This chapter explores good practices and levers to guarantee effective implementation of the right of access to environmental information as a first level of participation and as a precondition for informed citizen participation. It looks at the potential of green open data to enhance civic innovation, transparency of climate action, and encourage citizens to take ownership of the issues at stake. Finally, it considered the many opportunities offered by a strategic approach to public communication in supporting the green transition and encouraging greater citizen engagement.
Open Government for the Green Transition
Panorama of Good Practices Towards Meaningful Citizen Participation
Abstract
Information represents the first level of participation according to the OECD’s participation ladder and is also a prerequisite for the subsequent levels leading to meaningful engagement in decision-making processes. The right to access information enhances transparency of public action for the benefit of citizens, as well as the accessibility of information and public services. It helps to establish the conditions for government accountability, while also enabling citizens to participate in an informed way in the development of public policies and the design of public services (OECD, 2022[1]).
The provision of relevant, reliable, and up-to-date information by governments is essential for citizen engagement in the green transition, as it equips them with the knowledge needed to understand the challenges and developments of climate change, to grasp public policies, and to monitor their implementation by government. The reuse of environmental information and data also empowers citizens, stakeholders, and civil society actors to influence climate policies and highlight new, data-driven priorities – thereby strengthening their role as drivers of the green transition. In this context, open green data are particularly relevant, given the wealth of information produced by various actors that is necessary for tracking climate change and implementing appropriate public policies. The reuse of open data is also a powerful tool for citizens to develop innovative solutions themselves and to adapt their behaviour and actions in favour of the climate. Beyond individual citizens, access to information and open data is equally vital for journalists to report on the progress of the climate crisis and related public policies; for civil society organisations and researchers to advocate for effective solutions; and for non-profit or private actors seeking to implement climate-related projects and initiatives.
Moreover, in a field as sensitive to polarised opinions, disinformation, and misinformation as climate change, ensuring the integrity of information and citizens’ access to reliable, verified, and diverse sources is essential for safeguarding democratic debate (OECD, 2024[2]). The right to access information, open public data, and public communication are, in this respect, key levers for strengthening the resilience of information systems.
The effective implementation of the right to access information and open green data requires the establishment of robust legal frameworks governing both proactive and reactive disclosure, in order to ensure the systematic dissemination of key information related to climate change. While most countries now have general legal frameworks in place for access to information (OECD, 2022[1]), challenges remain in applying these effectively to climate-related issues. These include the specificity of legal provisions, the accessibility of information to a diverse public, as well as the completeness, relevance, and clarity of the information provided; the need to strengthen proactive publication; and the issue of climate-related information held by private entities.
Public communication is also essential for supporting the transparency and accountability of government actions. It offers governments an additional lever to educate citizens in an accessible way about the measures being taken, to encourage the behavioural changes needed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, to foster, secure, or strengthen public support for implemented policies, and to combat disinformation and misinformation surrounding climate change. When used strategically, public communication can be a decisive driver for action. The transformations brought about by digital technologies, shifts in media production and consumption, and broader changes in the information ecosystem present new challenges for public communication functions, while also opening up unprecedented opportunities for their implementation (OECD, 2021[3]). In this context, structuring and evolving public communication into a strategic tool to support the green transition represents a major challenge.
Access to information, defined by the OECD as the ability of an individual to seek, receive, impart and use information, is both a fundamental right and a lever for access to other rights. This is all the more essential in the context of the green transition: conceiving of the environment as a common good strengthens the argument for its management by the public, as opposed to restricting access to the administration (Etemire, 2014[4]). Accordingly, access to information has been recognised as a key element of sustainable development since the adoption of the 1992 Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, which stipulates in principle 10 that "each individual shall have appropriate access to information concerning the environment that is held by public authorities" and that "states shall facilitate and encourage public awareness and participation by making information widely available" (United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, 1992[5]). These principles are also featured in Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16: "Peace, justice and strong institutions".
Several legal frameworks regarding access to environmental information have thus been adopted at the supranational level (OECD, 2022[1]). One of the most significant examples of this, the Aarhus Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters (UNECE, 1998[6]), signed in 1998, establishes specific rights and obligations in terms of access to environmental information. The Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean (known as the Escazú Agreement), which was adopted in 2018 and came into force in 2021, also includes obligations regarding the production, dissemination and access to information on environmental issues. Finally, the OECD Recommendation on Environmental Information and Reporting was adopted in 2022 and calls on adhering countries to "take all necessary actions to increase the availability to the public of environmental information held by public authorities and ensure adequate dissemination and timely and user-friendly access" (OECD, 2022[1]; OECD, 2022[7]).1 It is generally accepted that these international frameworks have contributed to the adoption of strengthened frameworks for access to environmental information at the national level (Darbishire, 2015[8]; OECD, 2022[1]).
The right to access environmental information is reflected in the establishment of legal frameworks at the national level; however, their implementation still faces several challenges. These include the explicit definition of what is covered by the concept of environmental information, the issue of information held by private entities, and the need to strengthen proactive publication practices to enable more equitable and timely access to information relevant to the ecological transition.
2.1.1. Defining and explicitly including environmental issues in the legal framework
As indicated in the introduction to this chapter, most countries have adopted general laws on access to information (OECD, 2022[1]). In addition to the general provisions that apply to all types of public information, practice has shown that the explicit inclusion of environmental or climate issues in legislation on access to information, together with a precise definition of what is meant by "environmental information", helps to establish a clear and coherent legal framework. This also improves the predictability and effectiveness of the implementation of the right of access to information by reducing the leeway that individuals or agencies may have to withhold certain data.
The adoption of sector-specific environmental legislation also allows for more detailed provisions than a general access to information law, thereby offering a clearer definition of the types of information that fall within the scope of environmental information (Darbishire, 2010[9]). Such legislation helps to enhance the clarity and comprehensiveness of the frameworks governing access to environmental information, enabling both citizens and public officials responsible for implementing the law to better understand what information must be disclosed and how. It also serves to underscore, once again, the crucial role of access to information in the context of the green transition. For example, Chile has defined environmental information within its framework environmental law (see Box 2.1).
In its framework environmental law, adopted in 2010 and amended in 2023, Chile chose to include a definition of environmental information, with the aim of clarifying and applying the provisions of the law on access to public information to the environmental domain. Article 31 bis of the framework law stipulates that:
“Every person has the right to access environmental information held by the Administration, in accordance with the provisions of the Political Constitution of the Republic and Law No. 20,285 on Access to Public Information.
Environmental information shall be understood as all information of a written, visual, sound, electronic or otherwise recorded nature that is held by the Administration and relates to the following matters:
a) The state of environmental elements, such as air and the atmosphere, water, soil, landscapes, protected areas, biological diversity and its components, including genetically modified organisms, and the interaction between these elements.
b) Factors such as substances, energy, noise, radiation or waste—including radioactive waste—emissions, discharges, and other releases into the environment, that affect or may affect the environmental elements mentioned in the previous point.
c) Administrative acts relating to environmental matters, or that affect or may affect the elements and factors listed in points a) and b), and the measures, policies, regulations, plans, and programmes that form their basis.
d) Compliance reports regarding environmental legislation.
e) Economic and social analyses, as well as other studies used in decision-making concerning the administrative acts and their bases, referred to in point c).
f) The state of human health and safety, human living conditions, and cultural heritage assets, when they are or may be affected by the state of environmental elements cited in point a), or by any of the factors and measures mentioned in points b) and c).
g) Any other information that relates to the environment or to the elements, components, or concepts defined in Article 2 of the Law.”
Note: Author's translation from the original Spanish version of the law.
2.1.2. Broadening the definition of "public authorities" to prevent the capture of environmental information by private actors
The legal framework relating to access to information generally indicates which agencies or bodies are subject to the right to access environmental information. In the environmental field, as in non-sectoral legal frameworks, good practice suggests that this right should apply to the public sector as a whole, to public undertakings, to public authorities such as constitutional, statutory and supervisory bodies, to private undertakings performing a public function and to private undertakings receiving significant public funding (see Box 2.2).
The Aarhus Convention defines the term “public authorities” as follows:
(a) Government at national, regional and other level;
(b) Natural or legal persons performing public administrative functions under national law, including specific duties, activities or services in relation to the environment;
(c) Any other natural or legal persons having public responsibilities or functions, or providing public services, in relation to the environment, under the control of a body or person falling within subparagraphs (a) or (b) above;
(d) The institutions of any regional economic integration organization referred to in article 17 which is a Party to this Convention.
This definition does not include bodies or institutions acting in a judicial or legislative capacity.
