This chapter examines gender disparities in career choices, particularly in STEM fields, in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). Despite policies encouraging gender equality, significant disparities remain, with many girls and women choosing not to study or work in STEM fields. The chapter highlights the economic and societal benefits of increasing female participation in STEM, citing evidence from other regions. For instance, the European Union and the United States have projected substantial economic gains from greater gender inclusion in STEM. Understanding these dynamics necessitates exploring career decisions made during adolescence, the persistence of gender-based career segregation and the factors shaping these choices. The chapter underscores the importance of addressing these barriers to foster greater gender equality and economic growth.
Gender Differences in Education, Skills and STEM Careers in Latin America and the Caribbean
Abstract
In Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), governments and organisations have increasingly implemented policies to encourage students to explore career paths where their girls and boys are underrepresented. Programmes aimed at supporting girls in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields as well as initiatives promoting careers in healthcare and education for boys have become more common across the region. These efforts address not only labour shortages in key sectors but the structural and cultural barriers that have historically discouraged young people from pursuing careers aligned with their interests and talents.
Despite these initiatives, gender disparities persist throughout the STEM educational and career trajectory. At every stage, from early childhood interests to professional development, girls and women are more likely than their male counterparts to choose not to study or work in STEM fields (Diekman, Clark and Belanger, 2019[1]). Addressing these barriers is not only critical for gender equality but also for economic growth. The underrepresentation of women in STEM fields perpetuates gender inequality in the labour force and represents a missed economic opportunity.
Some studies have argued that there are potential economic gains to increasing women’s participation in STEM. It has been estimated that, in the European Union, raising the number of women in STEM careers could increase employment rates and boost GDP per capita by up to 0.7-0.9% by 2030 and up to 3% by 2050, (an increase in monetary terms of almost EUR 820 billion), with an increase in employment of 1.2 million jobs (European Institute for Gender Equality, 2017[2]). Similarly, in the United States, it has been claimed that tripling the number of women in computing could increase women’s cumulative earnings by USD 299 billion (Accenture & Girls Who Code, 2016[3]).
While similar estimates for LAC have not been calculated, research suggests that all economies stand to benefit from greater female participation in STEM. Beyond economic returns, incorporating more women in STEM creates a multiplier effect: it enables women to access higher wages, contributes to national development and provides young girls with role models who challenge traditional gender norms in STEM careers (Schomer and Hammond, 2020[4]). Additionally, increasing the number of girls and women in STEM brings new perspectives and problem-solving approaches (Cropley, 2021[5]), fostering innovation and broadening the scope of scientific inquiry to address a wider range of societal challenges (Saucerman and Vasquez, 2014[6]).
A compelling example of how gender equality in STEM can drive meaningful change is the Block by Block initiative in Viet Nam. This programme used the video game Minecraft to get adolescent girls involved in participatory urban planning. By creating digital models of their communities, the girls identified safety concerns and proposed solutions, which they then presented to local and international authorities. Their efforts led to tangible commitments, including improved street lighting and the installation of a safety fence around a hazardous canal (Plan International, 2018[7]). This example underscores the transformative potential of equipping women and girls with STEM skills – not only for their own empowerment but also for the betterment of society as a whole.
Understanding these dynamics requires a closer examination of the career choices made during adolescence, the extent of gender-based career segregation in LAC from both regional and historical perspectives, and the factors shaping these choices. This chapter explores these dimensions, shedding light on the barriers that continue to limit opportunities for young women in STEM and the policies that can help foster greater inclusion.
Occupational expectations at age 15 matter. Thinking about what career one wants to have is a dialogue between a young person’s current interests and their imagined future, and it steers decision making through education and training. In most OECD countries, most students now enrol in upper secondary education and large numbers then proceed to post-secondary education or training programmes. The decisions that young people make around the ages of 15 to 16 about what they will study, where they will study and how hard they will apply themselves at school impact the kinds of possibilities that will be open to them in the future. This has society-wide implications, too, in terms of the flow of skills into the labour market. In economic terms, young people are making crucial decisions about the investments they will make in their initial accumulation of human capital. For many, this period will be their most substantive lifelong investment in formal education and training.
Analysis of PISA data shows that gender is significantly related to the career expectations of students at age 15 (Musset, 2018[8]). For individuals, the strong influence of gender on occupational thinking can close down options, reducing students’ choices as they seek roles in the labour market that best reflect their interests, aptitudes and abilities.
