Intra-regional food trade is a vital component of food and nutrition security in West Africa. Our estimates suggest that up to 68 trillion kilocalories are traded regionally each year—enough to meet the annual energy needs of approximately 80 million people, nearly a quarter of the region’s population. Beyond its substantial scale, intra-regional trade plays a crucial role in ensuring seasonal and local availability, enhancing food diversity and improving affordability, particularly for the region’s rapidly growing urban populations. However, the lack of reliable data on these trade flows obscures how much they contribute to food and nutrition security and also distorts policy and crisis response efforts. A more robust understanding of intra-regional trade, backed up by accurate and timely data, is essential for designing effective policies that enhance food supply diversity, territorial accessibility and price stability. While policymakers often focus on the movement of food from surplus to deficit areas, they overlook the broader role that trade plays in shaping both the dynamics of the market and nutritional outcomes. Improving data systems can enable targeted interventions that lower food costs, optimise distribution networks and reinforce early warning mechanisms—helping countries anticipate and mitigate food crises. As intra-regional trade continues to shape food and nutrition security in all its dimensions—availability, access, utilisation and stability—integrating comprehensive trade insights into policy frameworks is imperative. Better data will not only enhance monitoring and forecasting, but also enable the development of more responsive and resilient food systems—ensuring that regional markets consistently provide diverse, affordable, and nutritious food for all.
Intra‑regional Food Trade in West Africa
Abstract
Urbanisation, markets and trade
Urbanisation and the growth of cities in West Africa have massively increased the importance of markets, and consequently trade, in ensuring food and nutrition security. In 2020, 52% of the region’s population lived in urban areas, up from only 35% in 2000 (OECD/SWAC, 2024[1]). In absolute numbers, the urban population has increased threefold, growing from 76 million in 2000 to 203 million in 2020 (OECD/SWAC, 2024[1]). With urbanisation, the importance of markets in accessing food has grown. In urban areas, 90% of food is purchased from markets (Bricas, Tchamda and Mouton, 2016[2]). This trend extends to rural areas, where market purchases account for half of total food consumption (Thériault et al., 2024[3]). The growth of market purchases in rural areas is driven by farming households shifting toward commercial agriculture, as well as increasing employment opportunities off the farm. Market purchases cover all food products, including traditional staples—for instance, up to two-thirds of millet and sorghum consumption comes from markets (Thériault et al., 2024[3]). Overall, more than two-thirds of total food consumption in the region is market-sourced (Staatz and Hollinger, 2016[4]).
Food trade—domestic, intra-regional and global—developed in line with the growth of food markets to supply a rapidly growing consumer base. While domestic food marketing—linking national production to consumption—remains dominant, intra-regional food trade has expanded significantly to meet market demand. Food consumption is highly concentrated in urban centres, particularly in cities with over 1 million inhabitants, which house half of West Africa’s urban population (OECD/SWAC, 2024[1]). These cities rely on extensive trade networks, often extending beyond national borders, to meet their food needs (Maur and Shepherd, 2015[5]).
Additionally, urbanisation and rising incomes are transforming consumption patterns, driving demand for more diversified food products (Staatz and Hollinger, 2016[4]). Intra-regional trade plays a crucial role in meeting this demand, particularly for locally produced foods. For example, cassava-based Ivorian attiéké is gaining popularity across the region, although its production is still concentrated in specific areas (Zoma, Ilboudo and Sangli, 2022[6]).
The impact of the intra-regional food trade on food and nutrition security
Across West Africa, agricultural producers and traders respond to regional market demand by supplying food to major consumption centres. Our estimates suggest that up to 68 trillion kilocalories are traded regionally each year—enough to meet the annual energy requirement of approximately 80 million people, or nearly a quarter of the region’s population. While the total volume of food traded underscores the importance of regional trade for food and nutrition security, intra-regional trade also delivers other critical benefits.
Intra-regional food trade is key to ensuring the availability of certain foods in certain places at certain periods. For instance, 96% of the avocados consumed in Bamako—where half of Mali’s urban population live—are brought in through regional trade. During Ghana’s lean season, most tomatoes are imported from Burkina Faso. Without intra-regional trade, the domestic effects of seasonality and production shocks on food availability, dietary diversity, and prices would be unmitigated.
Many regional trade flows in West Africa leverage comparative advantages stemming from diverse agro-ecological conditions and specialised food production systems. Livestock from Sahelian countries, roots and tubers from coastal countries, and onions from Niger all contribute to a more diverse food supply in regional markets, improving nutritional outcomes through greater dietary variety. This aligns with global research showing a positive correlation between agricultural trade openness and dietary diversity. In middle- and high-income countries, trade openness tends to enhance the availability of non-staple foods and proteins more than production diversity alone (FAO, 2022[7]).
Regional trade also plays a major role in food pricing. In the short term, increased and more diversified supply from trade helps stabilise prices and mitigate spikes caused by seasonal or localised production shocks. Over the long term, it drives investment in both on-farm and off-farm aspects of the food economy, including infrastructure, technology and logistics, leading to greater efficiency and higher overall food supply. Together, these factors contribute to lower food costs.
In West Africa, where food accounts for an average of 55% of household expenditures (Allen, 2017[8]), affordability is a major concern for food and nutrition security. High food prices can force households to reduce calorie intake and cut back on nutrient-rich foods, and even short periods of undernutrition can have lasting health impacts on children. The seasonality of West African agriculture, combined with recurrent local and global shocks in supply, further heightens food price volatility.
In West Africa, the food economy is also the largest employer, accounting for 66% of total employment (Allen, Heinrigs and Heo, 2018[9]). Crucially, intra-regional food trade not only improves food access but also sustains the livelihoods of hundreds of thousands of farmers, traders and agrifood workers. For instance, markets like Dawanau in Nigeria serve as pivotal hubs, supporting the livelihoods of tens of thousands of people in the region. In Niger, the onion sector, at least half of which is oriented towards regional exports, employs 82 400 full-time workers, with an expected 32 000 additional jobs by 2030, and generates 207 million euros of added value by year (SOFRECO, 2022[10]).
In border regions, intra-regional food trade also plays a crucial role in income generation and livelihoods. Markets such as Malanville and Gaya in the Dendi region serve as key platforms for cross-border trade (OECD/SWAC, 2019[11]). These trade dynamics help sustain local economies by providing employment in production, transport and retail. By boosting household incomes, intra-regional food trade strengthens purchasing power and enhances food affordability across the region.
