious frames of reference. At the same time, they are increasingly under strain, particularly among younger generations, creating both openings for change and new forms of tension.
This chapter draws on qualitative data collected in Senegal through a combination of key informant interviews (KIIs) and a participatory multi-stakeholder workshop, conducted in collaboration with the Technical Advisory Group (TAG) chaired by the Department for Gender Equity and Equality, Ministry of Family, Social Action and Solidarity.
The interviews involved nine stakeholders from government institutions, civil society organisations, research institutions and development partners. They explored perceptions of masculine norms, how they manifest in different domains of life, and the factors that sustain or challenge them.
The participatory workshop brought 22 stakeholders together to identify and prioritise the most prevalent restrictive norms of masculinity in Senegal. Participants completed a structured exercise, producing a list of ten masculine norms ordered by perceived prevalence. This provides an empirical basis for identifying core norms that structure masculine identity and areas of convergence and divergence across participants.
While the qualitative evidence is not statistically representative, it provides in-depth and context-sensitive insights into how masculine norms are understood, reproduced and contested. The combination of methods supports a nuanced analysis of both the content of norms and the mechanisms through which they persist and evolve.
Positive masculinity is a central concept guiding Senegal’s gender equality efforts. Stakeholders describe it as an approach that promotes responsibility, protection, co-operation and benevolence rather than male domination. They further emphasise that it is intended to redefine men’s roles in ways that support social cohesion, reduce gender-based violence and help close persistent gender gaps. At the same time, experts recognise that dominant norms remain largely restrictive and continue to limit women’s rights, opportunities and safety.
“Positive Masculinity” means a societal approach that develops transformed mindsets, behaviours, and attitudes among men and boys, to respect, promote, and protect the rights and empowerment of women and girls, including equality, non-discrimination, non-violence, conflict resolution, and healthy relationships with women and girls (African Union, 2025[1]).
The qualitative evidence shows that effective implementation requires clear and shared definitions of “positive masculinity”, including the use of locally meaningful terms and languages. Without this clarity, the concept risks being interpreted inconsistently, either as a challenge to men, an abstract policy label, or an externally driven agenda. Framing positive masculinity through locally recognised values of dignity, responsibility, non-violence and mutual respect can help show that it is not new nor imported but rooted in principles that are consistent with the values of Senegalese society.
Breadwinning, household authority and avoidance of unpaid care work are perceived as the most prevalent masculine norms
Based on the OECD ten-norm framework adapted to the Senegalese context (Annex Table 3.A.1), workshop participants identified three norms as particularly prevalent: not doing unpaid care and domestic work, being the breadwinner, and having exclusive decision-making power within the household. Expectations that men exercise authority over women also ranked highly, conversely to other aspects often associated with masculinity such as financial dominance and control of household assets, expectations related to men’s work ethic and jobs, or domination of reproductive choices (Table 3.1).
Men’s involvement in unpaid care and domestic work remains stigmatised and is often accepted only under specific conditions. Social norms delegating such tasks to women remain deeply anchored even if this traditional gendered division of unpaid and paid tasks is weakening. Moreover, stakeholders repeatedly highlighted a common distinction: boys and men may help their mothers, but participation in household chores tends to decline after marriage, when domestic work becomes more clearly defined as a wife’s role. In practice, this means that women spend over four hours per day on housework, child and dependent care compared to only 30 minutes for men (Government of Senegal; ANSD, 2022[5]), illustrating how masculine norms shape expectations for men while simultaneously prescribing women’s role (see Chapter 4).
Masculine norms are ranked according to their perceived prevalence in Senegal
Note: During a participatory workshop, experts distributed three votes across ten identified norms (62 votes in total). Results are expressed as percentages. Annex 3.A provides and overview of the ten-norm framework.
Source: (OECD, 2026[6]), Qualitative evidence on masculine norms in Senegal.
Closely connected to this is men’s role as the main breadwinner, which is widely described as central to masculinity. Men’s role as primary economic providers is almost non-negotiable although women’s economic participation is often welcomed, particularly when it helps manage household expenditure. However, qualitative evidence suggests that support for women’s economic empowerment is often conditional: women’s contributions are encouraged as long as they do not undermine men’s identity as the primary provider or disrupt established domestic roles. In practice, this can mean that women contribute in informal or discreet ways, while men retain symbolic control over provider status. It may also result in women opting out of formal employment in favour of more flexible, yet often informal, work arrangements, enabling them to continue meeting domestic responsibilities (see Chapter 4). Afrobarometer data suggests that women question these gendered roles more than men: 60% of men but only 36% of women agree that men should have more right to a job when jobs are scarce (Afrobarometer, 2022[7]). Overall, the evidence reveals that women’s economic empowerment is mostly negotiated within existing norms.
