Social Connections and Loneliness in OECD Countries

Report

16 October 2025

4. Trends in social connections: Are people becoming more or less connected?

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Abstract

Over the past 15 years, the share of people across OECD countries who meet others in person has steadily declined, while frequent contact with friends and family via phone or digital platforms has increased. A growing minority remains socially isolated – never meeting or contacting friends, and this growth has accelerated in the years following the COVID-19 pandemic. Between 2018 and 2022, self-assessments of social connections, including social support, satisfaction with relationships and never feeling lonely have also worsened, though by a relatively small magnitude. Young people stand out as the most affected group, experiencing deteriorations across nearly all social connections outcomes, and in some cases, seeing no change even as other groups improved. Men also saw declines in most subjective social connections outcomes over the short term, albeit to a lesser extent than young people, while women experienced fewer significant changes.

Figure 4.1. Short-term trends in social connections outcomes
Copy link to Figure 4.1. Short-term trends in social connections outcomes

This chapter maps trends in social connections outcomes across OECD countries and across population groups over time. Where possible, it distinguishes between medium-term changes (over the past 10-15 years) and short-term changes (over the past 5 years), the latter of which may reflect the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent cost-of-living crisis on the ways people connect with one another.1

Between 2015 and 2022, the share of people across 21 European OECD countries who meet with friends in person on a daily basis declined across all population groups (Figure 4.1). At the same time, the share of people who contact both friends and family daily increased, likely supported by the growing use of digital technologies to maintain social ties at a distance (Figure 4.1). This is consistent with trends going back more than a decade, as outlined later in this chapter: since data collection began in 2006, in-person socialising has declined, while the frequency of contacting friends and family via remote means has increased. However, in more recent years, one population group stands out as an exception: young people aged 16 to 24. Between 2015 and 2022 they reported no significant change in daily contact with friends and family – the only age cohort to not see an increase (Figure 4.1).

Functional and qualitative aspects of social connections have worsened modestly (i.e. changes are statistically significant, but small in magnitude) in recent years across most population groups (Figure 4.1). Between 2018 and 2022, across OECD countries with available data, slightly more people had no one to count on and were dissatisfied with their relationships. Once again, young people experienced some of the largest declines; additionally, men were more negatively affected than women. Interestingly, people living with others reported a deterioration in some social connections outcomes, while those living alone saw, on average, either no change or improvements. This may reflect (temporary) circumstances of the pandemic, in which confinement, work-from-home and remote schooling policies strained family relationships.

The evolution of how and with whom people spend their time

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In-person interactions with friends and family have been steadily declining over the past 15 years, well before the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2006, 17% of respondents in 21 European OECD countries reported getting together daily with family members they did not live with, and 21% reported doing so with friends (Figure 4.2). By 2015, these shares had fallen to 15% for family and 16% for friends, and by 2022, had declined further to 11% and 12%, respectively.

This downward trend in face-to-face interactions is likely driven in part by the growing accessibility of remote communication – through phone and video calls, texting and SMS messaging, and social media. Indeed, the share of respondents who report contacting family on a daily basis2 increased from 23% in 2006 to 26% in 2015, and reached 29% in 2022 (Figure 4.2, Panel A). A similar pattern is seen in contact with friends: on average, 24% of people contacted friends daily in 2006, 26% in 2015 and 28% in 2022 (Figure 4.2, Panel B).

Conversely, patterns in social isolation followed a different trajectory – one that likely more directly reflects the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Across 21 European OECD countries, the share of people reporting never seeing friends or family remained relatively stable between 2006 and 2015, but then increased slightly – but significantly – between 2015 and 2022 (Figure 4.2).

Figure 4.2. Respondents in 21 European OECD countries see friends and family less often in person than they used to; many make up for this by contacting family and friends more
Copy link to Figure 4.2. Respondents in 21 European OECD countries see friends and family less often in person than they used to; many make up for this by contacting family and friends more

Additional evidence from 22 European OECD countries highlights the impact of external shocks on the ability to socialise even more clearly (Figure 4.3): in 2009 (during the height of the financial crisis) 9% of respondents reported they were unable to share a meal with others at least monthly for financial reasons – a rate that has regularly declined in the years since, with only 5% of respondents in 2022 saying so. In 2021 there was a large spike of respondents saying they were unable to share a meal for “other reasons” (20%) – a reflection of social distancing and confinement policies during the pandemic. By 2022, rates had rebounded to pre-pandemic levels (11%). High-frequency data collection in Colombia throughout the pandemic shows similar patterns in disruptions to different types of social interactions, and subsequent recovery (Box 4.1).