Challenges in assessing intra-regional trade’s impact on food and nutrition security
Despite its critical role in enhancing food availability, affordability, diversity and stability, intra-regional food trade is often overlooked in West Africa’s food and nutrition security policies (FAO and ECA, 2018[12]). This is partly due to the complex ways in which trade affects food and nutrition outcomes, compounded by a lack of relevant data and persistent misconceptions about food trade dynamics.
The complex interactions of food trade, availability and prices
The effects of intra-regional food trade on food and nutrition security are difficult to aggregate, varying across countries, regions and time periods. Intra-regional trade can provide critical quantities of specific foods to certain areas during specific periods. These dynamic flows, often unrecorded, are poorly captured by statistical systems and obscured in national trade and food and nutrition security data. For example, regional food flows may appear negligible when assessed at the country level, but they can be highly concentrated and essential for urban consumption centres.
Another challenge is capturing the seasonal nature of trade’s impact on food and nutrition security. Many food trade flows follow strong seasonal patterns, occurring mainly at specific times of the year. During these periods, trade plays a crucial role in ensuring the availability of food – an aspect often overlooked in annualised data.
In addition, spatial and time dimensions also interact, compounding the difficulty of quantifying this impact. Depending on the food product and the time of the year, the same area may be a net exporter or importer, with different implications for food and nutrition security.
Another layer of complexity arises from the effect of trade on food prices. Generally, increased availability due to trade leads to lower prices, improving food affordability. However, food availability’s impact on prices varies by region and season. Additionally, the effects of trade openness on food and nutrition security depend on whether a household is a net producer or consumer, and, if it is a producer, whether or not it has access to export markets, and whether it can compete with imported goods (Brooks and Matthews, 2015[13]).
Lack of data to quantify volume, transmission channels and impacts
The substantial under-reporting of intra-regional food trade is a major obstacle to analysing and quantifying its impact on household food and nutrition security. This systematic underestimation not only skews trade volume data but also obscures its significance.
The extent of this under-reporting is evident in food balance sheets (FBS), which estimate annual food supply for human consumption at the country level. Notably, nearly two-thirds of product observations in this data show zero trade-to-production flows for West Africa, which conflicts with the available evidence on regional food trade dynamics. Missing trade data distorts food availability estimates—overestimating supply when exports are not recorded and underestimating it when imports are missing—further undermining the reliability of the data (Chapter 4).
This issue is particularly pronounced for locally produced and traded foods, such as cereals, fruits and vegetables. In Nigeria, for example, key food and nutrition security staples like sorghum, live poultry, tomatoes and lettuce are absent from official trade data. Additionally, the lack of frequent and detailed data to capture seasonal and spatial trade variations obscures the vital role of trade in ensuring food and nutrition security.
Estimating the impact on people’s food and nutrition security requires micro-level data on food consumption, accessibility and affordability. Household surveys exist, but have major gaps: they are not uniformly available across West Africa or standardised for cross-country comparisons (Bricas, Tchamda and Mouton, 2016[2]). Additionally, they focus primarily on the economic value of consumed food rather than its quantity—an essential factor for nutritional analysis—and rarely provide information on the origin of the food consumed.1
A comprehensive analysis of trade’s impact on food and nutrition security would also require data to capture trade’s contribution to livelihoods, and hence access to food, for the many workers and income-generating activities it supports in farming, trading, processing, transport and retail. The existing household and enterprise surveys offer only limited information on the number of people who depend on these activities and the income they generate.
The misperceptions around food trade and food and nutrition security
With limited evidence to describe the relationship between trade and food and nutrition security in West Africa, policy actions and narratives are often founded on misperceptions of the long-term economic impacts of regional food trade. For instance, food exports are perennially perceived as primarily reducing domestic food availability. In this view, exports are considered an adjustment mechanism, with domestic markets being prioritised before surplus is traded. This perspective is reinforced by the common characterisation of trade flows as moving from “surplus to deficit” areas, assuming that only excess production is exported, regardless of demand and price conditions in external markets. This perception has led to frequent food export bans across several West African countries2, reflecting a policy environment that prioritises short-term domestic supply concerns over integrated trade strategies. While trade restrictions can, in some cases, temporarily improve food availability and stabilise prices, their overall effectiveness depends on a range of factors, including market conditions, production capacity, and regional food and nutrition security dynamics. A more nuanced approach to trade policy is necessary to balance immediate food and nutrition security needs with long-term economic sustainability.
Firstly, export bans do not automatically lead to the redistribution of all domestic food supply to national markets. The re-routing of exported flows depends on the transaction costs associated with redirecting food products to domestic markets, as opposed to those incurred from circumventing export bans. In many West African countries, export markets may, in fact, be considerably closer than domestic markets, and informal border crossings may still allow trade to continue even during a ban (Odijie, 2024[14]; Wiseman, 2023[15]).
Moreover, the imposition of export bans has the potential to undermine the livelihoods of households engaged in food production and trade. These measures disrupt established economic activities, reducing household incomes, particularly for those dependent on trade with neighbouring countries. Additionally, such policies may provoke retaliatory actions from trading partners, escalating regional trade tensions that ultimately harm both national and regional food and nutrition security.
From a broader, mid-to-long-term economic perspective, equating food exports as a cause of reduced domestic food availability overlooks some fundamental dynamics of intra-regional food trade. A significant portion of the food traded within the region is specifically produced to supply regional export markets. For example, the 360 000 tonnes of onions that Niger exports annually are produced for export markets and cannot be absorbed by the domestic market. Similarly, the size of livestock herds in the Sahel is closely linked to substantial exports to neighbouring countries. The existence of this “surplus” is a direct result of external demand, or the so-called “deficit.”
It is also crucial to recognise the seasonal complementarities embedded in many intra-regional trade flows. These trade patterns, rather than competing with domestic production, function as complementary mechanisms that help smooth seasonal fluctuations in food supply. This regional trade ultimately makes food more affordable and accessible. It also plays an essential role in reducing food price volatility and stabilising supply chains (Karg et al., 2022[16]; AGRA, 2020[17]).
Beyond these factors, trade plays a key role in stimulating investment in regional agricultural production and associated value chains. The resulting increase in production capacity and competitiveness can enhance food availability, driving down prices both regionally and domestically. This contributes to foster improved food and nutrition security for both consumers and producers, with a more resilient and sustainable food system across the region.
This chapter, while acknowledging the limitations in quantifying the direct impact of regional trade on food and nutrition security, provides theoretical and empirical evidence that highlights the significant and multifaceted role of intra-regional food trade. In addition to ensuring the availability of food, this trade is vital for sustaining long-term food and nutrition security and economic stability across the region.