In addition, the Aarhus Convention implementation guide states that:
“Recent developments in privatized solutions to the provision of public services have added a layer of complexity to the definition. The Convention tries to make it clear that such innovations cannot take public services or activities out of the realm of public information, participation or justice.”
In the context of the green transition, and of access to environmental information more specifically, the growing role of private companies and their relationship with the State underscores the need to revisit the definition of “public authorities.” The increasing privatisation of public services carries the risk of placing environmental information beyond public reach. In this regard, the European Commission has stated that Article 2(2) of Directive 2003/4/EC (the implementing regulation of the Aarhus Convention) was “deliberately drafted widely to ensure that environmental information would not be privatised out of public access” (Etemire, 2012[10]). On this basis, UK courts have ruled that water, electricity, and gas companies fall within the definition of “public authorities” for the purposes of disclosing environmental information, and are therefore legally required to make such information publicly available (Etemire, 2012[10]). While jurisprudence has, in this case, helped to broaden the scope of access rights to include relevant information held by private actors, clearer legal provisions would support more consistent implementation in the event of disputes between those requesting access to environmental information and the private entities holding it.
Moreover, to strengthen transparency and the reuse of information, access to information held by private entities should not be limited to public regulatory bodies, but should be extended to the general public through a direct right of access. Indeed, if citizens can obtain certain information themselves, it contributes to greater transparency of environmental data related to the private sector, and also plays a key role in strengthening public trust in both government and regulatory agencies (Etemire, 2012[10]). Additionally, regulatory agencies do not necessarily possess all the environmental information that the public may require (Etemire, 2012[10]). The “capture” of data by private companies can become problematic when information requesters need access to specific environmental information on the activities of a private company that the regulator does not currently hold. This may, for example, relate to information needed urgently, but which the private company has failed to submit in a timely manner to the regulator, despite its legal obligation to do so. Such situations may, in effect, represent a breach of citizens’ rights regarding timely access to information.
Pollutant Release and Transfer Registers (PRTRs) represent an innovative framework for making systematically organised information publicly accessible from both public and private actors, whether or not those private actors perform public functions. These registers are databases containing information on “releases of pollutants into the air, water and soil and data on the transfer of waste from major industries. It is a digital tool, accessible to the public and using standardized data, in which information on the nature and quantity of pollutant releases can be consulted by waste type and geographical area, disaggregated to the industrial complex or economic sector level” (CEPAL, 2018[11]). For example, countries such as Brazil, Chile, Honduras, and Mexico have developed their own PRTR systems (see Box 2.3 for the case of Mexico). In the fight against climate change, data on greenhouse gas emissions from both private and public actors also represent high-value information. While the establishment of a unified methodology and framework for measurement and indicators is currently under discussion within the OECD Inclusive Forum on Carbon Mitigation Approaches, reflection on the public disclosure of such data and information will also be key to enhancing transparency and accountability on this critical issue (OECD, 2024[12]).
The Pollutant Release and Transfer Register (PRTR) is an environmental policy instrument that gives the public access to information on the release of pollutants into the air, water and soil by industrial activities. The list of industrial sectors concerned is defined in the law (chemical industry, automobile industry, metallurgy, etc.).
The objectives of this register are:
Informing the public;
Encouraging manufacturers to improve their environmental performance and reduce their pollutants;
Providing data to NGOs, researchers and governments.
The Commission for Environmental Cooperation of the North American Free Trade Agreement publishes comparative reports based on data from the Canadian, American and Mexican registers.
Source: https: //www.gob.mx/semarnat%7Cretc/articulos/registro-de-emisiones-y-transferencia-de-contaminantes?idiom=es.
2.1.3. Reinforcing norms and practices for the proactive disclosure of environmental information
Proactive disclosure of information, defined as the publication and public availability of information before any public request, is a pillar of the right of access to information. Beyond guaranteeing transparency, it enables information seekers to have immediate access to public information and avoid the costs and delays associated with submitting a request or engaging in administrative procedures.
Proactive disclosure is also intrinsically more equitable than reactive dissemination. Information made available can generally be downloaded or consulted anonymously, thereby protecting requesters belonging to vulnerable or at-risk groups (journalists, activists or whistleblowers) from harassment, intimidation and violence (OECD, 2022[1]). This is particularly relevant to an issue as sensitive as the environment in a general context of shrinking civic space (OECD, 2022[1]). In addition, anonymity helps avoid cases where civil servants are more likely to respond to certain requests, for example, from groups of higher status or favourable to the government (Darbishire, 2010[9]).
Some countries list the types of environmental information that must be disclosed proactively in their framework environmental laws. Regular assessments of public needs are necessary to adjust the environmental datasets that should be published proactively. This is the work that Georgia committed to undertake in 2023, with the aim of improving its proactive information disclosure standards (see Box 2.4).
In 2023, Georgia committed to reassessing its needs and expanding the list of public information that must be proactively disclosed (via an update to Government Decree No. 219 of 2013, a broad decree not limited solely to environmental information). It also pledged to strengthen civil servants’ training on the accessibility of public information. Among the newly included datasets, several relate to environmental information:
Online publication of information regarding inspections carried out by the Environmental Supervision Department;
Online publication of information on the issuance of building permits for large-scale projects;
Proactive publication of agreements (such as memoranda of understanding and contracts) concluded between the Georgian government and electricity-producing companies;
Proactive publication and continuous updating of the register of mining licences.
Lastly, proactive disclosure regimes strengthen oversight over government's climate action, "placing monitoring and sanctioning ability in the hands of a greater number of domestic actors, making future policy reversals less likely" (Berliner, 2012[13]).
Furthermore, international practices highlight the importance of ensuring that information is understandable and accessible to the widest possible audience, particularly individuals with limited digital skills, low literacy levels, disabilities, or those belonging to marginalised or vulnerable groups. In this respect, proactively published information should be presented in plain language and translated into the various languages spoken within a given territory. Countries such as Mexico, Colombia, Guatemala, and Peru have, for example, adopted laws recognising, promoting, and protecting Indigenous languages, which include provisions relating to access to information in these languages (CEPAL, 2018[11]).
Open public data is a key lever for transparency and government openness, as well as a decisive tool for implementing access to information (OECD, 2022[14]; OECD, 2023[15]). It is also one of the pillars of digital democracy and a lever for civic innovation. Open data arrangements refer to "non-discriminatory data access and sharing arrangements, where data is machine-readable and can be accessed and shared, free of charge, and used by anyone for any purpose subject, at most, to requirements that preserve integrity, provenance, attribution, and openness" (OECD, 2021[16]).
Open, reliable, standardised, up-to-date and reusable green data offers opportunities to improve climate policy-making and increase the transparency of climate action (OECD, 2023[17]; Open Government Partnership, n.d.[18]). It enables stakeholders and citizens to monitor and collectively address the main risks associated with climate change by drawing on information such as open geospatial data, geopolitical observations and statistics on greenhouse gas emissions and pollution levels (Grinspan and Worker, 2021[19]; OECD, 2023[17]). Open data thus facilitates coordination among all actors in society (public administration, the private sector, and civil society). It is also a tool for accountability, enabling citizens and stakeholders to assess governments’ climate action and hold them to account.
Green open data is therefore part of a transparency-based approach that promotes free access to high-quality information relevant to public decision-making, as well as trust between stakeholders (Open Government Partnership, n.d.[18]). However, challenges remain in fully unlocking the potential benefits of open data for the green transition, particularly as a lever for engaging citizens and civil society. Notably, data fragmentation across different agencies, occasional incompleteness, or the lack of accessible formats are among the main challenges identified. Similarly, although some datasets—such as geospatial or mobility data—are generally available, further efforts are needed to expand the availability of other green transition-related data, such as earth observation data, environmental data, meteorological data, or land use information (OECD, 2023[15]). Raising awareness and building the capacity of citizens and stakeholders to use open data is also a key lever to support public ownership of this tool and its use in driving the green transition. Moreover, innovative practices have emerged to involve citizens in the production of open data, paving the way for the democratisation and broadening of green open data practices and uses (Grinspan and Worker, 2021[19]).
2.2.1. Adopting a global strategy on green open data and defining priority data
In response to the challenges outlined in the introductory paragraph, practices show that the adoption of a government-wide strategy or action plan on green open data represents a key step in supporting public bodies in their broader open data efforts. Such strategies can help increase the maturity of public data and thereby facilitate climate action (OECD, 2023[20]). Among the 36 OECD countries that responded to the survey, thirty (83%) have adopted a strategy or action plan relating to open government data.