Figure 4.3. The 2008-10 Financial Crisis and COVID-19 pandemic affected people’s ability to get together with friends and family to enjoy a meal on a monthly basis
Copy link to Figure 4.3. The 2008-10 Financial Crisis and COVID-19 pandemic affected people’s ability to get together with friends and family to enjoy a meal on a monthly basis

Share of respondents who do, or do not, meet with friends and family at least monthly to share a drink or a meal in an average year, OECD EU-EFTA 22, 2009, 2013-2022

Box 4.1. National spotlight: Trends in social interactions during the COVID-19 pandemic in Colombia

Copy link to Box 4.1. National spotlight: Trends in social interactions during the COVID-19 pandemic in Colombia

In 2020, the Colombian statistical agency, DANE, fielded a high-frequency household survey, the Encuesta Pulso Social, to understand how the population experienced the COVID-19 pandemic. The share of people “talking to friends and family over the past week in order to feel better” tracks the progression of the virus: rates of not having done so steadily rise over the course of 2021, plateau in 2022, before declining steeply throughout 2023 (Figure 4.4). During the height of the pandemic, men were less likely to speak with friends and family than were women, however this gap diminished over time and rates of talking to friends and family by gender were almost equal by the end of 2023.

Figure 4.4. In Colombia, the share of people not speaking with friends or family declined as the pandemic progressed; gender gaps have narrowed over time
Copy link to Figure 4.4. In Colombia, the share of people not speaking with friends or family declined as the pandemic progressed; gender gaps have narrowed over time

Share of adults who did NOT speak with friends or family over the past 7 days to feel better, Colombia, July 2020-March 2023

Social interaction trends vary markedly by age group, with different cohorts affected in distinct ways. For instance, in recent years older people (those aged 65 and up) across 21 European OECD countries saw the largest increase in social isolation, i.e. never getting together with friends, rising by 5.5 percentage points from 5.9% in 2015 to 11.4% in 2022 (Figure 4.5, Panel A). This may partly reflect lingering concerns about contracting COVID-19 from in-person encounters (a diminishing, but still present, concern by 2022), as this age group is most at-risk for severe complications from the virus (OECD, 2021[3]; OECD, 2023[4]; UN, 2020[5]).3

At the same time, there seems to be a troubling erosion of regular social connections among younger generations. Among 16- to 24-year-olds across 21 European OECD countries, the share getting together with friends daily declined by 8 percentage points between 2015 and 2022 – the steepest drop observed across all age groups (Figure 4.5, Panel A). These declines pre-date COVID-19 (in-person encounters with friends among young people had already fallen from 53% in 2006 to 44% in 2015), but were accelerated by the pandemic and related school closures (OECD, 2021[3]; Thorn and Vincent-Lancrin, 2021[6]). Importantly, this youngest age group was also the only one to not experience an increase in contacting friends daily, even through remote means, between 2015 and 2022 (-1 percentage point, but not a significant change – whereas all other age groups experienced a significant increase). Together with the 25-49 age group, they also drove the overall increase in the share of respondents who never contact friends (Figure 4.5, Panel B).

Figure 4.5. In recent years, social contact with friends has declined most sharply among young people, while older adults report increasing social isolation
Copy link to Figure 4.5. In recent years, social contact with friends has declined most sharply among young people, while older adults report increasing social isolation

These concerns about young people’s declining social contact become even more pronounced when considering a broader range of socio-demographic groups. Between 2015 and 2022, the decline in young people’s rates of getting together with friends on a daily basis was not only higher compared to other age groups, but also compared to single people, the unemployed or those with low incomes: all traditionally at-risk groups for social isolation (see Chapter 3) (Figure 4.6, Panel A). Furthermore, young people – alongside the unemployed, those in the bottom income quintile and single people – were the only population groups to not experience an increase in contacting friends on a daily basis (Figure 4.6, Panel B).