Estimating intra-regional trade’s impact on food availability in West Africa
Total calorie trade
Data challenges on both the production and trade sides make it difficult to assess accurately the contribution of intra-regional food trade to national food availability in the region. One approach, particularly in the context of food and nutrition security, is to estimate trade flows in terms of calories. This method allows for the aggregation of the energy content of various foods into a single figure. Based on available data on recorded and unrecorded intra-regional food trade, up to 68 trillion kilocalories could be traded regionally each year.3 This is equivalent to the annual energy requirement of approximately 80 million people, nearly one-quarter of the regional population. This figure becomes even more significant when considering that it masks important seasonal and sub-national variations in terms of calorie availability.
Calorie trade relies on a dense network of flows within the region. Among the 15 West African countries analysed4, 89% of possible country pairings are reflected in the data (Figure 2.1Figure 2.1). Except for Cabo Verde, which trades with eight partners, each country trades with at least 12 out of 14 possible regional partners, demonstrating the region’s strong food trade interconnectedness.
The trade is also relatively spread out across West Africa. Trade concentration, measured by the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI)—where scores under 1 500 indicate low concentration and between 1 500 to 2 500 moderate concentration (OECD, 2022[18])—is 1 566 for regional calorie exports and 1 211 for imports. This implies relatively balanced flows. Cote d’Ivoire (31%), Burkina Faso (15%), Ghana (11%) and Senegal (10%) are leading on the export side, and Mali (18%), Burkina Faso (16%) and Senegal (12%) on the import side.5 However, it is important to note that the available data significantly underrepresents trade with Nigeria.6 The actual concentration of the regional calorie trade involving Nigeria is likely to be higher than the reported figures.
Note:The figure does not include country surveys on unrecorded trade, due to unavailable data on food quantities.
Source: Authors’ calculations.
Import to production ratios
Matching regional trade data with production figures for specific products and countries allows for the calculation of regional import-to-production and export-to-production ratios. These ratios provide another estimate of regional trade’s role in food availability.
High import-to-production ratios highlight cases where intra-regional food trade plays a significant role in domestic food availability. The regional dynamics of maize flows illustrate this role. Maize is an essential staple food in the region (Foltz, Aldana and Laris, 2012[19]), and the most traded cereal regionally, accounting for 35% of intra-regional cereal flows.7 Regional trade makes a substantial contribution to maize availability in certain West African countries. For instance, Niger has an average import-to-production ratio of 282% between 2014 and 2020, highlighting its structural reliance on regional maize for food and nutrition security. Other notable examples of high regional import-to-production ratios include onions, where Ghana and Benin’s regional imports represent 48% and 15% of their domestic production, respectively, on average between 2014 and 2020. Similarly, Côte d’Ivoire’s regional tomato imports are worth 15% of its domestic production, ensuring tomato availability on domestic markets during periods of high demand and low domestic production.
Export to production ratios
High export-to-production ratios, particularly over longer periods, suggest cases where food is produced specifically for the regional market, with intra-regional trade acting as a catalyst for regional food availability. For example, Côte d’Ivoire plays a critical role in regional maize availability, exporting 18% of its production (2014-20 average) within the region. In 2020, Côte d’Ivoire’s maize exports peaked at 28% of production, corresponding to 334 000 tonnes. In Burkina Faso, another strong regional exporter, the ratio reached 34%, corresponding to 646 000 tonnes. Burkina Faso’s exports were almost exclusively to Niger, while 80% of the Ivorian exports were to Burkina Faso, probably re-exported to Niger. For comparison, the volume of maize traded intra-regionally is 40 times greater than Nigeria’s contribution to the Economic Commission of West African States (ECOWAS) Regional Food Security Reserves in 2018 (ARAA, 2024[20]), and 20 times higher than Mali’s national security stocks (OPAM, 2024[21]).
Given that actual trade volumes can be up to six times higher than reported data suggests (Chapter 1, Chapter 3), millions of tonnes of maize are probably traded across the region each year, significantly boosting regional food availability. This dynamic extends beyond the grain trade. For instance, Burkina Faso exports 73% (2014-20 average) of its tomato production to the regional market. Similarly, Niger’s export-to-production ratio for onions could range from 50% to 95%, according to the estimates provided by SOFRECO (SOFRECO, 2022[10]).
The case of Niger’s onion exports: Improving food and nutrition security of millions of West Africans
The Nigerien onion trade is a compelling illustration of the importance of intra-regional food trade in spurring domestic production and increasing regional food availability. In 2020, Niger exported an estimated 364 400 tonnes of onion—four times higher than officially reported (SOFRECO, 2022[10]). Using an average regional per capita consumption of 2.2 kg to 16 kg per person per year8 (SOFRECO, 2022[10]), the potential number of people served in the region could range from 23 million to 168 million.
Niger’s specialisation in onion production has enabled the country to achieve complete self-sufficiency (SOFRECO, 2022[10]). Niger has also become a regional leader in onion production, with an average quantity of 54 kg per capita per year9, more than ten times the regional average. Around 10% to one-third of Nigerien onions fulfil domestic demand, while the remainder is exported regionally (SOFRECO, 2022[10]). This thriving onion sector has capitalised on expanding regional market opportunities, driven by growing urban demand for onion-based sauces and the 1994 devaluation of the FCFA that disrupted Dutch exports (Hollinger and Staatz, 2015[22]; Tarchiani, Robbiati and Salifou, 2013[23]; David, 1996[24]).
Overall, Niger exports 68% of onions traded regionally, mainly to coastal countries: Ghana (64%), Côte d’Ivoire (23%) and Benin (6.5%). Conversely, Ghana, Benin and Togo rely significantly on Niger for their onion imports (Figure 2.2). In these markets, the Nigerien onion competes effectively against both the domestic and extra-regional products, especially during Niger’s high supply season (Hollinger and Staatz, 2015[22]). Specifically, Niger accounts for 75%, 63% and 47% of the total onion imports of Ghana, Benin and Togo, hedging its main competitor, the Netherlands. In Ghana, Nigerien onion imports are equivalent to half the national production.
Note: Niger onion exports between 2014 and 2022. Flow width proportional to the logarithmic total food trade value for 2014‑22.
Source: Authors’ calculations.
Note: Based on trade flows for 2014-2022 (annual average). Flow size is proportional to trade value. Colour corresponds to destination (exports) and origin (imports).
Source: Authors’ calculations.