While in most countries today women attain higher levels of education than men, they are, on average, less likely than men to be employed. They also earn less in the same positions (Hegewisch and Tesfaselassie, 2019[9]; Picatoste, Mesquita and Laxe, 2022[10]). Some reasons for these gender gaps are already apparent at an early age. Recent work by the OECD based on the International Early Learning and Child Well-being Study (IELS), for example, finds that one in four of the top 30 most popular jobs selected by 5-year-old girls are in traditionally female-dominated occupations. Five-year-old boys, on the other hand, select traditionally male-dominated occupations for more than half of the top 30 most popular jobs (OECD, 2021[11]). This is corroborated by Drawing the Future, a survey of over 20 000 children aged 7- to 11 years-old, which finds that girls’ and boys’ career choices are clearly shaped by gender-specific ideas about jobs, with boys choosing jobs in traditionally men-dominated spaces and girls choosing jobs in traditionally women-dominated spaces (Chambers et al., 2019[12]).
These gendered career choices persist through to adolescence. Girls overwhelmingly expect to work in currently women-dominated occupations, including personal care, health and teaching, and overwhelmingly do not expect to work in currently men-dominated occupations, such as information and communication technologies (ICT) and the trades (OECD, 2024[13]). According to OECD PISA data, even when girls outperform boys academically in secondary school, they are less likely than their male peers to choose more technical academic pathways such as science, mathematics or computing, which lead to the highest-paid professions. PISA 2022 shows that, on average across OECD countries, only 10.7% of girls reported that they expect to work as professionals in science or engineering compared to 15% of boys (OECD, 2024[13]). Even when girls choose these academic fields, their career aspirations often differ: data show that girls are more likely to aim for STEM-related careers in biology and health while boys prefer engineering professions (OECD, 2015[14]; OECD, 2024[13]). Evidence from longitudinal studies suggests that adolescents’ expectations are a good predictor of future jobs (Mann et al., 2020[15]).
PISA asks students about the job they expect to have when they are 30-years-old. On average across OECD countries, the proportion of girls (10.7%) reporting that they are interested in a science-related career is lower than that of boys (15%). However, decompositions by type of occupation show a much starker gender gap (OECD, 2024[13]). Specifically, 10.4% of boys but only 4.3% of girls reported that they expect to work as professionals who use science and engineering training (e.g. engineer, architect, motor vehicle mechanics etc.). More boys than girls reported that they expect to work in these types of occupations in all PISA-participating countries/economies. The gender gap in expectations of becoming an engineer (or any related occupation) is especially wide in the United Kingdom, Dominican Republic, Peru, France, Chile and Guatemala where it exceeds 10 percentage points (OECD, 2024[13]). These are also countries where more than one in five boys reported that they expect to work as an engineer or in a similar occupation.
Expectations about working in ICT-related occupations also appear to be highly gender-biased. Only a tiny share of girls – 1.3% – reported that they want to work as ICT professionals (e.g. software developer, applications programmer) compared with 10% of boys (OECD, 2024[13]). While in some countries, such as Estonia, Lithuania, North Macedonia, Moldova and Ukraine, more than 16% of boys reported that they expect to work in an ICT-related profession, in no PISA-participating country or economy does this share exceed 7% of girls (OECD, 2024[13]).
Across the Latin-American and Caribbean (LAC) countries included in PISA 2022, only a small minority of girls (between around 5 and 19% in most countries) reported that they expect to work in a STEM-related occupation (Figure 4.1). Boys are more than twice as likely as girls to report this expectation in most of the LAC countries. The gender gap in expectations is especially large in LAC countries like Colombia, Peru, Costa Rica and Dominican Republic where boys are over 15 percentage points more likely than girls to report that they expect to pursue a career in a STEM-related occupation.
Occupational expectations in science and engineering professions (ISCO sub-major group 21 and 25)
Note: The figure shows the percentage of 15-year-old students (PISA) who expect to work in a STEM-related occupation at the age of 30. STEM occupations are defined using the following 2-digit categories of the ISCO-08: 21 (science and engineering professionals) and 25 (information and communications technology professionals). The OECD average shows unweighted means.
Source: OECD, PISA 2022 data (OECD, 2024[13]).