Household authority and exclusive decision-making remain closely tied to masculine identity. Stakeholders describe persistent expectations that men act as heads of household and hold final authority over major decisions, such as women’s work, children’s schooling and family members’ mobility including e.g. decisions over healthcare visits. In rural contexts, this may also include decision-making over agricultural production processes (see Chapter 4). Several respondents noted that expectations on men’s authority can legitimise coercion in family relations and can lead to violence as a means of “discipline” or conflict resolution. Viewed through the lens of positive masculinity, stakeholders suggest redefining these norms by shifting expectations of male roles away from inherent authority and towards a greater emphasis of moral and material responsibility within the household.
Dominance over reproductive decisions was perceived as less prevalent than other household decisions. This may reflect Senegal’s long-standing efforts to engage men through health-related entry points, which served as an initial channel for promoting positive masculinity. Early initiatives notably focused on encouraging men’s involvement in maternal and reproductive health. These efforts also underscored the importance of framing concepts in ways that resonate with religious and cultural norms. For example, “family planning” is sometimes perceived as a Western concept and at odds with Islam, whereas the notion of “birth spacing” is more readily accepted as consistent with existing cultural and religious practices.
The findings should be interpreted with caution given the small sample and may thus not be representative of all contexts in Senegal. Nonetheless, they offer a useful indication of which norms are more prevalent and, therefore, more resistant to change due to their role in shaping masculinities.
Across interviews and workshop discussions, stakeholders emphasised that restrictive norms are sustained less through explicit ideology than through everyday socialisation and collective enforcement including through education and media. These are reinforced by cultural and religious frames of reference, social media narratives and structural pressures that can make a shift towards positive masculinity difficult in practice.
Stakeholders consistently describe early and gendered socialisation as a core mechanism shaping what children learn is “appropriate” behaviour. Norms are transmitted through family role modelling, especially around chores and authority, schooling, peer groups and youth cultures, religious education and marital preparation. Girls are often socialised early into domestic responsibility, while boys may assist during childhood but withdraw from unpaid care and domestic work once married.
Strong social sanctions reinforce these roles. Consistent with social norms theory (see Chapter 2), conformity is often enforced through ridicule, stigma and fear of reputation loss, with men in particular concerned about losing their masculine status. Stakeholders repeatedly referred to the power of “what people will say” in discouraging behavioural change, including situations where men help with domestic tasks in private but avoid doing so publicly. Women may also resist men’s help because they anticipate community judgement.
Stakeholders also described the role of religious and cultural frames in legitimising male dominance, not necessarily through religion itself, but through selective interpretations and the blending of discriminatory traditions with religious principles. Respondents stressed that engaging religious leaders can be crucial in showing that gender-equal behaviour and positive masculinity do not conflict with faith, in correcting religious misinterpretations, and in avoiding the instrumental use of Islam to legitimise unequal gender hierarchies. This is particularly important in Senegal, where Islam plays a central role in social life and moral reasoning, and where Muslims represent the large majority (98%) of the population (Pew Research Centre, 2020[8]).
For instance, as early as 1995, imams organised under the “Réseau Islam Population” to address controversial interpretations of the Quran, emphasising that Islam promotes dignity, social justice, non-violence and mutual respect, and helping to build acceptance for gender equality, which is sometimes portrayed as a Western concept. A recurrent example is family planning, which, when referred to as birth spacing, is less likely to be regarded as a Western concept and more likely to be understood as consistent with Islamic principles. Such religiously and culturally sensitive framing can help legitimise reforms and support the adoption of norms aligned with positive masculinities and gender equality. The challenge is therefore to identify, legitimise, and scale existing, socially acceptable values that support more equitable and non-violent relationships.
Structural factors can also reinforce restrictive masculine norms and hinder change. Economic insecurity, unemployment and rising living costs in urban centres were identified as factors that heighten men’s, and particularly young men’s, anxiety about meeting breadwinner expectations. Labour statistics confirm that youth ages 15–24 are especially vulnerable, performing worse than older groups across key indicators such as unemployment, informal employment and working poverty (Panel A, Figure 3.1). Over one third of them (35%) are not in education, employment or training. While young men generally fare better than young women on some labour market indicators (Panel B, Figure 3.1), qualitative evidence suggests that entrenched gender norms linking masculinity to breadwinning may make economic insecurity a particular source of pressure and frustration for young men. This can fuel resistance to women’s autonomy and increase the risk of household conflict as traditional gender role models no longer align with economic realities.
Note: Working poverty rate refers to the percentage of employed living below USD 3 PPP; NEET rate refers to the share of youth not in employment, education or training (NEET).