Regardless, trends across population groups may differ across specific national contexts (Box 4.2) and it remains unclear whether young people’s rates of socialising with friends will return to pre-pandemic levels. Continued monitoring will be essential to assess the extent to which these declines reflect temporary pandemic-related disruptions or structural shifts in social behaviour.

Figure 4.6. Young people, low-income individuals, the unemployed and singles saw the largest declines in daily in-person contact with friends between 2015 and 2022; young people were the only age group to not significantly increase remote contact with friends
Copy link to Figure 4.6. Young people, low-income individuals, the unemployed and singles saw the largest declines in daily in-person contact with friends between 2015 and 2022; young people were the only age group to not significantly increase remote contact with friends

Box 4.2. National spotlight: Trends in social interactions in England and the Netherlands

Copy link to Box 4.2. National spotlight: Trends in social interactions in England and the Netherlands

Pre- and post-pandemic data from England and the Netherlands reveal that patterns of social interaction deprivations can vary across countries and population groups. While some trends – such as gender differences – are broadly similar, others, particularly age-related patterns, diverge.

In both countries, men experienced slightly higher deteriorations than women. For example, in England, between 2018-2019 and 2021-2022, men saw a slightly larger increase than women in the share of those not meeting up with friends and family more than once a week (Figure 4.7, Panel A). In the Netherlands, from 2019 to 2023, men experienced a slight rise in never or seldom contacting friends, whereas women saw a slight fall, suggesting an improvement in outcomes (Figure 4.7, Panel B).

However, age-related trends differ between the two countries. In the Netherlands, people aged 65-74 experienced the largest increase in social isolation (+1.6 percentage points in never or seldom contacting friends), while those aged 75 and over saw the greatest improvement (-1.7 percentage points). The youngest group (15-25) experienced the second largest increase in social isolation. In contrast, in England, the sharpest rise in not meeting up with friends and family at least once a week occurred among 25- to 34-year-olds, followed by older adults (65-74 and 75+), while the youngest age group (16-24) showed the smallest deterioration in outcomes.

Figure 4.7. Trends across age cohorts in social interaction deprivations vary slightly between England and the Netherlands
Copy link to Figure 4.7. Trends across age cohorts in social interaction deprivations vary slightly between England and the Netherlands

The dynamics of how people perceive their relationships

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In the short term (i.e. over the past five years), how people perceive their social connectedness – such as never feeling lonely, lacking of social support and being dissatisfied with personal relationships – has declined by a small magnitude. However, all observed changes point to a deterioration. In every case, young people experienced the most pronounced short-term declines.

Medium-term trends (over the past 10-15 years) for self-perceived social connections outcomes are often harder to assess due to limited data availability. Where data do exist, outcomes were generally stable or slightly improving prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, suggesting that recent declines may be linked to pandemic-related disruptions. Ongoing monitoring will be essential to determine whether these trends reverse or persist.

Loneliness

Across 22 European OECD countries where microdata enable significance testing, the average share of respondents who reported feeling lonely most or all of the time over the past four weeks did not change significantly between 2018 and 2022 (from 5.7% in 2018 to 5.8% in 2022) (Figure 4.8, Panel A). However, at the country-level, significant increases in feeling lonely (i.e. deteriorations) were more common than improvements.4 Medium-term trends for this indicator are not available, making it difficult to assess whether the COVID-19 pandemic marked a turning point in previously stable patterns. However, other evidence points to marked upticks in feeling lonely during the pandemic (OECD, 2021[3]), and national data from Canada and England suggest elevated levels have persisted into 2023 and 2024 (Box 4.3).

In addition, the full distribution of responses – feeling lonely all of the time, most of the time, some of the time, a little of the time and none of the time over the past four weeks – reveals more pronounced changes than the headline loneliness figure (Figure 4.8, Panel B). The average share of people who never felt lonely fell visibly, from 59% in 2018 to 51% in 2022. Meanwhile, the share who felt lonely a little of the time rose by 4.4 percentage points, and those feeling lonely some of the time increased by 3.1 points. Although these shifts at the top of the distribution remain below the threshold of what constitutes a “lonely” individual,5 they signal early signs of deterioration and may indicate a growing risk of worsening loneliness in the future.