The Open Data Charter, in collaboration with the World Resources Institute, has published a guide to support national governments seeking to advance their green open data strategies in order to shape their climate adaptation and mitigation policies. The guide identifies more than 70 types of data useful for climate action (Open Data Charter, 2019[21]). The first version of this guide was piloted in Chile and Uruguay in 2019 and 2020, with the aim of raising awareness of the value of open data for climate action and demonstrating the importance of coordination between data producers and users (see Box 2.5).
In Chile, the Open Data Charter, in partnership with the Chilean government, the World Resources Institute, and the non-governmental organisation FIMA (Fiscalía del Medio Ambiente), implemented a pilot project to support the application of its guide for opening climate data. As part of this initiative, a comprehensive study was conducted to assess the current state of openness of climate data produced by the government and to suggest improvements regarding access, usability, and data quality. This included mapping activities, interviews with civil society and government representatives, and the identification—by both data producers and users—of barriers to access, publication, and prioritisation of data.
Among the main challenges identified were the formats in which data were presented; the inability to download datasets; the lack of disaggregation by region or municipality; outdated data; insufficient standardisation and lack of API use; a shortage of available data on certain themes (e.g. atmospheric and precipitation data, climate simulations, etc.). These findings illustrate the difficulties stemming from a misalignment between how data is held and managed internally by governments (the “back office”) and how it is disseminated or communicated publicly (the “front office”). For the latter, different formats or levels of disaggregation are often useful – or even essential – to meet the needs of a wide range of actors who could benefit from this information.
A series of recommendations were made to support Chile in implementing its open data policy for climate action:
Strengthen the legal framework: require the publication of data generated by private actors benefiting from public funding; move towards the opening and centralisation of data from all state administration institutions; restructure governance related to data publication and prioritisation.
Improve data quality and compliance: centralise data on a single portal, use open data licences, and implement a user-friendly interface.
Engage all data producers and users to improve the openness of data.
The Chilean government could build on these elements to further develop its national strategy on open climate data.
Most OECD countries have also identified priority datasets to be published as open data in support of climate action (OECD, 2023[17]). Indeed, identifying relevant datasets is a key step to prioritise and publish the most appropriate data. This should be accompanied by reflection on the objectives of data openness in order to enhance the relevance of the published information (Open Data Charter, 2019[21]).
For OECD countries that are also members of the European Union, the implementing regulation (C(2022)9562) of the EU Open Data Directive (2019/1024) sets out a list of high-value datasets (including data on habitats and biotopes, greenhouse gas emissions, air quality, etc.). This list ensures that public data with the greatest socio-economic potential to support the green transition is made available for reuse with minimal legal and technical restrictions and free of charge. It is also applicable to public undertakings (OECD, 2023[20]). Other OECD countries, including Canada, Colombia, Chile and Korea, have also designated climate-related datasets to be published as open data (OECD, 2023[20]).
2.2.2. Streamlining access to open green data and guaranteeing its accessibility
In addition to their availability, ensuring the accessibility of open data and facilitating their reuse are also key pillars for promoting data openness (OECD, 2023[15]). Indeed, even when data are made available, potential data users are not always aware of their existence, where to find them, or how to access and reuse them.
To meet this challenge, one solution that emerged from an analysis of practices is the creation of a single portal, as implemented in Colombia and Argentina , which provides access to all climate data (see Box 2.6) (Open Data Charter, ONG FIMA and World Ressources Institute, 2020[22]). Users thus have a single entry point which facilitates their search. Furthermore, disaggregating these data (by year, activity, territory, etc.) simplifies their understanding and promotes reuse. For example, in Australia, a public database containing information disaggregated by year, economic sector, and state and territory on the quantity of each greenhouse gas emitted by the country is made available through application programming interfaces (APIs) (OECD, 2022[23]).
As part of its participation in the Open Government Partnership, Argentina committed in its 2017–2019 action plan to develop a platform dedicated to climate change information and data. The aim is to centralise, on a single public web platform, official national and regional data related to climate change. This data must be accessible and understandable to different types of users (general public, students, researchers, managers, etc.).
Particular attention was therefore given to the development of educational tools to help non-expert audiences engage with the data (visualisation tools, interactive maps, etc.), as well as to features that facilitate its use (data filtering criteria, export of generated risk maps, etc.).
Furthermore, the review of various open data initiatives and policies around the world highlights the need to inform citizens and stakeholders of their existence so they take advantage of them – particularly through communication and awareness-raising campaigns (Grinspan and Worker, 2021[19]). These campaigns not only raise awareness of the availability of data but can also help make climate information less technocratic and more relevant to citizens' concerns. Among best practices, the development of more educational formats helps facilitate the uptake and understanding of data by non-expert users. These formats may include interactive or visualisation tools. Serbia, for example, is making a particular effort in this area to ensure that accessible data is understandable and usable by a non-expert audience (see Box 2.7).
In 2023, as part of its participation in the Open Government Partnership, Serbia committed to standardising, regularly updating, and publishing machine-readable information on the state of the environment in the country, as well as providing data visualisation on the website of the Serbian Environmental Protection Agency in a simple and comprehensible manner. This latter objective aims to go beyond the mere presentation of "raw data" by creating tools and visualisations that make the information more accessible and understandable to citizens and stakeholders.
The objective is therefore to provide an appropriate visualisation of environmental data – that is, a clear and intelligible presentation that enables large volumes of information to become accessible and usable for those without expertise in the field. This would help raise the level of public and stakeholder awareness while also encouraging the reuse of data.
2.2.3. Involving stakeholders and citizens in the collection and re-use of green open data
Governments do not always have the resources or capacity to collect, organise, publish, and process all the climate data at their disposal. It is therefore essential to foster collaboration and exchange with a wide range of actors (OECD, 2022[14]; Grinspan and Worker, 2021[19]; OECD, 2023[15]). Involving all stakeholders – researchers, policymakers, civil society, and citizens – in the process of collecting, publishing, and using climate data enables mutual learning and a better understanding of each party’s needs and capabilities, while also strengthening trust between actors (Grinspan and Worker, 2021[19]). It can also facilitate the regular updating of constantly evolving climate data. Developing such collaboration is all the more valuable given that expert groups often work in silos, each collecting their own data, which hinders the development of integrated approaches by policymakers (OECD, 2023[20]; Grinspan and Worker, 2021[19]; OECD, 2023[15]).
As an illustration, the city of Buenos Aires (Argentina) chose to co-create its climate change platform in order to better understand the needs and expectations of the various stakeholders involved and to assess the quality of the data collected. The city aims to provide a tool tailored to the needs of both citizens and stakeholders, while encouraging its use, raising awareness of climate-related issues, and motivating collective action (see Box 2.8).
The city of Buenos Aires has chosen to involve a wide range of actors in the development of its digital platform on climate change – an initiative that combines open environmental data, government accountability, and “civic activation”, meaning the promotion of climate action. To understand the needs of citizens and stakeholders (e.g. which data they require, in what formats, etc.), the city implemented several participatory mechanisms, including:
In-depth individual interviews with experts;
Ideation roundtables with citizens;
Meetings with civil society organisations;
A hackathon involving citizens;
Collaborative air quality data collection with citizens.
Additional meetings were held with the private sector, academia, and civil society organisations to assess the quality of the information provided. Once the website was developed, several evaluation sessions were organised to ensure that the platform met expectations and was useful – not only for citizens, the private sector, and civil society, but also for the city itself and the formulation of environmental public policies.
The platform now hosts over 30 open datasets, which can be downloaded and reused. It also features interactive visualisations and suggestions for actions to support a resilient, carbon-neutral, and inclusive city. This initiative offers a concrete example of how the combination of information access, open data, and citizen participation can lead to innovative solutions across the different dimensions of the green transition.
The city of Dublin (Ireland) has also sought to encourage stakeholders to make use of the open data available on the “Smart Dublin” digital portal by launching a competition aimed at rewarding projects that offer solutions to the climate crisis based on the available data (see Box 2.9). Beyond the projects developed, the initiative enabled a range of actors to highlight potential areas for improvement of the portal, particularly regarding data accessibility and reuse.
The city of Dublin has developed a unified digital platform, “Smart Dublin”, which brings together 550 open datasets across nine thematic areas, including several related to climate (such as environment and energy, transport and infrastructure). One of the platform’s key objectives is to foster collaboration among all stakeholders – businesses, citizens, civil society, the research community, and others. To encourage active participation, the city has launched a series of “challenges”.
In 2022, users were asked how the available data could support climate action. Of the 37 projects submitted, seven were shortlisted and given two months to develop tools, dashboards, analyses, or applications addressing the climate crisis. This led, for example, to the development of a waste reduction app, an analysis of active mobility to optimise cycling infrastructure, and a dashboard tracking invasive species in the city. Three of these projects were ultimately awarded prizes.