The World Economic Forum’s 2024 analysis of LinkedIn data on STEM skills and employment highlights the global scale of gender disparities in STEM (World Economic Forum, 2024[16]). It also closely aligns with the gender gaps observed in career expectations. Across all 39 countries included in the analysis, men consistently outnumber women in STEM occupations: globally, 31.0% of men work in STEM compared to just 15.6% of women. In none of these countries do women represent more than half of the STEM workforce and in only six countries do women make up more than one-third of STEM professionals. Among the five Latin American and Caribbean countries included in the analysis – Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Peru – men are approximately twice as likely as women to work in STEM occupations ( Figure 4.2 )
Source: LinkedIn Economic data, World Economic Forum 2024 (World Economic Forum, 2024[16]).
This pattern is further corroborated by the Center for Distributive, Labor and Social Studies’ (CEDLAS) analysis of 2018 household survey data, which shows a strong correlation between young people's career expectations and their eventual occupational outcomes (Berniell, Fernández and Krutikova, 2025[17]). Of the 14 LAC countries participating in PISA, CEDLAS data are available for 10. In these countries, the proportion of young adults (ages 30–40) working in STEM closely reflects the gender gap in PISA career expectations. In most cases, fewer than one in five women in this age group are employed in STEM while the corresponding share for men is two to three times higher. Countries with the most pronounced gender gaps in expectations – such as Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru – also have the widest disparities in actual STEM employment.
Despite the pronounced gender gaps in math self-confidence and expectations about working in STEM occupations, and actual patterns of work in STEM occupations, there is widespread agreement in LAC countries that women and men have the same capacity for science and technology. Using data from Latinobarometro, Figure 4.3 shows that in most countries across the region in 2018, over 90% of respondents agreed or strongly agreed with the statement that “Women have the same capacity for science and technology as men” (Berniell, Fernández and Krutikova, 2025[17]). The Dominican Republic and Ecuador have the lowest levels of agreement in the region but even there the agreement rate is around 80%. (Figure 4.3) also shows that this high level of agreement extends to both women and men with only small gender differences.
Note: Individuals aged 25–55 years old. This figure shows the percentage of individuals who agreed or strongly agreed with the statement “Women have the same capacity for science and technology as men.” The average bars show unweighted means.
Source: (Berniell, Fernández and Krutikova, 2025[17]). Calculations based on Latinobarometro, 2018
The underrepresentation of women in STEM fields is a complex issue influenced by societal, cultural and systemic barriers, particularly in engineering and technology. Research has found childhood and early adolescence to be a key period in which gender differences in degree preferences and occupational aspirations are established and often cemented (OECD, 2021[11]). This shows the importance of sparking a science career interest early on. To attract more women to STEM careers, focusing on primary and secondary education before young women sort out into higher education is essential. The following section of this chapter explores the barriers that girls encounter in educational settings that discourage them from pursuing STEM careers. It also examines the role educators can play in fostering girls’ interest in STEM fields.
Previous research has brought to light several barriers that discourage girls in secondary education from choosing STEM pathways. These include socio-cultural norms and stereotypical expectations; lack of female role models; stereotypes about ability and aptitudes; gender-biased classroom interactions; gendered marketing and media; peer pressure and self-perceptions; and digital inequalities.
Socio-cultural norms and stereotypical expectations
From a young age, girls are often exposed to cultural and social norms that suggest STEM careers are not suitable for them (Miller, Eagly and Linn, 2015[18]). STEM fields are frequently stereotyped as masculine, analytical and lacking in social or creative aspects (Leslie et al., 2015[19]). Stereotypes are translated into subtle or explicit messages coming from parents and teachers. A meta-analysis of 43 articles (with 48 different samples, countries not reported) found that parents’ stereotypes on gendered interests and abilities affected children’s occupational roles beliefs about others and themselves (Tenenbaum and Leaper, 2002[20]). These messages can shape beliefs about girls’ and young women’s abilities and roles and limit their interest in STEM fields as they may feel they do not align with societal expectations (Guidry, 2000[21]; Silverman, Constantinou and Manson, 2009[22]; Tellhed, Bäckström and Björklund, 2017[23]).
Additionally, teachers' evaluations of students' performances may be influenced by gender stereotypes (Holder and Kessels, 2017[24]). Since these stereotypes often suggest that boys excel more in mathematics and science, studies from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Studies (ECLS) of kindergartners in the United States (Lubienski et al., 2013[25]) and data from Ireland show that parents and teachers are more likely to overestimate boys' and underestimate girls' achievements in mathematics. In Ireland, 1 in 7 nine-year-old children were affected by this biased perception (McCoy, Byrne and O’Connor, 2022[26]).