Intra-regional trade mitigates seasonality and production shocks
Agricultural production globally is strongly influenced by seasonality, with farming activities tied closely to annual climate patterns. This seasonality significantly impacts market dynamics, as harvest periods often lead to price fluctuations driven by rapid increases in supply (Cedrez, Chamberlin and Hijmans, 2020[25]). In West Africa, where rain-fed production systems prevail and access to irrigation and storage remains limited, the availability of food is subject to particularly pronounced seasonality (Gilbert, Christiaensen and Kaminski, 2017[26]). Intra-regional trade plays a crucial role in mitigating these seasonal effects on food availability and accessibility. The staggered production cycles across regions—from South to North—help stabilise food supply throughout the year. For instance, during Ghana’s tomato peak season, the inflow of tomatoes into Tamale, the country's fourth-largest city (OECD/SWAC, 2024[1]), is entirely domestically sourced ( Map 2.2). However, in the lean season, approximately 90% of tomatoes are imported from Burkina Faso. A similar seasonal trade pattern is observed with onions (Map 2.2). These patterns are further supported by ECO-ICBT data.
Note: The size of the bubble depends on the quantity imported by location. Onion flows originating from regional trading partners are likely to be significantly higher, because the study focused on the upstream source of provenance.
Source: Authors’ calculations, based on the Urban Food Plus database.10
Likewise, Hoffmann, Melly and Donnelly (2015[27]) highlights the role of trade in smoothing seasonal grain supply fluctuations between Niger and Nigeria. Niger’s growing season is earlier and shorter than Nigeria’s, resulting in complementary production peaks. This drives a two-way grain trade, ensuring a prolonged and steady supply to consumer markets on both sides of the border. Regional maize trade further illustrates how the direction of flows change with seasons: during the Sahelian lean season starting in June, Ghana, Benin, Togo and Côte d’Ivoire export maize to their northern neighbours, especially Niger, while later in the season, maize from Mali and Burkina Faso moves southward and eastward to Niger (Hollinger and Staatz, 2015[22]).
During periods of production shocks, trade plays a particularly important role in food availability. Intra-regional trade is shown to act as a buffer when a shock hits a production area, as imports from areas that are not affected reduce scarcity and stabilise prices (Badiane and Odjo, 2016[28]). Indeed, production variability at the regional level is less volatile than at the national level. This is particularly pronounced for smaller countries: the yearly domestic supply of cereals in Gambia was estimated to be 70 times more volatile than the consolidated African supply (Malabo Montpellier Panel, 2020[47]).
During the 2010 food crisis in Niger, for instance, the country faced a significant grain shortfall from the 2009 harvest, estimated at over 400 000 tonnes (Inter-réseaux Développement rural, 2010[29]). The impact was largely mitigated, however, by major grain imports from neighbouring countries that prevented severe food shortages (CILSS, FAO, FEWSNET and WFP, 2010[30]; Inter-réseaux Développement rural, 2010[29]). This is just one of many cases where intra-regional trade has helped mitigate the effects of food shortages in periods of crisis.
The role of intra-regional trade in feeding cities
Intra-regional trade supplying food to cities
With most food produced in rural areas, cities rely on trade to supply food markets and satisfy their inhabitants’ food demand. The larger the city, the longer the supply chains needed to feed it (Reardon, 2016[31]). As the size of “food sheds” of West African cities grows, so does the importance of intra-regional trade in feeding them (Karg et al., 2022[16]). For example, Lagos’ inhabitants consume an estimated 280 000 tonnes11 of maize per year, which is close to the amount of all urban areas in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger combined (OECD/SWAC, 2013[32]). This demand cannot be met through urban or peri-urban agriculture. Moreover, Lagos is geographically located closer to production areas in Benin and Togo than to Nigeria’s main cereal production area in the “Central Belt.” Intra-regional food trade is thus an important supply channel of grain to Nigeria’s economic capital (OECD/SWAC, 2013[32]). The partial data available records approximately 25 000 tons of maize imported from Benin in a year.12
Data from the Urban Food Plus project13 provides a detailed description of food inflows into three West African cities: Bamako (Mali), Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso) and Tamale (Ghana). The data shows that 14% of Ouagadougou’s and 12% of Bamako’s total food consumption is supplied by regional trade (Karg et al., 2022[16]). However, the actual share of regional food imports is likely to be much higher. Indeed, an additional 9% (Ouagadougou) to 18% (Bamako) of food inflows originates from border markets14, which probably include significant amounts of food sourced across the border (Map 2.3).15 For food supplying Ouagadougou and Bamako that could be traced as originating from the region, it is imported from neighbouring countries, but also countries farther away, including Ghana, Nigeria, Niger, Senegal and Sierra Leone (Map 2.3).
Note: For Bamako (Mali), the map shows the data collected during a week in the rainy season of 2017. For Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso), the map shows the data collected for the rainy season of 2016. The size of the bubble reflects the quantity coming from the location. Border markets are located within a 35 km band on each side of the border.
Source: Authors’ calculations, based on the Urban Food Plus database.
For several food products, particularly fruits, vegetables and tubers, the share of intra-regional imports is particularly high. In Bamako, for example, 97% of plantain and 96% of avocados are imported from the region, underscoring the strong reliance on intra-regional trade for these products (Figure 2.3). Other food items largely imported from the region include yam (67%), fish (67%) and cassava (50%), all primarily supplied by West African countries. A similar pattern is observed in Ouagadougou, where 96% of avocados, 57% of oranges, 54% of onions and 37% of bananas and fish come from West Africa (Figure 2.3).
Note: Only products with an above-average share of intra-regional trade in total inflows. Percentages presented correspond to the average % over the three seasons of data collection. Locations were classified according to the spatial scale relative to the focal city. These spatial units included: 1) locations within national boundaries, 2) intra-regional, including other West African countries and 3) international locations excluding West African countries.
Source: Authors’ calculations, based on the Urban Food Plus database.
Urbanisation, urban food and nutrition security, and intra-regional trade
While the Urban Food Plus data covers only three West African cities, it is reasonable to infer that intra-regional trade plays a similar role in food availability in many of the region’s major consumption centres. As urbanisation continues at a rapid pace, these food trade patterns are likely to intensify, building on long-established production cycle complementarities and trade networks.
In 2020, West Africa had 31 urban areas of more than 1 million inhabitants and a combined population of 94 million; by 2035, these numbers are projected to rise to 43 urban areas and 156 million people (OECD/SWAC, 2024[1]).