Source: ILO (2023[9]), ILOSTAT, https://ilostat.ilo.org/.
Masculinities under pressure
Stakeholders widely agreed that women’s economic participation can benefit households and the wider economy, including by reducing financial pressure on men. Yet this support is often negotiated within existing expectations. Many respondents described tensions around maintaining men’s provider role and household authority, especially when policies are perceived as prioritising women’s access to opportunities without addressing boys’ and men’s constraints.
The gathered evidence suggests that failing to meet dominant masculine ideals can contribute to frustration, stress and, in some cases, use of violence among men. Mirroring the existing body of literature and findings from Côte d’Ivoire (see Chapter 2), Senegalese experts note that restrictive masculinities can negatively affect men’s health and well-being, as well as women’s rights and safety. This is especially the case when men resort to violence to assert authority over women in contexts where they perceive their masculinity to be threatened (see Chapter 5).
Across interviews and workshop discussions, stakeholders noted that younger generations tend to hold more egalitarian views on gender roles and are generally more open to positive masculinities. At the same time, some tensions persist. Some young men may experience heightened pressure to “succeed” economically and socially, particularly in contexts of precarity where these expectations are difficult to meet. Conversely, some young women are described as increasingly assertive in demanding greater gender equality. In certain contexts, especially those marked by gender-based violence, they may also express mistrust towards men and boys. If left unaddressed, these dynamics can contribute to more polarised gender relations and create risks of backlash despite a general openness towards positive masculinities.
Recognising that youth are central to sustained norms change, policymakers and CSOs are increasingly involving boys and men in gender equality work through school and community initiatives, youth clubs and intergenerational dialogue. These initiatives often focus on practical skills such as assertive and respectful communication, non-violence conflict resolution, emotional regulation, and strategies to counter stigma and peer pressure. To reach all Senegalese youth, relevant modules should be integrated in school curricula, and initiatives should be scaled up across all regions to the possible extent. Overall, existing programmes highlight the mutual benefits of gender equality for women and men, while anchoring positive masculinities in culturally and religiously accepted justifications.
A “silent gap” between personal beliefs and social expectations
As highlighted in Chapter 2, social norms depend not only on personal beliefs but also on what people think others believe and expect. Senegal’s workshop-based evidence suggests that participants often perceive wider society as more supportive of restrictive norms than they personally are, a pattern consistent with “pluralistic ignorance” dynamics discussed in the literature (Bicchieri, 2016[10]; Bussolo et al., 2023[11]; Matavelli et al., 2025[12]). While the data are not nationally representative and reflect a group of stakeholders rather than the general population, the pattern is still informative: respondents perceive men, and to a lesser extent women, as more supportive of restrictive masculinities than respondents report being themselves. The pattern is slightly different regarding gender differences in perceived support for the breadwinner norm. Participants expect a similar share of women and men to share this belief, underscoring once more its salience in Senegal (Figure 3.2).
Such misperceptions can quietly sustain restrictive norms through self-censorship, but they can also create entry points for change once identified. Individuals may align their behaviour with what they perceive to be socially acceptable, despite holding more progressive views, or conceal such views and practices. Anecdotal evidence from Senegal suggests, for example, that some men who contribute to household chores, which can be seen as conflicting with their role as financial providers, do so discreetly to avoid social judgement.
Against this backdrop, three key insights emerge. First, support for more positive forms of masculinity may be more widespread than commonly assumed, suggesting that policies and programmes could encounter less resistance, particularly when individuals recognise that their views are shared. Second, not all norms are equally resistant to change. Efforts may be more effective when targeting areas where endorsement of restrictive masculinities is already relatively low, such as women’s land rights, access to employment and equal pay. Programmes focusing on norms change, policy and legal reforms or strengthened enforcement of existing legislation in areas where equal rights are already established, such as equal pay, are well placed to support progress in practice. Third, norms that remain widely accepted, such as the breadwinner role or men’s authority over women, are likely to be more resistant to change, underscoring the need for more gradual and context-sensitive approaches.
Agreement with statements capturing restrictive masculine norms (non-representative sample)
Note: Data presented in this figure was collected through a sequence of three questions which (1) ask the respondent whether they agree or not with the specific statement; (2) ask the respondent to estimate how many out of 10 men in their area would agree with the statement; (3) ask the respondent to estimate how many out of 10 women in their area would agree with the statement. The answers for type ((1) questions are labelled as “Personal beliefs” and the responses to type (2) and (3) are labelled as “Perceived support among men” or “Perceived support among women”, referring to respondents’ estimated shares of women and men who would support the different statements. The applied methodology follows (Bursztyn, 2023[13]) approach.
Data in this figure is not nationally representative as it was collected among 22 participants during the participatory workshop.