The same level of performance in these subjects is often perceived as more intelligent and competent when shown by boys rather than girls (Fiedler et al., 2002[27]). This is due to attributional gender bias, where boys' successes in mathematics are attributed to ability, while girls' successes are attributed to effort. Conversely, boys' failures are seen as a lack of effort and girls' failures are viewed as a lack of ability (Espinoza, Arêas da Luz Fontes and Arms-Chavez, 2014[28]).
Lack of female role models
The limited visibility of women in STEM fields can make it difficult for girls to envision themselves pursuing careers in these areas. The lack of female role models and mentors, such as peers, educators and other adults in their social circle, can reinforce the perception that STEM is a male-dominated domain, discouraging girls from considering it as a viable option.
Research shows that female role models can influence girls’ preferences for STEM studies, inoculating them against the harmful impact of stereotypes. For example, a paper evaluating a role-model intervention in Spain in which female volunteers working in STEM went into schools to talk to 12–16-year-old girls about their careers finds that, on average, role models have a positive and significant effect on mathematics enjoyment, importance attached to math, expectations of success in math and girls’ aspirations in STEM, and a negative effect on gender stereotypes (González-Pérez, Mateos de Cabo and Sáinz, 2020[29]). Another study in Spain analysed the impact that a group mentoring initiative led by a female STEM role model had on 10–12-year-old students and shows the programme had a positive impact on students’ attitudes towards technology, increased the number of female STEM references they knew, and improved their opinions of vocations and professions related to science and technology. While both boys and girls experienced these, the impact was greater among girls (Guenaga et al., 2022[30]). A paper in the United States examining the role of the demographic composition of high-school math and science faculty on university students’ decisions to pursue STEM fields finds that female undergraduate students who have had more female teachers are more likely to declare a STEM major. Having women STEM teachers increased women students’ chances of pursuing STEM by 14% and high-performing women by 44% (Bottia et al., 2015[31]).
Female role models may be key not just to increasing the number of women who enter STEM fields but retaining those who are already in STEM fields by improving women's performance and sense of belonging (Drury, Siy and Cheryan, 2011[32]). This is important because women are actually more likely to leave STEM careers than men (Herrmann et al., 2016[33]) and to experience workplace incivility or mistreatment in STEM environments (Saxena, Geiselman and Zhang, 2019[34]). A sense of fit is critical to attracting and retaining more women in STEM. Fit indicates that an individual has the skills and ability valued in these fields and that their contributions will be recognised by others (Diekman, Clark and Belanger, 2019[1]).
Finally, girls and young women often experience a lack of leadership models at school. According to the OECD's Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) 2018 data, about 68% of all teachers in the 48 countries surveyed were women but school principals were predominantly men. Between 2013 and 2018, only 45% of school principals were women (OECD, 2020[35]).
Stereotypes about ability and aptitudes
Research has shown that the different experiences and expectations that girls face in educational settings can affect their self-perceptions of STEM ability and aptitude. This discourages or deters them from pursuing STEM subjects (Green and Sanderson, 2018[36]; Wang and Degol, 2017[37]). Called stereotype threat, this is the fear of confirming negative stereotypes associated with one's identity. When girls and young women are evaluated on STEM subjects, they worry that their performance will be judged according to this stereotype and fear the results will confirm they are indeed incompetent. This fear can undermine their performance, confidence and persistence in these fields (Shapiro and Williams, 2012[38]) .
A study in Spain among secondary-school students shows that boys are seven times more likely than girls to believe they can study engineering (de las Cuevas, García-Arenas and Rico, 2022[39]).
A review in Australia of 36 papers on gender disparities among Australian university STEM students shows that the primary challenge faced by female students is diminished self-efficacy in STEM subjects (Fisher, Thompson and Brookes, 2020[40]).
Experiencing stereotypes over the long term can lead women to distance themselves from STEM (Diekman, Clark and Belanger, 2019[1]). To increase women’s interest in STEM majors, gender-stereotypical competence beliefs need to be counteracted so that women believe they have what it takes to handle STEM careers.
Gender-biased classroom interactions
Gender-biased classroom interactions refer to unequal treatment or differential experiences that students may face based on their gender (Graham et al., 2022[41]). These interactions can manifest themselves in various ways, such as teacher-student interactions and classroom practices. This can limit girls’ confidence, engagement and participation in STEM subjects.
For example, a study examining gender disparities at the undergraduate level in biology in the United States finds that, although females represented, on average, 60% of students, they made up less than 40% of students responding to instructor-posed questions to the class (23 classes were observing including almost 5 000 students) (Eddy, Brownell and Wenderoth, 2014[42]).