Worldwide, the burden of food and nutrition insecurity is increasingly shifting to urban areas, where both undernutrition, overnutrition and obesity are rising, particularly among low-income populations (HLPE, 2024[33]; Balineau et al., 2021[34]). In West Africa, more than 22 million of the 58 million underweight people reside in cities (van Wesenbeeck, 2018[35]). With a projected increase of 233 million urban dwellers by 2050 (OECD/SWAC, 2024[1]), addressing urban food and nutrition insecurity is becoming increasingly important. Leveraging intra-regional food trade to support urban food and nutrition security will be a critical component of regional development strategy.
Intra-regional trade’s importance for dietary diversity
Dietary diversity worldwide is partly supported by trade flows between complementary food economies, shaped by differences in food cultures, natural resources and agro-ecological conditions. Dietary diversity is a crucial element of food and nutrition security, often serving as a proxy for nutrient adequacy (Kennedy, Ballard and Dop, 2011[36]). A diverse diet, incorporating a wide variety of foods from different food groups, ensures the intake of essential nutrients that help prevent deficiencies and reduce the risk of chronic diseases, such as diabetes and cardiovascular conditions (Bai et al., 2023[37]).
Production diversity and trade complementarity
In West Africa, differences in agro-ecological conditions, climate, policy orientations16, private investment in technology, market access and consumer preferences have led to distinct food production systems and product specialisation (Badiane, Makombe and Bahiigwa, 2014[38]). These production specialisations translate into complementary intra-regional food trade patterns. For example, the food export similarity index for West African trade pairs shows that 71% of country pairs in West Africa have less than 50% similarity in their food exports (Figure 2.4). The low degree of similarity means that a diverse range of foods is being exchanged, which enhances dietary diversity in the region (Badiane and Odjo, 2016[28]).
Note: The export similarity index (ESI) is calculated using the dataset compiled for this report, including 15 West African countries (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo) and 170 HS4 tariff classification products traded intra-regionally. For each country, the share of each HS4 product exports of total food exports (2014-2022 average) was calculated. For each country pair, the retained shares for all 170 products were totalled to produce the ESI score. The resulting ESI scores ranged from 0% (indicating no similarity in export structures) to 1% (indicating identical export portfolios).
Source: Authors’ calculations.
Trade in essential nutrients
A data analysis of key proteins traded within the region reveals an interconnected and relatively balanced regional protein flow network (Figure 2.5). The volume of intra-regional protein trade—totalling 2.6 billion kg—is equivalent to the estimated annual requirements of nearly 200 million people in the region.17 Trade flows form a distributed network (HHI of 1 278 for exports and 1 235 for imports). Main exporters include Senegal (20%)—mainly fish—Burkina Faso (18%) (cattle) and Côte d’Ivoire (18%) (palm oil). On the import side, Burkina Faso (16%), Côte d’Ivoire (16%) and Ghana (16%) are the dominant players. The trade in fats and carbohydrates follows a similar pattern, albeit with slightly higher concentrations (Figure A1, Annex).
Source: Authors’ calculations.
Highly diverse intra-regional food trade patterns
The diversity of intra-regional food trade in West Africa extends far beyond the oft-mentioned trade in livestock, cereal and fish between Sahelian and coastal countries. In fact, intra-regional trade includes a wide range of food items, many of which are not captured by national statistics. Based on data from national surveys of unrecorded food trade (Nigeria 2013/14, Benin 2019, 2022 and Togo 2019) and recorded trade data, Benin imported 115 distinct food products (at the 4-digit HS level), Togo 101 and Nigeria 99 (Figure 2.6. Number of food items traded intra-regionally (number of 4-digit HS codes, recorded and unrecorded)). Similarly, these countries exported 105, 115 and 109 distinct products to the region, respectively.
Note: Based on BACI (Base d’Analyse du Commerce International), ECOWAS Informal Cross-Border Trade (ECO-ICBT) and country surveys (Benin, Nigeria, Togo). The number of food items corresponds to the number of distinct 4-digit HS codes. The total does not equal the sum of recorded and unrecorded products, because some products appear in both channels.
Source: Authors’ calculations.
The range of products traded is extensive. In Nigeria, it includes a wide variety of food items such as cereals (e.g., maize, rice), vegetables (e.g., cabbage, onions, tomatoes), starchy roots (e.g., yam), legumes and nuts (e.g., cowpeas, groundnuts), processed foods (e.g., bread, biscuit, spaghetti, tomato paste), beverages (e.g., tea, soft drinks), fruits (e.g., oranges, apples, bananas, mangoes), animal proteins (e.g., live bovines, goat, poultry, eggs, smoked fish) and even blocks of ice (Figure 2.7. Diversity of regional food imports into Nigeria (left) and Benin (right) (colours by food group, recorded and unrecorded)). Data from Benin corroborate these findings, highlighting a wide variety of food imports from the region, including raw products such as grains, vegetables, fruits, processed products like pasta, prepared tomato products, frozen fish, oils and fats, and live animals.
A closer look at Benin’s data further illustrates this diversity. Over a two-week period of data collection on unrecorded cross-border food flows, the National Statistical Institute identified 84 distinct food products imported from the region, with a high diversity of products crossing every border. This is especially the case for the borders with Togo (69 products) and Nigeria (62 products), compared to Niger (24 products), Burkina Faso (18) and Ghana (10).
Note: Based on BACI, ECO-ICBT and country surveys (Benin, Nigeria). The size of the bubble depends on the relative importance of the product in total regional imports (in monetary value).
Source: Authors’ calculations.
The importance of prices in West Africa’s food and nutrition security
Food prices are a key determinant of food affordability and, consequently, food and nutrition security. On average, food accounts for 55% of total household expenditure in West Africa (Allen, 2017[8]). This share ranges from around 40% for the wealthiest households to as much as 70% for the poorest (Figure 2.8. Share of the budget allocated to food across expenditure quintiles in Mali, Nigeria and Senegal, 2018-19). Food prices in the region are 30% to 40% above those in other regions with similar income levels (Allen, 2017[8]). In addition, nutritious foods, such as fruits, vegetables, legumes, nuts and seeds, and animal-sourced foods, are particularly expensive, making healthy diets unaffordable for most of the population (Bai et al., 2023[37]). In West Africa, the proportion of people unable to afford a healthy diet ranges from 42% to 97% depending on the country (Bai et al., 2023[37]).
Note: Quintile 1 corresponds to the poorest and Quintile 5 to the richest households.
Source: Thériault et al. (2024[3]).