Among the population groups who experienced a rise in feeling lonely most or all of the time between 2018 and 2022, the youngest age group experienced the largest change: their reported loneliness rose by 1 percentage point, on average (Figure 4.10, Panel A). Moreover, young people experienced the largest decline in the share reporting never feeling lonely – down by 14 percentage points, compared to a 5-point decline among those aged 65 and over – and the largest relative increase in those feeling lonely a little or some of the time (Figure 4.10, Panel B). These findings suggest a broader shift toward more frequent, if less intense, feelings of loneliness among youth.

In contrast, the oldest age group, despite consistently reporting the highest overall levels of feeling lonely (see Chapter 3), saw a slight improvement, with rates falling by 0.5 percentage points between 2018 and 2022 (Figure 4.10, Panel A). Women experienced no significant change in feeling lonely, while the share of men who report feeling lonely most or all the time rose from 4.7% to 5.2% over the same period. Some of these patterns identified in European OECD countries – such as greater recent increases in feeling lonely among men – are echoed in national data from England, France and Japan, while age patterns are more mixed (Box 4.4).

Interestingly, people who live alone experienced the greatest improvement in rates of feeling lonely, with estimates across European OECD countries falling by 1.3 percentage points between 2018 and 2022 (Figure 4.10, Panel A). However, they continue to report much higher absolute rates of feeling lonely than those living with others (14% vs. 3.6% in 2022, respectively, see Chapter 3). While this result may seem counter-intuitive, it may reflect higher levels of relationship conflict, stress and emotional strain for those who were confined with others during the COVID-19 pandemic (particularly when required to work from home, or supervise young children attending school on Zoom) (Schokkenbroek et al., 2021[9]).

Figure 4.8. Average levels of feeling lonely remained steady between 2018 and 2022, but the pronounced drop in people who *never* feel lonely may signal risks for social disconnection ahead
Copy link to Figure 4.8. Average levels of feeling lonely remained steady between 2018 and 2022, but the pronounced drop in people who <em>never </em>feel lonely may signal risks for social disconnection ahead

Box 4.3. National spotlight: Pandemic-level loneliness in Canada and England sustained into 2023 and 2024

Copy link to Box 4.3. National spotlight: Pandemic-level loneliness in Canada and England sustained into 2023 and 2024

Official data from Canada and England provide regular monitoring of population-level loneliness in the years during and after the pandemic – extending up to 2024 (Figure 4.9). Data in both countries show that pandemic levels of loneliness have proved relatively enduring: despite the end of social distancing and other restrictions, average loneliness prevalence post-pandemic does not appear to be falling, but has either remained at more-or-less the same levels as during the pandemic, or even increased.

Figure 4.9. Loneliness in Canada and England has not recovered from pandemic levels
Copy link to Figure 4.9. Loneliness in Canada and England has not recovered from pandemic levels

Figure 4.10. Young people have been most affected by increased feelings of loneliness in recent years; they have also experienced the largest declines in reporting “never” feeling lonely
Copy link to Figure 4.10. Young people have been most affected by increased feelings of loneliness in recent years; they have also experienced the largest declines in reporting “never” feeling lonely

Box 4.4. National spotlight: Loneliness trends across groups in England, France, Japan and Norway

Copy link to Box 4.4. National spotlight: Loneliness trends across groups in England, France, Japan and Norway

National data comparing pre- and late-pandemic trends in England, France and Japan reveal that overall loneliness has risen in all three countries – however the population groups driving this change vary according to national context, with age patterns in particular differing.

In France, the 65+ age cohort experienced the largest rise in reported loneliness between 2018 and 2022, while the 18- to 24-year-old group saw the smallest increase (Figure 4.11, Panel A). By contrast, in England, the largest increases occurred among middle-aged adults (those aged 25-34 and 30-49). However, much of the overall rise in loneliness was driven by higher rates among certain ethnic groups and those experiencing multiple socio-economic deprivations (Figure 4.11, Panel C). In Japan, the overall increase in loneliness between 2021 and 2023 was small, but young people aged 16-19 experienced a comparatively large rise (Figure 4.11, Panel B).