The statement marked with an asterisk were initially asked in the opposite way – e.g. instead of “I think women should not have the same land ownership rights as men” the question was asked as “I think women should have the same land ownership rights as men”. To present all data in a harmonised way, the mean values for the social expectations on men and women for this statement were reversed.
Source: OECD (2026[6]), Qualitative evidence on masculine norms in Senegal.
Qualitative evidence from Senegal indicates that breadwinning, household authority and the gendered division of unpaid care and domestic work remain central reference points for masculinity. These norms are reproduced through early socialisation, community-level enforcement, reputational pressures and selective cultural and religious interpretations. Structural pressures, especially constrained employment opportunities and perceived income precarity, make it harder to meet provider expectations but also heighten their importance as a source of masculine recognition and status.
Despite such tensions, the evidence suggests meaningful space for change. Younger generations appear to be a central sphere of both opportunity and tension. While they are often perceived as more receptive to gender equality and positive masculinities, some young men also face acute pressure to meet provider expectations, which can generate frustration and resistance. In addition, perceived social expectations often appear more conservative than many individuals’ own beliefs. This gap can sustain conformity, but it can also be leveraged when people recognise that support for more equitable masculinities is more widespread than assumed.
Senegal’s positive masculinity agenda can therefore build on locally resonant values and practices. The priority is to translate this potential into concrete changes in everyday life, including reduced unpaid care burdens for women, stronger support for women’s economic participation, shared decision-making and prevention of violence against women and girls. This requires a combined strategy that clarifies positive masculinity in local terms, shifts norms through education and community platforms, corrects misperceptions that sustain conformity, and eases provider pressure by linking norm-change agendas to inclusive economic opportunities, particularly for young men.
Moving forward: Policy priorities
Drawing on the analysis and concrete recommendations made by Senegalese stakeholders, the promotion of positive masculinities emerges as a central, cross‑cutting theme linking women’s economic empowerment, violence prevention, education, and social cohesion (see Chapters 4 and 5). To support the implementation of Senegal’s positive masculinity agenda, the following actions should be prioritised:
Clarify and localise “positive masculinity” to build a shared understanding and reduce resistance. The government in consultation and collaboration with civil society organisations and religious and traditional leaders and academia should agree on a practical and locally grounded definition of positive masculinity, illustrated through everyday examples such as shared caregiving, respectful partnerships and non-violent conflict resolution. Framing should emphasise constructive role evolution and shared benefits, particularly for family well-being and social cohesion, women’s economic empowerment and violence prevention.
Use locally grounded norms and behavioural change communication to legitimise transformation and ease “what will people say” pressures. Develop context-specific communication tools anchored in religious and cultural discourse to demonstrate that positive masculine norms are consistent with local values. Campaigns and efforts should make existing support visible and highlight the benefits of positive masculinity for family well-being, economic stability, public health, women’s empowerment and social cohesion.
Embed positive masculinity and gender equality modules across education systems. Schools and universities are critical norm-shaping institutions. Integrating age-appropriate modules into basic, secondary, technical and professional education can influence attitudes before restrictive norms are internalised. Content should be adapted to socio-cultural contexts and respectful of religious values, combining gender-mixed activities with single-gender spaces to enable safe dialogue, reflection and exchange on rights, responsibilities and relationships. Teachers should be provided with targeted training on gender norms and positive masculinity to ensure the effective deliver of this content.
Scale community programmes that engage men and boys as partners and agents of change. Given the role of community-level enforcement in sustaining norms, interventions should expand proven locally designed approaches such as the government’s Schools of Husbands, boys’ youth clubs and intergenerational dialogue groups. Peer-led diffusion, where respected men model behaviours aligned with positive masculinity, can enhance credibility, uptake and sustainability.
Adopt a dual approach that addresses provider norms alongside economic constraints. Reducing the psychological “provider pressure” experienced by young men requires targeted interventions that gradually challenge the expectation that men’s worth and status depend primarily on being the family provider. At the same time, norm change is more likely to be sustained where livelihoods are secure and economic opportunities are available. Youth employment, skills, apprenticeship and entrepreneurship programmes can support this dual approach by combining economic inclusion with positive masculinity components, including peer dialogue, mentoring and life-skills modules on shared responsibility, caregiving, non-violence and emotional well-being. Complementary measures to reduce household financial stress can further support the practical adoption of more equitable roles.
Note: This framework was developed in collaboration with the Senegalese Technical Advisory Group, based on the OECD’s ten-norm framework as published in 2021 (OECD, 2021[14]).
Source: Based on (OECD, 2021[14]), Man Enough? Measuring Masculine Norms to Promote Women’s Empowerment.
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