High food prices in West Africa stem from a combination of factors, including high production costs, high transaction costs, and constraints in downstream segments of the value chains (Allen, 2017[8]). In addition, the region has experienced multiple cycles of food inflation over the past two decades (Figure 2.9. Monthly food price inflation in selected West African countries). The recent surge in inflation has been driven by the COVID-19 pandemic, rising energy and fertiliser prices, and costly macroeconomic reforms, including the recent currency devaluation in Nigeria (CILSS & FSIN, 2024[39]).
Source: World Bank (2024[40])
The impact of high food prices is compounded by episodes of food price volatility18, driven by seasonal effects as well as domestic and global supply shocks. Food price volatility undermines stability of food access over time (FAO, ECA and AUC, 2021[41]) and directly affects consumers’ food and nutrition security, by forcing households to reduce the diversity, quality and quantity of their diet (Bai, Naumova and Masters, 2020[42]; Bonuedi, Kamasa and Opoku, 2020[43]). Even short price spikes can have long-term and irreversible consequences on health and nutrition, particularly for children (FEWSNET, 2014[44]; Kalkuhl, von Braun and Torero, 2016[45]). In addition, food price volatility increases uncertainty for producers, discouraging on-farm investment, hindering productivity growth and raising the likelihood of supply shocks. These shocks, in turn, contribute to even higher prices for consumers (Badiane, Makombe and Bahiigwa, 2014[38]).
Lowering food prices through intra-regional trade
Intra-regional trade can play a crucial role in mitigating scarcity-driven price surges caused by seasonal fluctuations or localised production shocks. Well-integrated and competitive markets help stabilise prices by absorbing the impact of temporary supply and demand shocks, thereby reducing seasonal poverty and food insecurity (Moser, Barrett and Minten, 2009[46]). Without trade, even a modest decline in domestic cereal production can lead to significant price increases and consumption shortfalls. However, due to the limited availability of trade and market price data in the region, as well as the complexity of price transmission channels, empirical evidence on this relationship remains scarce.
The long-term effects: Increased supply and lower price levels
The long-term price effects of intra-regional trade stem from increased investments in agricultural value-chain efficiency and innovation. As producers from different countries compete in a larger regional market, they are incentivised to invest and innovate to secure and expand their market share (FAO and ECA, 2018[12]). This is expected to lead to increased efficiency and productivity, ultimately resulting in lower production costs and more competitive pricing (FAO, ECA and AUC, 2021[41]). The resulting increase in food production generated through productivity gains is further expected to translate into higher overall supply and to contribute to reduced consumer price levels (Malabo Montpellier Panel, 2020[47]).
This effect extends beyond the farm, encouraging traders, processors and transporters to invest in improved storage, transport and distribution infrastructure to access markets farther away (AGRA, 2020[17]). Enhancing value chain efficiency can also help lower consumer prices. One example is the reduction in waste. Investments in better trade infrastructure, such as cold storage, processing facilities and transport systems, can minimise post-harvest losses, increasing the availability of perishable foods and exerting downward pressure on prices (Malabo Montpellier Panel, 2020[47]).
The short-term effects: Increased availability and price stabilisation
Price differentials between exporting and importing regions are a fundamental driver of trade. These differentials must be high enough to cover transaction costs, such as transport and intermediation. Trade, when it occurs, increases food availability in importing regions, leading to lower consumer prices (Malabo Montpellier Panel, 2020[47]). This effect is further amplified as importing regions gain access to a more diverse range of supply sources.
Significant seasonal price fluctuations in West Africa, with asynchronous production cycles, enhance the ability of trade to stabilise prices and reduce the risk of sharp price spikes. Food traders capitalise on these variations by transporting food across borders from regions where prices are low to those that have higher prices, ensuring a more consistent supply throughout the year.
Persistent high prices and price volatility
The data suggests that at least USD 10 billion of food is being traded regionally every year (Chapter 1, Chapter 3), and it also highlights the persistence of high food price volatility and elevated price levels. This has two main implications: first, that trade volumes may be insufficient to fully stabilise prices, and second, that market inefficiencies continue to hinder effective price transmission.
Market efficiency is shaped by multiple factors, including physical infrastructure, access to market information, institutional frameworks, competition dynamics, market power and government policies such as export restrictions and bans. These elements are critical to market integration and price transmission in West African agricultural markets (Bekoe, Ayeduvor and Etwire, 2023[48]). The persistence of large food price differentials (Map 2.4) suggests that these factors are a continuing obstacle to integration of regional markets.
Source: Adapted from Allen (2017[8]).
Policies and investments that enhance market integration and efficiency could significantly boost regional food trade volumes, helping to lower food prices. While reducing trade barriers through facilitation measures is an important concern and is often emphasised in policy discourse, it is not the primary consideration for all traders. According to a private sector perception survey on the food trade environment in West Africa conducted by OECD/SWAC and the West African Cross-Border Trade in Agro-Forestry-Pastoral Fisheries Products (OECD/SWAC, forthcoming[49])19, challenges faced by regional food traders extend well beyond border-related issues such as tariffs, customs regulations and border security.
When asked about the negative impact of border constraints on their businesses, one-third of regional food traders viewed them as a relatively minor issue.20 Instead, they prioritised other factors, such as access to loans, security, better road and transport infrastructure, and better storage and handling infrastructure, as essential for improving their businesses.21
Income generation, food affordability and intra-regional trade
Providing income opportunities for farmers and workers in agricultural value chains
The volume of intra-regional food trade highlights its crucial role in job creation and income generation. Beyond increased on-farm activity, thousands of jobs across the supply chain—including processing, transport, handling, marketing and retail—are directly tied to regional trade. A recent study estimates that food marketing activities such as transport, logistics, retail and wholesale generate 5.5 million jobs across West Africa (Allen, Heinrigs and Heo, 2018[9]). In Niger, the export-oriented onion sector creates an estimated 82 400 full time jobs (SOFRECO, 2022[10]). In Benin, estimates suggest that as much as 75% of GDP comes from informal regional trade (Clingendael Report, 2024[50]).
The incomes generated through these activities have a direct impact on household food affordability, particularly for those engaged in the sector. In border areas with high cross-border trade intensity, food trade is often a primary source of both income and food and nutrition security (Bouët, Odjo and Zaki, 2020[51]) (Box 1). Given that poverty is the primary driver of low food affordability in the region (World Food Programme & UNECA, 2021[52]), the economic opportunities created by trade play a vital role in strengthening regional food and nutrition security.