2025 data from Norway’s Quality of Life survey (not pictured) suggests another trajectory for loneliness outcomes in young people. The youngest age cohort (aged 18 to 24) has the highest rates of loneliness, compared to other ages, and their rates of loneliness increased between 2020 and 2021. However, between 2021 and 2025, young people experienced the largest improvement in loneliness outcomes. This suggests some degree of recovery, post-pandemic. Data in Figure 4.10 refer to changes between 2018 and 2022, therefore it remains to be seen how feelings of loneliness evolved for all population groups in other European OECD countries in the years following 2022. On-going monitoring can shed light on whether more OECD countries experienced the trajectory of Norwegian youth (tentative evidence for recovery to pre-pandemic rates of feeling lonely), or that of the United Kingdom, Canada or Japan (sustained, elevated rates of feeling lonely in the years following the pandemic, see Figure 4.9 and Figure 4.11).

Figure 4.11. Age patterns can vary by country: loneliness has increased most for the youngest age cohort in Japan, the middle-age cohorts in England, and for older people in France
Copy link to Figure 4.11. Age patterns can vary by country: loneliness has increased most for the youngest age cohort in Japan, the middle-age cohorts in England, and for older people in France

Social support

Multiple data sources indicate a slight but consistent erosion of perceived social support over the past 5-10 years. In 22 European OECD countries, 6.0% of respondents in 2013 said they would be unable to get help from friends or family if needed, a figure that rose to 6.7% by 2022 (Figure 4.12, Panel A). While small in magnitude, this trend is echoed in data from the Gallup World Poll covering all 38 OECD countries: between 2017-2019 and 2022-2023, the share of respondents reporting they did not have friends or family to count on rose from 8.9% to 9.6% (Figure 4.12, Panel B).

In both data sources, young people reported the most noticeable medium-term declines in social support, relative to other population groups. Across all 38 OECD countries, the share of 16- to 24-year-olds saying they have no one to count on increased by 0.9 percentage points between 2013-2017 and 2017-2023 (Figure 4.13). In contrast, the 65+ age group saw a 1.7 pp decrease (i.e. improvement in social support) over the same period. Similarly, in 22 European OECD countries, young people experienced a 1.7 percentage point increase in having no one to help them between 2013 and 2022, while the oldest age group saw no significant change (Figure 4.13). Although the time periods covered by the two surveys differ slightly due to data availability, both point to a consistent trend – declining levels of perceived support among youth, alongside stability or improvement among older adults – suggesting that broader structural shifts may be contributing to these patterns.

Figure 4.13. In the medium-term, social support has declined most for young people, while improving for older adults
Copy link to Figure 4.13. In the medium-term, social support has declined most for young people, while improving for older adults

Percentage point change in lack of social support, OECD (2010-2016 to 2017-2023) and OECD EU-EFTA 22 (2013 to 2022)

Satisfaction with relationships

Satisfaction with personal relationships rose slightly between 2013 and 2018 – from an average score of 8.0 to 8.1 (on a scale from 0 to 10) – but declined again by 2022, returning to 2013 levels (Figure 4.14, Panel A). When focusing on deprivations – that is, the share of respondents who are dissatisfied with their relationships (reporting a score below 5) – similar dynamics are observed. Across 22 European OECD countries, 4% of respondents were dissatisfied with their relationships in 2013, falling to 3.6% in 2018 and rising again to 3.8% in 2022 (Figure 4.14, Panel B). These changes are very small in magnitude, but are statistically significant, and should be monitored further. National data from Mexico and Colombia indicate that relationship satisfaction has continued to decline into 2023-2024 (Box 4.5).

Once again, young people were the group to experience the largest deteriorations in satisfaction with personal relationships. Between 2018 and 2022, they saw a 0.21 point drop in average relationship satisfaction (from 8.4 to 8.1), and a 1 percentage point increase in dissatisfaction (from 2.4% to 3.4% (Figure 4.15). National data from Germany show a similar pattern (Box 4.5).