Among the emerging frontiers and innovative practices in the use of open data to support the green transition and climate action, the study of citizen science initiatives highlights the value for governments of involving citizens in the collection of certain climate-related data, such as air and water quality (Mahajan et al., 2022[24]). Traditionally, air quality monitoring has relied on large, fixed stations that are costly to install and maintain. This can result in data that is inaccurate, incomplete, or biased, ultimately weakening the effectiveness of public policies aimed at tackling air pollution.
To address this challenge, mobilising citizens equipped with low-cost sensors offers a broader and more affordable data coverage. In Flanders (Belgium), for example, a large-scale citizen science project ”CurieuzeNeuzen Vlaanderen” was launched in 2018 and involved 20,000 citizens who measured air quality near and inside their homes, both in urban and rural areas, by installing a monitoring device on a street-facing window (Curieuze Neuzen Vlaanderen, 2018[25]). The volume of data collected through this initiative helped to place air pollution on the political agenda by clearly demonstrating widespread breaches of air quality standards.
A similar initiative was implemented in Tanzania to collect data on water pollution in Lake Tanganyika (see Box 2.10). Beyond the immediate benefits of expanded data collection, involving citizens in data gathering through citizen science projects also helps strengthen public understanding and ownership of the scientific dimensions of the environmental and climate crises. It further encourages citizens to take an active role in shaping priorities and informing the development of public policies that directly affect them (Mahajan et al., 2022[24]).
To strengthen and improve the quality of water pollution monitoring in Lake Tanganyika, Tanzania, a citizen science project was implemented by a team of scientists in 2018–2019. As part of this initiative, 150 individuals – including fishers, farmers, fish sellers, and beach management units – were randomly selected from five villages along the Tanzanian shore of Lake Tanganyika and received training.
They were then provided with portable test kits to measure coastal water pollution levels caused by certain nutrients (nitrates and phosphates) as well as turbidity. To validate the quality of the data collected, the results were compared with those obtained by professional scientists, showing high accuracy of citizen measurements (91% for nitrates and 74% for phosphates).
By following simple and repeatable protocols, this project highlights the strong potential of local communities and residents to contribute to regulatory environmental monitoring efforts, helping to reduce associated costs and extend the geographical reach of such initiatives.
Source: (Moshi et al., 2022[26]).
In addition to data collection through a participatory approach, some initiatives aimed at ensuring the reuse of data and information by the affected populations, by involving them in the development of communication formats and materials that meet their needs. One example is the DARAJA initiative, implemented in Kenya and Tanzania (see Box 2.11). This project, which lies at the intersection of access to information and data and inclusive public communication through a participatory approach, highlights the importance of mobilising different levels and levers of citizen engagement to promote prevention and action in response to the environmental crisis.
Residents of informal urban settlements are particularly vulnerable to the impacts of extreme weather events driven by climate change. While access to data and information on these risks is crucial for prevention and adaptation, these communities often face difficulties in accessing relevant information that would enable them to take the necessary measures to protect their homes and prevent major damage.
In response to this challenge, the DARAJA initiative (Developing Risk Awareness through Joint Action – or “bridge” in Swahili) was launched in 2018, with two initial pilot projects in informal settlements in Nairobi (Kenya) and Dar es Salaam (Tanzania). Led by Resurgence, an international social enterprise specialising in urban climate risk communication, design and consultancy, and implemented in close partnership with local organisations operating in these neighbourhoods, DARAJA aims to provide weather and climate information in formats that are useful and understandable to urban communities living in informal housing areas.
The initiative brought together forecasters, climatologists, broadcasters, municipal officials, disaster management agencies, community leaders representing diverse population groups, and, crucially, the people who would ultimately use the service. Several workshops were held to identify relevant information and data, and to co-develop communication formats and channels adapted to the needs of the communities. This included the use of local languages, the creation of specific icons, the publication of daily bulletins, and the deployment of a “community communication system” through text messages, phone calls, and word of mouth. The initiative also provides advice on repairs and adaptations to informal dwellings to reduce damage.
During its pilot phase, the project reached more than 900,000 beneficiaries, with a total budget of USD 2 million. Studies conducted before and after DARAJA’s launch show that the service reached a wide audience in both cities. In Nairobi, 93% of residents in informal settlements now receive weather information, compared with 56% previously. The same proportion report understanding the information well, with 80% citing the language used as the main reason. In Dar es Salaam, 93% of residents in informal settlements now receive weather information, up from 74%. More broadly, the project has fostered connections between informal settlement communities, climate information providers, and municipal authorities. Beyond its measurable impact in disseminating weather information to citizens, this example illustrates how such efforts can strengthen societal resilience and build trust in official information sources.
Source: (World Habitat, 2024[27]).
Public support for climate policies is essential to ensure their successful implementation. Indeed, many green policies – particularly those aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions – require significant changes in lifestyle choices, consumption patterns, and individual behaviours (Gifford, 2008[28]; Creutzig et al., 2023[29]; OECD, 2023[30]; OECD, 2025[31]). As such, the success of the green transition largely depends on public acceptance and engagement.
In this context, public communication – defined by the OECD as “the government function to deliver information, listen and respond to citizens in the service of the common good and democratic principles” – can serve as a central tool, as demonstrated by the work of the OECD and its public communication experts’ network. It not only helps raise public awareness of climate issues but also informs and engages citizens, by making complex discourse accessible and persuasive in an increasingly polarised information landscape regarding climate topics (Lewandowsky, 2021[32]). Public communication is also essential to promote the behavioural change needed to bridge the gap between policy adoption and implementation, and to foster public’s acceptance and long-term support of green policies, by reconnecting awareness, intention, and concrete action (Scannell and Gifford, 2011[33]; OECD, 2025[34]).
Moreover, public communication can act as a tool for accountability, through transparent and systematic communication on the expected and achieved outcomes of green policies. Alongside other measures and policies aimed at strengthening governance frameworks for information integrity, it can also help counter misinformation and disinformation, and reinforce citizen participation in public life (OECD, 2024[2]; OECD, 2021[3]).
To meet these objectives, public communication around the green agenda must be transparent, honest, and trustworthy, and delivered in a strategic and effective way. Climate change and its global effects are evolving rapidly – as are our perceptions and understanding of these issues. The degree of uncertainty surrounding the topic is another factor that can amplify human cognitive biases and complicate behavioural change (de Vries, 2019[35]; Lewandowsky, 2021[32]; OECD, 2023[36]). Furthermore, the public often perceives climate issues as distant in time or geography, and not personally relevant (Gifford, 2008[28]; Lorenzoni, Nicholson-Cole and Whitmarsh, 2007[37]; Vlek, 2000[38]). Given the contentious nature of the topic, poorly designed or strategically misaligned public communication on climate can provoke negative reactions. Research has shown, for example, that overuse of fear-inducing messaging may lead to disengagement and adverse responses (O’Neill and Nicholson-Cole, 2009[39]). In contrast, studies have highlighted the effectiveness of communication strategies that focus on the opportunities of the green transition – particularly when framed around themes such as health or the environment – rather than the risks (Dasandi et al., 2022[40]). Likewise, campaigns using the wrong platform or message tend to have limited impact (de Vries, 2019[35]).
These factors, along with the political and economic implications of the green agenda, mean that public communicators dedicated focusing on the green transition face many challenges in their work. These come in addition to issues common to their counterparts across government, including limited human and financial resources, insufficient skills to make optimal use of digital tools, and a lack of support from senior policymakers and decision-makers (OECD, 2021[3]).
This section focuses on the use of public communication as a tool to help governments address some of the challenges posed by climate change and the ecological transition. It is structured around four identified challenges to which public communication tools, initiatives, and strategies can contribute:
1. The complexity and multidimensional nature of the climate crisis: Climate change is a complex issue affecting all areas of public policy. The solutions are often technical and difficult for the public to grasp.
2. The strong polarisation of opinions on climate issues: Despite the scientific consensus on the effects of climate change and the urgency to act, it remains a highly and increasingly polarising issue. It attracts extreme viewpoints, making constructive debate and compromise difficult, and creates fertile ground for disinformation and misinformation (Falkenberg et al., 2022[41]).
3. The need to engage the public in all its diversity and encourage behavioural change: Responding to climate change requires addressing all citizens, whose values, perceptions, and motivations for action may vary.
4. Adaptation and crisis communication: The increasing frequency of extreme weather events and emergencies linked to climate change – such as major floods or wildfires – requires preparing the public to cope with and adapt to such events in order to minimise human and material losses.