For many small-scale traders and women in border regions, cross-border trade remains a crucial source of income, enabling them to support their families and sustain local economies. Cross-border markets like those in Malanville (Benin-Niger), Basso-Babanna (Benin-Nigeria), or Sémé-Kraké (Benin-Nigeria) provide employment opportunities in trading, transport and retail, reinforcing the deep connections between food trade and household livelihoods (OECD/SWAC, 2019[11]; Clingendael Report, 2024[50]).
Dawanau market in Nigeria, established in 1985, is the largest cereal market in West Africa. It is situated in the Kano state along the Kano–Katsina way, leading to five major Nigerian border cities; Maigatari, Babura, Zango, Mai’aduwa (Kongolam) and Jibiya. The market is a pivotal regional hub for the trade of grains, roots and tubers and increasingly, cash crops. It draws trade from across the region and beyond, with products supplied to Dawanau Market coming from countries such as Chad, Cameroon, Benin, Ghana and Niger (Gambo, 2017[53]). Dawanau is a source of livelihood for tens of thousands of people in the region. The market boasts over 10 000 shops and 662 warehouses, employing thousands of traders and around 4 000 handlers, 500 security personnel and hundreds of other staff involved in its operations (Inter-Réseaux, 2010[54]). In addition, 32 registered traders’ associations and co-operative societies operate in the market, with at least 20 580 and 1 600 registered and unregistered members, respectively. Over 200 internationally registered companies are also involved in the market.
Boosting the midstream and downstream food economy segments
Across West Africa, population growth, urbanisation and rising incomes are driving an increasing demand for more diverse foods (AGRA, 2020[17]).22 While urban consumers increasingly seek imported staples like wheat and rice, there is also significant demand for locally produced foods such as maize, manioc, yams, potatoes, taro and plantain (Bricas and Tchamda, 2017[55]). Furthermore, as consumer preferences evolve, there is a growing demand for higher-value, more perishable and processed food products, which has encouraged greater involvement of regional agrifood businesses (AGRA, 2020[17]).
As the demand for processed and diversified food products continues to rise, the midstream and downstream segments of the food economy are expanding, leading to increased job creation and income opportunities across the region (AGRA, 2020[17]). In turn, trade can incentivise investments in more lucrative crops and advanced production technologies, boosting productivity (Hollinger and Staatz, 2015[22]; AGRA, 2020[17]). These investments are expected to generate positive spillovers in agricultural support activities, creating new jobs and income streams that will ultimately improve food access for the growing population of net consumers, particularly in rural areas. These new opportunities include jobs in businesses providing agricultural inputs, extension and veterinary services, machinery and other agricultural capital equipment.
The midstream segment of the food economy, often referred to as the “hidden middle” (Reardon, 2015[56]), is an overlooked yet critical source of jobs and livelihoods in the region. The downstream segment, which is mostly informal, includes street vendors and small-scale retailers. Although it is often undervalued by policymakers, given what is perceived as its low economic significance, the informal food sector plays a substantial role. For example, in South Africa, the informal food sector alone was estimated to be worth USD 20 billion per year (Malabo Montpellier Panel, 2020[47]).
Poor statistics on intra-regional food trade distort food and nutrition security assessments
The poor quality of data on intra-regional food trade not only complicates the understanding of its contribution to food and nutrition security but also distorts food and nutrition security assessments. For instance, Food Balance Sheets (FBS) are compiled to provide standardised estimates of food available for human consumption at national level. To do so, they aggregate domestic production and food imports, while subtracting exports and non-human consumption, and accounting for stock changes. The massive underestimations of intra-regional food imports and exports in the data used to produce the FBS, leads to both underestimates and overestimates of calorie and nutrient availability, ultimately undermining the accuracy of food policy assessments (Table 2.1).
Source: Authors’ calculations.
The extent of the underestimations is striking. For example, the FBS reports that not a single ton of millet was imported in the region between 2018 and 2020, whereas available data on unrecorded trade indicates 190 000 tons of millet imports. Similarly, FBS records show no cassava imports for any country except Burkina Faso and Niger, while trade data reveals that Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal, Mali and Liberia imported 393 000 tons over the period. Since missing trade flows lead to underestimation in importing countries and overestimation of food available in exporting countries, their impact on the accuracy of food availability data is compounded.
The scale of underestimation of trade flows in FBS data can also be illustrated through import-to-domestic supply and export-to-production ratios. According to FBS data, West African countries reported zero export-to-production ratios for 57% of country-product observations and ratios below 5% for 78% of observations between 2018 and 2020 (Figure 2.10).23 Importantly, these low values are particularly prevalent among the regionally traded food products, such as local cereals, fruits and vegetables. The same pattern is reflected on the import side: between 2018 and 2020, the average regional food import-to-domestic supply ratio was below 5% in 70% of country-product observations (Figure 2.11).
Note: Based on production and export data from the Food and Agriculture Organization’s Food Balance Sheets (FAOSTAT). The figure displays the 30 most-produced commodities in the region based on quantity. Beverages, fermented products, beer, and cottonseed are excluded. No bubble is shown when domestic supply is zero.
Source: Authors’ calculations.
Note: Based on production and import data from the FAO Food Balance Sheets (FAOSTAT). The figure displays the 30 most-produced commodities in the region based on quantity. Beverages, fermented products, beer, and cottonseed are excluded. No bubble is shown when production is zero.
Source: Authors’ calculations.
Stronger regional trade data systems for more effective food and nutrition security policies
A deeper understanding of intra-regional food trade, backed by improved data and analysis, is essential for improving food and nutrition security in West Africa. Accurate and timely information on trade flows, market dynamics and food prices allows policymakers to design targeted measures to enhance food availability, diversity and affordability. Better data systems can also drive policies that reduce trade barriers, improve infrastructure and optimise distribution networks, for more efficient and equitable access to food.
Moreover, robust trade data is critical for early warning systems and crisis management, enabling faster, more effective responses to food shortages, price volatility and supply chain disruptions. By leveraging intra-regional trade as a pillar of resilience, countries can better withstand climate shocks, geopolitical risks and economic instability. Integrating trade insights into food and nutrition security strategies will be key to fostering well-functioning regional markets that reliably provide diverse, nutritious and affordable food for all.
Trade in fats and carbohydrates in the region reveals a complex and interconnected network. While it is comparable to the pattern of regional calorie and protein exports and imports, there are differences in concentration, given country-level specialisation in the trade of certain foodstuffs.