Additional evidence points to the impact of living arrangements during the pandemic. Those who live with others experienced a significant decline in relationship satisfaction – from 8.2 in 2018 to 8.1 in 2022 – alongside a small but significant increase in being dissatisfied with their relationships, from 2.9% to 3.3% (Figure 4.15, Panels A and B). In contrast, those living alone reported no significant change over this time. Men also experienced a small but statistically significant increase in relationship dissatisfaction, rising from 3.8% to 4.1%, while women’s outcomes remained stable (Figure 4.15, Panel B).

Figure 4.15. Young people experienced the largest declines in average satisfaction with personal relationships, and the largest increases in dissatisfaction
Copy link to Figure 4.15. Young people experienced the largest declines in average satisfaction with personal relationships, and the largest increases in dissatisfaction

Box 4.5. National spotlight: Trends in satisfaction with personal relationships in Germany, Mexico and Colombia

Copy link to Box 4.5. National spotlight: Trends in satisfaction with personal relationships in Germany, Mexico and Colombia

Satisfaction with personal relationships and family has declined in Germany, Mexico and Colombia in recent years. In Germany, average satisfaction with family life fell slightly from 7.86 in 2019 to 7.73 in 2022. Those who were born abroad saw large and significant declines in satisfaction, followed by the youngest age group (those aged 18 to 24) (Figure 4.16, Panel A). Those in a relationship saw larger deteriorations than did single people during the same period.

High frequency data from Mexico and Colombia track satisfaction with personal relationships into more recent years. In Colombia, the share of respondents who are satisfied has been volatile over time but has generally been on a downward trend between 2021 and 2023 (Figure 4.16, Panel B). In Mexico, data from 2019 to 2023 show that the share of respondents who are dissatisfied with personal relationships first rose during the pandemic and has continued to rise since then, reaching 6.5% in 2024 (Figure 4.16, Panel C).

Figure 4.16. Satisfaction with personal relationships has fallen in recent years in Colombia and Mexico; in Germany, younger people have seen the sharpest declines in satisfaction with family life
Copy link to Figure 4.16. Satisfaction with personal relationships has fallen in recent years in Colombia and Mexico; in Germany, younger people have seen the sharpest declines in satisfaction with family life

References

[8] CBS (2025), Sociale samenhang en welzijn, Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek, https://www.cbs.nl/nl-nl/onze-diensten/methoden/onderzoeksomschrijvingen/korte-onderzoeksomschrijvingen/sociale-samenhang-en-welzijn.

[2] DANE (n.d.), Encuesta Pulso Social (database), Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística, https://www.dane.gov.co/index.php/estadisticas-por-tema/encuesta-pulso-social.

[14] DCMS (2024), Community Life Survey 2023/24: Loneliness and support networks, Department for Culture, Media & Sport, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/community-life-survey-202324-annual-publication/community-life-survey-202324-loneliness-and-support-networks--2.

[7] DCMS (2023), Community Life Survey 2021/22: Identity and social networks, Department for Culture, Media & Sport, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/community-life-survey-202122/community-life-survey-202122-identity-and-social-networks.

[16] e-Stat (2023), 人々のつながりに関する基礎調査, Government of Japan, https://www.e-stat.go.jp/stat-search/files?page=1&toukei=00000004&metadata=1&data=1.

[1] Eurostat (n.d.), European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) – Scientific Use File (SUF) (database), https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/microdata/european-union-statistics-on-income-and-living-conditions.

[17] Gallup (n.d.), Gallup World Poll, https://www.gallup.com/analytics/318875/global-research.aspx.

[18] Goebel, J. et al. (2019), “The German socio-economic panel (SOEP)”, Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik, Vol. 239/2, pp. 345-360, https://doi.org/10.1515/JBNST-2018-0022.

[19] INEGI (n.d.), Bienestar subjetivo - BIARE Básico, Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, https://www.inegi.org.mx/investigacion/bienestar/basico/#documentation.

[15] Insee (2022), L’enquête Statistiques sur les ressources et conditions de vie, Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques, https://www.insee.fr/fr/information/4230346.

[20] Mahoney, J. et al. (2024), “Measuring social connectedness in OECD countries: A scoping review”, OECD Papers on Well-being and Inequalities, No. 28, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/f758bd20-en.