2.3.1. Strategic communication to promote understanding of a complex and multidimensional climate crisis
Climate change is a complex challenge that affects all policy areas, with solutions that are often technical and difficult for the public to grasp. Both the consequences of climate change and those of the policies implemented to address it impact the entire population, often through measures that may be hard to understand or accept in the short or medium term, but are necessary in the long run. This tension is highlighted in OECD work on public opinion regarding policies aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions, which underlines the importance of fairness and redistributive effects for the acceptance of public policy (Dechezleprêtre et al., 2022[42]).
To address this challenge, communication efforts must be stepped up to ensure that messages directed at the public and stakeholders are clear, coherent, and targeted, and echo the lived experiences of different segments of the population. This requires strategic communication, the use of storytelling to convey climate issues, and a focus on the local scale as well as on marginalised or vulnerable groups.
Adopting a Strategic Communication Approach for and around the Green Transition to Ensure a Clear and Coherent Message
To address the challenge posed by the complexity and technical nature of climate change and to deliver a coherent, overarching message, research has highlighted the value of adopting a strategic and integrated approach to communication on the green agenda and ecological transition. This involves bringing together all relevant stakeholders around a unified communication plan pursuing a common objective.
As outlined in the introduction, public communication is a government function that provides information and establishes channels for dialogue and debate between citizens and institutions. It therefore plays a key role in supporting more open and inclusive governance processes (OECD, 2021[3]). It fulfils three primary roles in government and in service to democracy (OECD, 2023[43]) :
Providing citizens with the information they need to make choices that improve their lives and to express informed opinions on matters of public interest;
Supporting the design and implementation of policies and services;
Build trust in public institutions and help further social cohesion by:
Enabling dialogue between government, citizens, and stakeholders;
Countering mis- and disinformation.
Public communication is recognised as a key instrument in the policy cycle (OECD, 2021[3])). Beyond raising awareness, it is an essential tool for the implementation of policies – especially those that rely on compliance and behavioural change, such as the green transition. Public communication can and should be mobilised at every stage of the policy cycle (OECD, 2023[43]):
1. Policy priority setting. Public communicators continuously monitor public opinion through media analysis (both traditional and social), in-depth audience research, and “active listening” initiatives. This enables them to identify emerging issues and understand the concerns, needs, and expectations of diverse population groups.
2. Policy design. Public communication can help ensure that policies being developed are aligned with the needs and concerns previously identified. It can also contribute to the ex ante evaluation phase by analysing public reactions via social media, traditional media coverage, or targeted interviews.
3. Implementation. Public communication is vital to explain to the public and stakeholders the content and potential impact of a new policy, through press conferences, targeted information campaigns, or broader communication efforts. These educational efforts support public understanding and acceptance, both of which are essential for successful implementation. Moreover, communication empowers citizens – encouraging both behavioural and consumption changes, and direct engagement in community-based initiatives.
4. Monitoring and evaluation. Following the launch of a new policy, communication supports the assessment of public response, allowing authorities to clarify or adapt messages when needed – through media analysis, social listening, or other research methods.
The use of public communication throughout the policy cycle is particularly relevant in the case of the green transition, which involves multidimensional policies likely to produce winners and losers in the short and medium term. It is therefore essential, early on, to identify public needs, priorities, possible points of resistance, and room for negotiation. In the second phase, the implementation of green policies must be accompanied by strong educational efforts to explain their rationale and long-term benefits, and to foster necessary behavioural changes. Finally, regular evaluation of how green policies are perceived helps identify resistance to specific measures and enables governments to adapt climate action based on citizen feedback – particularly in terms of acceptability. Actively communicating the outcomes of policy implementation – whether they meet expectations or not – also strengthens public accountability.
Furthermore, since the green transition is by nature a cross-governmental policy, it is vital that government institutions speak with a unified, clear voice in pursuit of a shared public policy objective. Strengthening coordination among public communicators across government entities is therefore a key lever. This includes formalising and professionalising public communication functions and fostering networking, to ensure the consistence and coherence of the initiatives deployed and the messages delivered.
Adopting an integrated communication approach to the green agenda – for example, through the development and implementation of a government-wide communication strategy – also helps ensure that the collective impact of actions exceeds the sum of their individual parts. Ireland, for instance, has developed a comprehensive public communication framework for its green agenda, including coordination and harmonisation tools across government bodies (see Box 2.12).
In Ireland, the Government Information Service (GIS), part of the Prime Minister’s Office, has developed a values-based framework for government officials working on climate action. This initiative aims to implement a whole-of-government climate communication strategy that sets shared objectives and provides practical tools to ensure coherence and coordination in communication efforts.
As part of this cross-government approach to communicating the green transition, the GIS has been entrusted with three main missions:
Enhancing public awareness and understanding of government action in this area;
Build support for climate action;
Empowering citizens to act.
To achieve this, the GIS has created a general framework for officials and communication teams responsible for developing or leading climate-related communication initiatives on behalf of the Irish government. The framework is intended to be used throughout the entire communication process.
The three shared values identified – positive change, collaboration, and fairness – were defined based on public input and workshops held with colleagues from communication and policy teams. Applying these values helps align government communication across departments.
The framework includes a checklist to be used when communicating about the green transition – serving as a reference for drafting communication materials or evaluating the outcomes of campaigns and engagement efforts. Checklists, briefing documents, visual resources, and sources of information and inspiration are made available to civil servants across all ministries. These materials and tools are designed to ensure message consistency and coherence across government institutions, helping to engage citizens in the green transition.
Source: Presentation by the Government Information Service of Ireland at the 6th meeting of the OECD Experts Group on Public Communication, “A new paradigm to communicate on the green transition”, 15 June 2023.
Finally, evaluation mechanisms and their systematic application are key elements of a strategic approach to public communication on the green agenda (OECD, 2021[3]). They help ensure that communication functions effectively, generates real impact, and contributes to broader policy goals. They also support learning among public communicators, enabling them to identify what needs to be improved when objectives are not met. Evaluation can also help legitimise the work of public communicators and better demonstrate its added value throughout the policy cycle (OECD, 2021[3]).
While the importance of evaluating public communication is widely acknowledged, OECD data highlight that the focus tends to be on outputs – such as media coverage or online visibility—rather than on the actual outcomes of public communication. This reflects a tactical rather than strategic approach (OECD, 2021[3]).
It is therefore essential to move away from a traditional focus on activities and outputs (e.g., number of impressions or the number of articles published, which do not measure the change governments seek to achieve), and instead identify outcomes and impacts. These relate to what the public does, rather than what communicators do, and the changes occurring among the public, businesses, or industry, rather than in the media space. This can include for example shifts in public opinion, increased awareness, behavioural change, or greater uptake of a public service.
Moreover, monitoring, evaluation, and learning should be built in from the outset, rather than treated as an afterthought. Governments could conduct early-stage research to better understand their audiences, collect baseline data, and run pre-tests to inform communication strategies – a process referred to as formative research. In this perspective, communicators and decision-makers could draw on a theory of change for public communication as a driver of the green transition. This would help articulate the link between communication initiatives, their effect on audiences, changes in attitudes and behaviours, and the broader objectives of the green agenda. Researcher Jim Macnamara has developed such a communication theory of change, presented in Figure 2.1.
Source: Jim Macnamara (2023), Presentation at the 6th meeting of the OECD Experts Group on Public Communication, 14 June 2024.
Using storytelling to translate abstract data into narratives and scenarios citizens can relate to
Beyond the need for coherence and coordination in public messaging, the often scientific, technical, and abstract nature of climate information can make it difficult for citizens to grasp and engage with. It is frequently perceived as distant from their daily concerns and personal experiences. Moreover, communication around climate issues has long relied on framing the topic as a threat or invoking fear, which does not necessarily motivate constructive public action (Wang and Coren, 2024[44]).
Recent research in climate communication increasingly recognises the value of storytelling, narrative frameworks, and metaphors as tools for engaging the public (Muradova, Walker and Colli, 2020[45]). Narratives offer concrete examples that resonate with audiences by drawing on cultural references and appealing to emotion. This can help reintroduce the individual scale into the climate discourse and highlight avenues for action at that level. Storytelling may take the form of portraits of real people who are actively engaged on the ground – either initiating concrete actions or directly affected by the consequences of climate change. The press and media can play a key role in developing these new narratives, through reports that link observable phenomena such as storms, floods, or droughts to individual experiences and the broader, more abstract issue of global warming. Other storytelling formats, such as television or radio fiction, are also being used. For example, a television series produced in Indonesia was designed to encourage climate action among young people (see Box 2.17) (Garg, Godfrey and Eko, 2024[46]).