Trade in fat is somewhat more concentrated than in proteins, with an HHI of 1 398 for exports and 1 296 for imports. Côte d’Ivoire (22%) and Senegal (19%) emerge as the primary exporters, reflecting their strong production capabilities for high-fat products, in particular palm oil in Cote d’Ivoire and flavour cubes in Senegal, while Ghana (23%), Burkina Faso (15%) and Côte d’Ivoire (14%) lead in imports.
Carbohydrates have an HHI of 1 375 for exports and a higher concentration of 1 421 for imports. Côte d’Ivoire (24%) and Senegal (15%) are the primary exporters, a reflection of their leading role in the export of processed foods as well as cereals rich in carbohydrates (maize, rice). Niger (22%) and Burkina Faso (19%) account for the largest import shares, followed by Mali (19%).
Source: Authors’ calculations.
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← 1. A basic provenance analysis can be done by making assumptions based on the food product, as in Bricas, Tchamda and Mouton (2016[2]). For instance, millet, sorghum or cassava will almost exclusively be produced or imported regionally.
← 2. Examples of recent food export bans include: 1) the Côte d’Ivoire’s suspension of 20 food products, including cassava yam, corn, rice, millet and others, for six months starting in January 2024 (République de Côte d’Ivoire, 2024[58]); 2) Benin’s May 2024 ban on the export of maize, rice, millet and sorghum (FAO, 2025[60]); and 3) Ghana’s August 2024 ban on exporting grains such as rice, corn and soy to mitigate potential drought-induced food shortages (Global Trade Alert, 2025[59]).
← 3. We convert food trade quantities from the BACI (Base d’Analyse du Commerce International), and ECOWAS Informal Cross-Border Trade (ECO-ICBT) datasets into kilocalories by matching them with their nearest equivalents in the INFOODS database of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which provides standard calorie values for commonly consumed foods in West Africa. To account for unrecorded trade, we apply a 77% adjustment factor (Chapter 1). The total annual trade in the region is estimated at 68 trillion kilocalories. Given a per capita daily energy need of 2 330 kilocalories (FAO), and an annual requirement of 850 450 kilocalories, we find that the 68 trillion kilocalories correspond to the annual energy requirements of 80 million people.
← 4. Data on West Africa intra-regional food trade in this report refers to the 15 countries that were members of the ECOWAS as of 2024, when the scope for the report was finalised: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo.
← 5. The HHI is calculated as the squared sums of the trade shares of each country. For instance, Burkina Faso exported 15% of calories between 2014 and 2022. The squared sum equals 223. The HHI is calculated as the sum of these squared shares.
← 6. The data collected for 2014 by the Central Bank of Nigeria on unrecorded regional food trade shows that it is at least twice higher, in value, than what is available for this calculation. The data of the Central Bank of Nigeria did not, however, include quantities and could not be used to derive caloric content.
← 7. Using the dataset produced for this report. Regional maize trade flows account for USD 107 million annually, using 2014-22 USD value for exports, both recorded and unrecorded. Rice comes second (30%, USD 94 million annually), and wheat comes third (17.5%, USD 48 million annually).
← 8. There is significant uncertainty as to the onion consumption per capita in the region. The study by SOFRECO (2022[10]) provides three estimates for Niger: low estimates of 1.1 kg per capita in rural areas, 3 kg per capita in urban areas, and another high estimate of 16 kg per capita.
← 9. Three years average (2018-20).
← 10. Food flows data collected are presented in “A spatio-temporal dataset on food flows for four West African cities” (Karg et al., 2023[57]).
← 11. Figure presented in OECD/SWAC (2013). The quantities consumed per agglomeration are calculated by multiplying population figures by data on consumption per capita (Bricas et al., 2009).
← 12. Using the data from the 2014 survey on unrecorded trade carried out by the Central Bank of Nigeria, which records USD 6.2 million of maize originating from Benin – quantities were not tracked – corresponding to broadly 25 000 tons, assuming USD 250 per ton for this year, based on a review of the literature available.
← 13. Urban Food Plus is an African-German partnership aimed at enhancing resource use efficiency and improving food security in urban and peri-urban agriculture (UPA) in West African cities. Food flows data collected are presented in “A spatio-temporal dataset on food flows for four West African cities” (Karg et al., 2023[57]).
← 14. Defined as being within a range of 35 km from the border.
← 15. In addition, existing data only captures the immediate upstream and downstream supply chain segments. As a result, food flows reported as originating from national sources, even non-border markets, can initially come from regional partners.
← 16. This includes policies that directly affect food prices and agricultural resource allocation, for instance export bans or energy subsidies, enabling policies, like the business environment or quality of transport, and industrial policies aimed at facilitating the adoption of technology in targeted industries.
← 17. Based on the same method as the kilocalorie calculation. The total value of proteins traded annually within the region is estimated at 2.6 billion kg. Assuming an average daily energy requirement per capita of 35 grammes, based on an average regional body weight (children, women and men) of 43 kg and a coefficient of 0.83 grammes per day per kilogramme of body weight (FAO), 2.6 billion kg of proteins corresponds to the annual protein requirements of 198 million people.
← 18. Defined as “the magnitude of price fluctuations or the risk of large, unexpected price changes” (Kalkuhl et al., 2016).
← 19. The survey was conducted with 3 200 food traders from Nigeria, Benin, Togo, Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Senegal.
← 20. Traders were asked to rate the impact of border trade constraints on their business (answering the following question: “How much have trade constraints at the border affected your trading activities?”) using a scale from 1 (hardly at all) to 5 (significantly). Overall, 6% of respondents selected 1, indicating virtually no impact; 27% selected 2, suggesting a low impact; 28% selected 3, reflecting a neutral stance; 19% selected 4, indicating a notable impact; and 20% selected 5, reporting a significant impact.
← 21. In response to the question “What needs to get better for your food trade business to improve?”, traders identified several key priorities, with percentages reflecting the share of respondents selecting each factor as their first-choice answer among three options selected. The most frequently cited as top first choice was ease of access to loans (23%), followed by improvements in roads and transport infrastructure (19%), security (10%), ease of border rules (10%), better storage and handling infrastructure (10%) and fewer trade bans and taxes (8%).
← 22. The consumption profile of urbanites in the region is notably more diverse than rural dwellers. It is almost evenly balanced between starchy staples (37%), animal products (33%) and other foods (30%), whereas rural inhabitants eat more starchy staples (49%) and fewer animal products (22%) and other products (19%) (Bricas et al., 2017).
← 23. Over the top 30 products in FBS production data. Regional average for 2018-2020.