[10] Ministerio de Desarrollo Social y Familia (2021), Encuesta de Bienestar Social, http://observatorio.ministeriodesarrollosocial.gob.cl/encuesta-bienestar-social.

[4] OECD (2023), Health at a Glance 2023: OECD Indicators, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/7a7afb35-en.

[3] OECD (2021), COVID-19 and Well-being: Life in the Pandemic, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/1e1ecb53-en.

[21] Schnepf, S., B. d’Hombres and C. Mauri (2024), Lonliness in Europe: Determinants, risks and interventions, https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-66582-0.

[9] Schokkenbroek, J. et al. (2021), “Partners in Lockdown: Relationship Stress in Men and Women During the COVID-19 Pandemic”, Couple and Family Psychology: Research and Practice, Vol. 10/3, pp. 149-157, https://doi.org/10.1037/CFP0000172.

[13] Statistics Canada (2025), Loneliness by gender and other selected sociodemographic characteristics, https://open.canada.ca/data/dataset/277e3275-5b97-4b2b-bf59-59af72541bd7.

[11] Statistics New Zealand (2024), Wellbeing statistics: 2023, https://www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/wellbeing-statistics-2023/.

[12] Statistics New Zealand (2019), Wellbeing statistics: 2018, https://www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/wellbeing-statistics-2018/.

[6] Thorn, W. and S. Vincent-Lancrin (2021), Schooling During a Pandemic: The Experience and Outcomes of Schoolchildren During the First Round of COVID-19 Lockdowns, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/1c78681e-en.

[5] UN (2020), Policy Brief: The Impact of COVID-19 on Older Persons, United Nations, https://apps.who.int/iris/handle/10665/186463.

Annex 4.A. Technical annex

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Data on in-person vs. remote social interactions come from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions survey (EU-SILC). Respondents are asked how frequently they (1) get together in person or (2) contact (via remote forms of interaction) both family members and friends in an average year. The answer options are as follows: daily, every week (not every day), several times a month (not every week), once a month, at least once a year (less than once a month) and never. As in Chapter 2, for readers who are concerned that “daily” is too narrow a frequency grouping, in this Annex we present trend analysis comparing outcomes for “daily” and “at least weekly” – combining answer options for “daily” and “every week (not every day)” – to show that regardless of answer grouping, interacting in person with others has been declining in the medium- and short-term, while remote contact has been increasing.

Annex Figure 4.A.1. Regardless of measurement approach, in-person socialising has been declining and remote interactions have been increasing in both the medium- and short-term
Copy link to Annex Figure 4.A.1. Regardless of measurement approach, in-person socialising has been declining and remote interactions have been increasing in both the medium- and short-term

Notes

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← 1. Because there are few internationally harmonised datasets with longitudinal data, much of the evidence from this chapter pulls from Eurostat’s European Survey on Income and Living Conditions and therefore describes outcomes for European OECD countries. Where possible, data from the Gallup World Poll – covering all OECD countries – is also considered, as are outcomes from individual national sources, to understand how widespread these trends are across a more diverse set of OECD countries.

← 2. Refer to the Technical Annex for a discussion of answer groupings for the variables relating to the frequency of in-person vs. remote social interactions with friends and family in a given year, and for additional analysis using “at least weekly” instead of “daily” answer groupings.

← 3. It seems indeed likely that COVID-related concerns drove this increase, as the share of older people who never see friends had fallen (slightly) between 2006 and 2015, from 7% to 6%.

← 4. Countries that experienced a significant increase in the prevalence of feeling lonely between 2018 and 2022 include Austria, Estonia, France, Finland, Greece and Spain. Only three countries experienced a significant decrease in rates of feeling lonely during the same time period: Belgium, Hungary and Poland. All other country changes displayed in Figure 4.8 are not significant. Significance is not assessed for New Zealand, as microdata were not available to the authors.

← 5. The single-item loneliness indicator shown in Figure 4.8 is the most commonly-fielded loneliness question in official surveys fielded by OECD country governments (Mahoney et al., 2024[20]). The most common approach to scoring this question – and that used by all OECD countries who field this question – is to define “lonely” respondents as those who answered either “all of the time” or “most of the time” (Schnepf, d’Hombres and Mauri, 2024[21]; Mahoney et al., 2024[20]).

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