Local communication campaigns to reach the most vulnerable and hard-to-reach populations
The complexity of climate challenges requires multi-level interventions, making it essential to bring communication campaigns closer to local concerns in order to actively engage citizens. Research has shown that individuals often conceptualise climate change in terms of global or future scenarios (Leiserowitz, 2005[47]). This can create a psychological distance between individuals and the perceived impact of the environmental crisis, weakening their sense of urgency. As such, raising awareness of global climate issues is not always sufficient to trigger engagement, as it may be seen as a distant or abstract threat (Leiserowitz, 2005[47]; Chess and Johnson, 2007[48]).
People may feel not only physically but also psychologically removed from the effects of climate change if they do not understand how such issues could affect them personally. One study, for instance, interviewed elderly individuals about the risks of heatwaves: although they are among the most vulnerable groups, respondents did not perceive an increase in their personal risk (Wolf et al., 2001[49]).
A range of socio-psychological theories underline the importance of personal relevance in messages to promote changes in attitudes and behaviour (Kruglanski and Sleeth-Keppler, 2007[50]). It is therefore increasingly acknowledged that communication on the green agenda must account for the local and specific impacts of the environmental crisis. Equally, it should highlight locally relevant activities that contribute to the problem and offer opportunities for mitigation (Kates and Wilbanks, 2003[51]; Leiserowitz, 2007[52]; Nicholson-Cole, 2005[53]).
To effectively reach target audiences – especially those both disconnected from mainstream information and particularly vulnerable to climate impacts – targeted and tailored campaigns are needed. These should address themes closely aligned with the lived experiences of these populations, helping to make the direct effects of the environmental crisis more tangible. Moreover, the choice of communication channels and methods is crucial in overcoming potential information barriers. In Uganda, for example, a campaign was launched in rural northern regions to address issues around water, sanitation, and hygiene (see Box 2.13).
Over 80% of Uganda’s population lacks access to safe drinking water. Many live far from clean water sources, and issues related to water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) are often poorly understood. In such a resource-constrained context, informed and engaged citizens are vital for the conservation of drinking water – an increasingly critical issue in light of climate change.
A project led by Uganda’s Ministry of Water and Environment and funded by the German development agency (GIZ) was launched with the aim of reaching local residents and raising awareness and understanding of WASH-related issues. In the long term, the goal was to promote better hygiene practices and encourage behavioural change among these communities.
At the time of the project’s implementation, mobile technology was rapidly expanding in Uganda, especially in rural areas. The project aimed to reach 30,000 people in northern Uganda over six months through SMS messaging. It also sought to boost engagement on WASH topics through interactive competitions. Participants who answered WASH-related questions correctly were entered into a prize draw. The campaign was further promoted via local radio stations, which shared details on how to participate and reassured listeners that entry was free of charge.
Thanks to the radio promotion, more than 50% of the target audience was reached. The use of different keywords by each radio station also allowed organisers to track and evaluate where participants were coming from. Qualitative feedback from participants revealed improved understanding of WASH issues and provided valuable input for refining future campaign iterations.
2.3.2. Addressing the polarisation of climate discourse through public communication
As noted at the beginning of this section, despite the scientific consensus on its effects and the urgency of action, climate change remains a highly – and increasingly – polarising issue. It draws extreme viewpoints that make constructive debate and compromise difficult and creates fertile ground for mis- and disinformation. At the same time, public discourse and media ecosystems have become increasingly fragmented and polarised. Beyond the misinformation circulating on social media, research has also questioned the role of mainstream media in giving airtime to climate-sceptical narratives or content that undermines scientific consensus – often without adequate counterpoints – even though these media outlets continue to play a central role in shaping public debate (QuotaClimat, 2024[54]). This distortion of the public debate on climate and environmental issues negatively affects the public acceptance of green policies, and can constrain both governmental action and individual engagement. It highlights the urgent need to reinforce legal and regulatory frameworks, tools, and practices to support information integrity – particularly through the precise characterisation of climate misinformation and by fostering greater engagement with media and journalists.
This context makes the role of public communicators more complex, but also more crucial and time-sensitive (OECD, 2023[43]). Effective, citizen-oriented public communication can help restore trust in institutions by ensuring and demonstrating that government is reliable, responsive, transparent, and fair (OECD, 2023[43]).
Trust in public institutions is also a prerequisite for using communication effectively to counter polarisation as well as mis- and disinformation. The extent to which citizens trust public communication is directly influenced by how much they trust their government (Climate Outreach, 2024[55]). However, data from the OECD Survey on the Drivers of Trust in Public Institutions (2024) reveal a mixed picture: while 67% of respondents believe information on administrative services is easily accessible, only 39% believe that government adequately explains the effects of its policy reforms – a figure matched by the 40% who express scepticism – pointing to clear opportunities for improvement (OECD, 2024[56]).
Citizens and stakeholders must therefore perceive public communication as a tool that not only responds to their information needs and enables participation, but also adheres to high ethical standards, serving the public interest above political or private agendas (OECD, 2023[43]).
Amplifying messages by diversifying communication channels and partnerships with trusted intermediaries
Much of the public’s information about government action, including climate policies, comes through indirect sources such as traditional media, social media, or conversations within personal networks (OECD, 2024[56]). The OECD’s Trust Survey shows that individual trust in government is strongly correlated with their media consumption habits (OECD, 2024[56]).2 When it comes to communication on the green agenda, research has shown that messages fail to persuade if the public mistrusts the messenger’s motives (European Environment Agency, 2016[57]). In an increasingly fragmented information landscape, government communication channels may not reach all audiences. Moreover, in some communities, access to news media and social media remains limited.
In response, it is essential to leverage trusted intermediaries and partners who can relay relevant information and already possess a degree of credibility or influence among the public. These may include community leaders or influencers known for their commitment to climate-related issues. Collaborating with these actors involves building trusted partnerships and investing in capacity building, so they are equipped to share accurate, relevant, and verified information with their audiences. Local and community media also play a key role, as they remain significant sources of information for many. Strengthening the skills of journalists can, in this sense, improve the reception of climate-related messaging. For instance, in Uganda, a large-scale initiative was implemented to build journalistic capacity and improve the quality of climate reporting in a context where public trust had declined due to poor media coverage (see Box 2.14).
Certain communities in East Africa – such as farmers and fishers – are directly affected by the increasing frequency of extreme weather events due to climate change. Between 2018 and 2020, ten radio stations launched a project aimed at improving local media reporting on climate issues, with the goal of better informing these vulnerable populations.
An evaluation of existing climate reporting revealed poor editorial and production quality, which undermined public trust. As a result, a training programme was developed for local journalists and meteorologists to enhance their ability to communicate effectively on climate-related topics.
Following the initiative, listeners reported a better understanding of climate issues – particularly the need to prepare for potential negative impacts on their lives and livelihoods. Journalists also reported a greater personal interest in and understanding of climate topics. In the long term, the project also helped to strengthen collaboration between journalists and meteorological experts.
The project was led by BBC Media Action, the UK Met Office, and the Horn of Africa Climate Change Journalists Network, and was funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, with an estimated budget of £722,000.
Source: https://www.metoffice.gov.uk/services/government/international-development/weather-and-climate-information-services-wiser/weather-and-climate-information-services-wiser.
Using public communication strategically to counter misinformation and disinformation
As outlined at the beginning of this chapter, climate issues are particularly vulnerable to misinformation and disinformation, which fuel opinion polarisation and can obstruct or delay the adoption and implementation of climate policies. In this context, as a channel for transparent, factual, and reliable information – and a key tool for interaction between institutions and citizens – public communication can play a crucial role (OECD, 2021[3]). Conversely, if perceived as inaccurate, exaggerated, or inaccessible, public communication can have a counterproductive effect, undermining audience trust in the message delivered.
By facilitating citizen access to official information developed or shared by public institutions, public communication can help governments establish authority and support citizens in distinguishing facts from opinions (OECD, 2021[3]). Through public communication, governments can convey complex political narratives in a clear, persuasive, and constructive way, thereby challenging those who seek to discredit climate science or cast doubt on the urgency of action. It is also essential to recognise that the level of trust in government is a major factor shaping how citizens will receive and interpret public communication efforts aimed at combating false or misleading information (OECD, 2021[3]).
To support this, the OECD has developed a set of “Good Practice Principles for Public Communication to Counter Mis- and Disinformation”, which provides guidance for governments seeking to use public communication as a strategic tool (see Box 2.15).