Grading bias can also show a pattern of teachers’ biased grading of their female students in STEM classes (Thacker, Copur-Gencturk and Cimpian, 2022[43]). For instance, a randomised controlled study in the United States examining teachers’ evaluations of mathematical solutions to which gender names had been randomly assigned finds that, when assessing students’ mathematical ability, biases against female students emerge, with teachers’ estimations of students’ mathematical ability favouring boys over girls (Copur-Gencturk et al., 2020[44]).
Gendered marketing and media
Advertising and media often portray stereotypical gender roles in which girls are typically shown in activities related to beauty, fashion and domesticity while boys are depicted as active, adventurous and inclined towards science and technology (Marttinen et al., 2020[45]). These gendered messages can create a subconscious bias that associates certain careers with specific genders. Girls may internalise these stereotypes and perceive STEM careers as more suitable for boys, leading to self-doubt and a lack of confidence in pursuing such paths.
Media has for many years reflected a gender bias in the depiction of STEM professionals. A review examining historical trends in media images of STEM professionals shows that popular media depicts women as less likely than men to be in STEM fields and less likely to be talented, successful and valued in STEM fields (Steinke, 2017[46]). A study examining the prevalence and portrayals of female STEM characters in 48 popular films from the United States finds that female STEM characters were outnumbered by male STEM characters in speaking roles by 2 to 1 (Steinke and Paniagua Tavarez, 2017[47]). Presenting a greater number and more diverse portrayals of female STEM characters would boost girls’ and young women’s identification with STEM characters and future interest in STEM careers (Steinke and Paniagua Tavarez, 2017[47]).
Peer pressure and self-perceptions
Peer relationships and interactions vary between boys and girls, shaping activity choices and social dynamics in childhood and influencing later school experiences and academic trajectories (Fabes et al., 2014[48]). As children grow older, peer influence can discourage girls from developing an interest in and identifying with STEM fields, particularly when gender stereotypes are reinforced within their social circles (Wang and Degol, 2017[37]).
Supportive peer groups can foster girls' sense of belonging in STEM. When peers value and encourage STEM engagement, they reinforce girls’ confidence and motivation to pursue these fields (Leaper, 2015[49]). Research in secondary education in the United States finds that adolescents aged 13–19 (n=6,457) with peers who promoted high achievement in STEM subjects were more likely to enroll in additional math courses themselves (Crosnoe et al., 2008[50]).
Conversely, girls and women may face rejection and hostility from male peers regarding their STEM achievements (Leaper, 2015[49]). Exposure to exclusionary messages during adolescence can significantly impact their intentions to pursue STEM careers. For example, a study surveying high-school students in the United States (n=1,273) finds that girls in classrooms with a higher proportion of male peers endorsing explicit gender stereotypes in STEM are significantly less likely to express interest in pursuing a degree in computer science or engineering. In contrast, exposure to confident female peers in science classrooms has a positive effect, increasing the likelihood of girls considering these fields (Riegle-Crumb and Morton, 2017[51]).
Digital inequality
The stereotype of technology as a male domain is pervasive in many contexts and appears to affect girls’ confidence in their digital skills from a young age (West, Kraut and Chew, 2019[52]). According to PISA 2022 data, across OECD countries, 1.3% of girls aspire to an ICT-related job compared to 10.0% of boys at age 15 (OECD, 2024[13]).
Building on survey data collected from 10 820 children aged 12–16 in 14 European countries (Czechia, Estonia, Germany, Italy, Lithuania, Malta, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, Spain and Switzerland), Mascheroni et al. (2022) investigated how children may fall behind in digital skills. Gender (being female) was found to negatively affect self-efficacy in digital skills (Mascheroni et al., 2022[53]). A study of the ICT uses and attitudes of 11–13-year-old students in Spain finds a prevalence of stereotypes about differences in skills and professional vocation among teenagers and a gender difference in attitudes toward computers or self-efficacy. Boys and girls showed stereotyped images of their mothers' and fathers' digital skills, and ICT jobs. Girls using computers also had higher levels of anxiety and lower self-confidence than boys (Cussó-Calabuig, Farran and Bosch-Capblanch, 2017[54]). It is important to take into account gender differences in digital use, skills and self-efficacy when looking at STEM education. They relate directly to the chances of girls and young women pursuing certain engineering degrees and indirectly to the acquisition of digital skills that are increasingly valued in most professions.