The OECD has developed 9 Principles of Good Practice to provide policymakers with guidance to address the spread of mis- and disinformation, and in turn strengthen information ecosystems. The 9 principles are:
Structure and governance
1. Institutionalisation: Governments should consolidate interventions into coherent approaches guided by official communication and data policies, standards and guidelines.
2. Public-interest-driven: Public communication should strive to be independent from politicisation in implementing interventions to counteract mis- and disinformation.
3. Future-proofing and professionalisation: Public institutions should invest in innovative research and use strategic foresight to anticipate the evolution of technology and information ecosystems and prepare for likely threats.
Providing accurate and useful information
4. Transparency: Governments should strive to communicate in an honest and clear manner, with institutions comprehensively disclosing information, decisions, processes and data within the limitations of relevant legislation and regulations.
5. Timeliness: Public institutions should develop mechanisms to act in a timely manner by identifying and responding to emerging narratives, recognising the speed at which false information can travel.
6. Prevention: Government interventions should be designed to pre-empt rumours, falsehoods, and conspiracies to stop mis- and disinformation narratives from gaining traction.
Democratic engagement, stronger media and information ecosystem
7. Evidence-based: Government interventions should be designed and informed by trustworthy and reliable data, testing, and audience and behavioural insights.
8. Inclusiveness: Interventions should be designed and diversified to reach all groups in society. Official information should strive to be relevant and easily understood, with messages tailored for diverse publics.
9. Whole-of-Society: Government efforts to counteract information disorders should be integrated within a whole-of-society approach, in collaboration with relevant stakeholders, including the media, private sector, civil society, academia and individuals.
Source: OECD (OECD, 2023[58]), “Good practice principles for public communication responses to mis- and disinformation”, OECD Public
Governance Policy Papers, No. 30, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/6d141b44-en.
Countries are increasingly engaging in public communication campaigns to quickly counter the spread of false information or rumours. One example is South Korea, which launched a communication campaign in response to growing public concern over potential seafood contamination following the Fukushima nuclear power plant accident in Japan (see Box 2.16). The campaign’s success in mitigating the impact of rumours on consumer behaviour was largely due to the swift response of Korean authorities, who deployed factual information and scientific data promptly to reassure the public.
In the summer of 2023, public concern in Korea rose sharply over seafood consumption following the release of treated radioactive water from Japan’s Fukushima nuclear power plant.
Numerous myths circulated online, and analysts suggested that many of them were fuelled – or even deliberately created – as part of a broader disinformation campaign. This led to heightened consumer anxiety, further intensified by public protests and civic mobilisation.
In response, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism of South Korea launched a public communication campaign to provide accurate, science-based information to address public concerns and mitigate the negative impact on the fishing industry. The campaign clarified Korea’s food safety standards and reassured citizens that no seafood from the affected area was being imported.
More than 200 pieces of content were produced and disseminated on social media platforms, reaching over 70 million views. These included expert field reports, myth-busting Q&As, daily briefings, and short video clips. The campaign succeeded in curbing the decline in seafood consumption following Japan’s wastewater discharge.
Source: Food Navigator, BBC and Korea case 2024.
2.3.3. Encouraging targeted behavioural change and mobilising the population in all its diversity
Climate change affects all citizens, but its direct and indirect impacts vary across population groups – as do perceptions of the issue and willingness to act. To engage the entire population in the green transition, governments must tailor their messages to address different groups with distinct priorities, values, and perceptions.
Research has shown that perceptions of fairness and redistributive impact of a greenhouse gas reduction policy – alongside its perceived effectiveness and impact on individual interests – are key determinants of whether people accept or reject such measures (Dechezleprêtre et al., 2022[42]; Bergquist and Jagers, 2022[59]). Because these perceptions differ from one group to another, governments must better understand the specific audiences they are targeting to design messages that resonate with their values and concerns. This makes the communication more likely to be heard, accepted, and capable of driving behavioural change. Such targeting does not aim to manipulate public opinion or persuade people to support a specific policy. Rather, it aims at understanding which messages and information are relevant to different groups to foster ownership of climate issues and encourage meaningful engagement across society.
Audience segmentation to effectively target and tailor messages
Understanding the characteristics of the target audience has long been seen as a cornerstone of communication strategy (Hovland, Janis and Kelley, 1953[60]). It helps identify and define the most useful and relevant information for specific audiences and to disseminate it through the most effective communication channels. Social media has further enhanced the possibility of micro-targeting, allowing tailored messages to reach very specific groups online. Public communicators can thus divide their potential audience into segments to ensure more effective campaigns – by, for example, targeting users on platforms where they already seek information or adapting the tone and format of messages to the intended audience.
Segmentation also ensures that communication campaigns reach vulnerable or underserved audiences, beyond those already aware of environmental issues. It increases the relevance and appropriateness of the message, thereby helping to mitigate potential negative reactions (de Vries, 2019[35]).
Communication on climate issues aimed at young people is particularly important for several reasons (Ojala and Lakew, 2017[61]). They are future decision-makers, leaders, and researchers who will shape climate action and lead the green transition; they are also present-day citizens and consumers whose lifestyles and behaviours directly affect the environment; they are the generation most likely to suffer the long-term consequences of climate change (Ojala and Lakew, 2017[61]); they are especially affected by psychological impacts such as eco-anxiety (Fritze et al., 2008[62]). Finally, from a citizen participation perspective, reaching the public in all its diversity – including youth, who often have different concerns from other demographic groups – is essential (Ojala and Lakew, 2017[61]). Audience segmentation is therefore a particularly effective tool for reaching young people with messages that are tailored to their interests and experiences, and that can lead to behavioural changes or increased engagement in climate action. In Indonesia, for example, extensive formative research and audience segmentation among young people informed the development of a television series, complemented by a social media campaign, to mobilise youth around climate issues (see Box 2.17). By leveraging trusted media and platforms already popular with the target group, the campaign succeeded in triggering behavioural change in over half of those exposed to the message.
Between 2019 and 2022, an ambitious campaign in Indonesia aimed to engage young people in addressing the country’s environmental and climate challenges, help them make informed choices, and provide a platform for them to voice their concerns on these issues.
The project, implemented by BBC Media Action Indonesia in collaboration with local media partners and funded by the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD) with an estimated budget of £7.2 million over three years, was grounded in audience research. This included focus groups, targeted interviews with youth organisation members, and qualitative audience segmentation supported by artificial intelligence. This research phase revealed that many young people felt disconnected from natural resource issues and were unsure how to get involved in reducing greenhouse gas emissions or supporting the green transition more broadly.
The first segmentation phase, based on interviews and focus groups, identified four audience types: (1) acting; (2) aware and interested but not acting; (3) aware but interested in acting; (4) not aware. Groups (2) and (3) were the most represented, which helped define a clearer objective for the communication effort: moving beyond simple awareness-raising to encourage mobilisation and action.
The research also showed that television and social media were the most effective channels to reach the target audience, particularly with content that combined information and entertainment. This audience segmentation informed a multichannel communication strategy, built around three core components:
A 20-episode television drama series, co-produced with the Indonesian broadcaster SCTV. The storyline tackled key climate themes intertwined with everyday issues affecting urban youth. It featured a range of diverse characters, allowing young viewers to identify with the show. This highlights the power of storytelling (see Section 2.3.1) and cultural engagement to make abstract issues more tangible and relatable.
An Instagram discussion series, expanding on themes covered in the show. It included behind-the-scenes content, real-life stories and portraits of individuals involved in environmental action, and interactions with decision-makers.
A brand presence across multiple social media platforms – Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube – encouraging content sharing. Initially linked directly to the series, this evolved to highlight real-world climate and environmental actions. The aim was to spark interest and ultimately promote behavioural change.
The project’s social media channels also partnered with influencers known for their environmental advocacy, boosting credibility and reach.
Among those exposed to the content, 65% reported changing certain behaviours to reduce their climate footprint. This group also showed increased awareness of climate issues and greater support for the national government’s climate policies.
Source: (Garg, Godfrey and Eko, 2024[46]).
Recent research has pushed audience segmentation beyond traditional demographic categories such as age, gender, or rural–urban distinctions. Instead, more nuanced approaches now consider individuals’ values, beliefs, and psychological engagement with climate change to tailor communication more effectively. In the United States, Yale University has conducted pioneering research through the development of the “Six Americas of Global Warming”, a typology that identifies six distinct audience profiles based on how they perceive and respond to climate change: alarmed; concerned; cautious; disengaged; doubtful; dismissive. Each group holds different beliefs and emotional responses, requiring different communication strategies. Similarly, in France, the NGO Parlons Climat has developed six distinct profiles within French society using a values-based segmentation approach to better understand what motivates (or discourages) different groups to engage with climate change: disillusioned activists; stabilisers; optimistic liberals; wait-and-seers; left-behinds, identity-driven individuals. In the United Kingdom, the organisation Climate Outreach has also developed a seven-segment audience model of the British public. It has produced a toolkit designed to support organisations and communicators in crafting climate messages tailored to each audience profile (see Box 2.18).
In its report "Britain Talks Climate – A toolkit for engaging the British public on climate change", the organisation Climate Outreach identifies seven segments within the British population:
Progressive activists: Vocal and passionate, politically active but pessimistic about the direction society has taken, climate change is central to progressive activists’ identity and politics
Backbone conservatives: Conservative, patriotic and optimistic, backbone conservatives take pride in tangible success stories about British environmental achievements and care deeply about food, farming and the rural economy. But they are more sceptical about grand claims of global leadership, or the ‘virtue signalling’ of (what they sometimes see as) symbolic lifestyle changes.
Civic pragmatists: Moderate and tolerant, civic pragmatists are anxious about the future, with climate change contributing to that fear. They try to follow a low-carbon lifestyle, but feel demotivated by a lack of political ambition on climate change and other social issues.
Disengaged battlers: Feeling unheard and unrepresented, disengaged battlers are nevertheless broadly convinced of the need to take action on climate change. However, they do not yet believe the transition will benefit them, and are too busy surviving from day to day to give it more of their attention.
Established liberals: established liberals have a global outlook driven more by their professional networks than a sense of solidarity with communities around the world. They do not necessarily view climate change as something that will affect them personally, but they do want to hear how low-carbon solutions will drive economic resilience and growth.
Loyal nationals: Traditional and proud to be British, loyal nationals feel threatened and are galvanised by issues such as crime, immigration and terrorism. They believe the UK is already living with the reality of climate change, but they understand it as an issue linked to localised (rather than global) inequality and environmental degradation.
Disengaged traditionalists: Disillusioned and sceptical, Disengaged Traditionalists recognise tangible environmental risks like air pollution, but are far from ‘sold’ on the need for action on climate. They are more likely to see it as a problem for foreign governments to deal with.
Through a detailed understanding of how these different segments view a wide range of societal issues – whether directly or indirectly related to climate change – and particularly of their commonalities and differences, governments and communicators are better equipped to design campaigns with messages that resonate positively across groups and avoid creating antagonism.
To support this work, Climate Outreach provides guidance in its toolkit, offering recommendations on the types of messages to convey and the pitfalls to avoid for each.
Source: (Climate Outreach, 2020[63]).
Leveraging behavioural science for targeted communication on behaviour change
Behavioural science is a powerful tool to support the green transition and encourage behavioural changes aimed, in particular, at reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Understanding the mechanisms that drive the behaviours of citizens, businesses, and other stakeholders helps to increase the effectiveness of public policies and public support, thereby enhancing the likelihood that these policies achieve their intended outcomes (OECD, 2025[31]). In addition to the segmentation efforts mentioned earlier, communication strategies can draw on behavioural science to better understand the psychological and social processes that influence individual decision-making and action, with the aim of prompting change (de Vries, 2019[35]). For example, the UK government has used behavioural insights to identify levers for reducing household energy consumption (see Box 2.19).
The UK government has set a target to reduce energy consumption by 15% by 2030. Between 2022 and 2023, it used survey data to inform a targeted communication campaign aimed at reducing individual energy use to help meet this goal.
The survey provided key insights into British citizens’ behaviours. In particular, while the public is aware of and concerned about climate issues, individual motivation to reduce energy consumption was limited by financial concerns, especially during a period of crisis and rising living costs. These behavioural findings informed a campaign focused on the cost-saving benefits of energy reduction.
The government launched the “It All Adds Up” campaign, highlighting a short list of simple individual actions that could lower energy use and help households save money. The campaign was rolled out across TV, radio, social media, and traditional media.
It successfully met its dual objective: household energy consumption was reduced by approximately 1,200 GWh, and households saved £120 million.
The total cost of the campaign was £18 million. It demonstrated the importance of speaking to citizens in their own terms. By framing action as something that could have a direct, positive impact on daily life, and by addressing people’s primary concerns, it encouraged meaningful behavioural change.
The campaign’s monitoring and evaluation mechanisms, established from the outset, also made it easy to measure its success and impact, thereby justifying continued investment. This initiative offers a compelling example of the tangible and direct impact of citizen engagement in public policy implementation, through the coordinated accumulation of small individual actions.
2.3.4. Crisis communication to respond to extreme climate and environmental events and support adaptation efforts
As extreme weather events and emergencies become more frequent, governments must be increasingly prepared to deliver rapid responses that support adaptation and help protect populations from risk.
Climate and environmental communication has thus become widely recognised as a crisis discipline (Cox, 2007[64]). Major environmental crises – whether caused by natural disasters or human activity – such as the BP oil spill, the Fukushima nuclear accident, or the Exxon Valdez disaster, have required governments to address citizens swiftly to ensure effective responses, prevent further harm, and maintain public trust.
Coordination between local and national levels is essential for effective crisis response and for implementing climate-related adaptation or risk mitigation measures. For instance, early warning systems, combined with targeted and effective communication, are among the most effective tools for disaster risk reduction. Public communication plays a vital role in disaster management by delivering prior information or alerts to institutions and communities, enabling them to take mitigation measures. A thorough understanding of the at-risk audience ensures the use of appropriate communication channels and tools that can reach the public quickly. This can involve using alternative communication methods to overcome information barriers faced by certain populations, such as illiteracy or low literacy. For example, in Senegal, a voice-message-based early warning system was implemented in collaboration with a local start-up to ensure accessibility for all (Ouedraogo et al., 2020[65]).
Moreover, crisis communication – whether in the context of extreme weather events or devastating wildfires – can serve as a lever to connect the long-term, often abstract issue of climate change with immediate, concrete events experienced by the public. While the crisis framing of climate communication can be restrictive, it also offers opportunities to reach citizens and influence long-term behaviour. A successful crisis campaign can be decisive for the overall success of emergency response – and may also generate lasting changes in public behaviour (Kimura and Nishio, 2016[66]).
For example, in response to the environmental crisis caused by the earthquake and the shutdown of the Fukushima nuclear power plant, Japan launched a large-scale communication campaign to encourage urgent and necessary reductions in electricity consumption. The campaign successfully led to a lasting reduction in energy use, extending well beyond the immediate crisis period (see Box 2.20).
In March 2011, Japan was hit by an earthquake and tsunami that led to the shutdown of the Fukushima nuclear power plant. At the time, nuclear energy accounted for 30% of national electricity supply. As a result, Japan faced immediate and severe energy shortages – only 15 out of 54 nuclear reactors remained operational.
In response, the government launched a communication campaign to encourage citizens to urgently reduce energy consumption in order to avoid blackouts. Public authorities and private utility companies distributed checklists with simple tips to help individuals lower their energy use.
The campaign, which cost 4 billion yen, led to a 15% drop in energy consumption in 2011 compared to the previous year. The impact persisted: by 2014, households were using 18% less electricity than in 2010.
This example shows that governments can be effective messengers in times of crisis. It also highlights that citizens are more willing to change behaviour when faced with immediate threats.
Source: (OECD, 2023[67]); (The Guardian, 2011[68]).
Informing citizens is a fundamental first step to enable them to understand, navigate, and act upon the challenges of the green transition. While information and public communication initially served to raise awareness of environmental issues, they are now crucial levers for enabling citizens to contribute to a transition that is just, fair, and transparent. Information and open data are essential tools for monitoring government action. They empower a wide range of stakeholders – citizens, journalists, civil society organisations – to hold governments accountable and to contribute to developing solutions, including innovative ones, using of accessible data. Broad dissemination of information in clear, accessible, and reusable formats thus provides a tangible first lever of action for the public. At the same time, an increasing number of governments and stakeholders are tapping into the potential of public communication to better understand and manage citizens’ expectations, concerns, constraints, and resistance in the face of the climate emergency. Strategic communication helps develop messages that promote action and increase public acceptance of complex policies, while encouraging behavioural changes essential to mitigation efforts.
While one-way information can already help re-engage citizens in the green transition, it is increasingly complemented by active participation mechanisms – through formal consultation processes (see Chapter 3) or more innovative engagement models (see Chapter 4) – that create a two-way relationship between citizens and governments.
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← 1. This OECD Recommendation of the Council replaces the Recommendation of the Council on Environmental Information adopted in 1998.
← 2. According to this survey, only 22% of people who prefer not to follow political news report a high or moderately high level of trust in the government, compared to 40% among those who do follow current affairs (OECD, 2024[56]).