Early career awareness and gendered aspirations
Research indicates that children begin forming career aspirations as early as age five. Large-scale studies across multiple countries reveal that these early career ambitions are often highly gendered, particularly among boys (OECD, 2021[11]). While children’s preferences reflect their interests, they are also shaped by the career opportunities they have been exposed to and the societal assumptions surrounding gender roles. As a result, effective career guidance should start in primary school, offering students the opportunity to explore diverse career paths and challenge stereotypes throughout their education. Introducing career guidance early fosters a culture of reflection and exploration during formative years, supporting long-term engagement in education and personal development.
Expanding career perspectives in secondary education
OECD analysis of longitudinal data highlights that career guidance activities enabling active exploration of professional futures are strongly linked to improved employment outcomes in adulthood (Covacevich et al., 2021[55]). These include direct interactions with professionals through workplace visits, job fairs and career talks. By exposing young people to professionals in underrepresented fields, these initiatives broaden students’ career aspirations and challenge implicit gendered biases about career paths. These interventions are particularly impactful during lower secondary education before students make key academic and vocational choices.
Engaging with role models who have overcome career-related obstacles can be especially influential. However, it is crucial that career guidance initiatives present a diverse and realistic range of professionals rather than being limited to those who have the flexibility to engage with schools (Archer and DeWitt, 2015[56]; Miller, 2022[57]). While interactions with STEM industry volunteers can help broaden career perspectives, they can also reinforce stereotypes if not carefully managed. Ensuring access to a wide and authentic representation of professionals is essential.
Facilitating career exploration through work-based learning
First-hand work experiences significantly enhance long-term career outcomes. Longitudinal studies link positive career development to teenage part-time work, volunteering and school-facilitated work placements (Covacevich et al., 2021[55]). These experiences allow students to build work-related skills, gain insights into career pathways and establish valuable professional connections.
For students considering careers where their gender is underrepresented, such experiences provide critical insights into workplace culture and potential challenges. National programmes such as Girls’ and Boys’ Days, first developed in Germany, offer students opportunities to shadow professionals in non-traditional career fields. These initiatives now reach out to tens of thousands of students in Germany and other countries, fostering connections with inclusive workplaces (OECD, 2015[14]).
Systematic career guidance to challenge gender stereotypes
Beyond one-off interventions, career guidance systems can integrate gender equality principles into structured frameworks that support students’ career development. The career pathways model, commonly used in the United States and Canada, provides students with work-based learning experiences in vocational fields like healthcare and engineering while maintaining broad academic engagement. These programmes, typically spanning the final years of secondary education, have been shown to enhance employment outcomes (Covacevich et al., 2021[55]).
A notable example of a systematic approach is the Canadian province of New Brunswick’s career development framework, designed in collaboration with the OECD. This framework outlines key stages in students’ career development from early childhood through secondary education. Drawing on international research, it emphasises early recognition of stereotypes, increasing engagement with career professionals and awareness of structural barriers to career advancement. By ensuring that students, particularly those pursuing careers in fields where their gender is underrepresented, receive tailored support, such frameworks can foster more equitable career opportunities for all.
Over the last few decades, national policy interventions and research literature on the role of gender in shaping career thinking has focused particularly on girls in careers in science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Examples include:
Under the National Innovation and Science Agenda (NISA), the Australian government invested AUD 13 million from 2016 to 2020 in encouraging more girls and women to study STEM and pursue STEM-based and entrepreneurial careers.
The National Pact for Women in MINT Careers, widely known as Go Mint, was launched in 2008 at the instigation of the German Federal Ministry for Education and Research to increase young women's interest in scientific and technical degree courses – MINT is the German-language acronym for STEM. The Go Mint initiative brings together politics, business, science and the media to improve the image of STEM-related professions in society.
Japan seeks to promote women’s careers in STEM (RIKO in Japanese). Initiatives include the RIKO Challenge, which encourages more girls to take up a career in a STEM field. Together, industry, academia and the government promote leading female researchers and engineers as role models, hold events to give girls STEM job experience and take them on tours of firms and universities.
The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) in the United States runs the Reach for the Stars: NASA Science for Girl Scouts programme, which focuses on girls. Through the NASA/Girls Scouts of the United States partnership, NASA scientists provide training sessions for Girl Scouts (NASA, 2023[58]).
Examples of successful programmes that encourage STEM careers among girls and women in Latin America and the Caribbean are mentioned in Chapter 6
Initiatives by international organisations in the regions
International and regional organisations, including UNESCO, UN Women, the Inter-American Development Bank (IaDB), the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), and the Organization of Ibero-American States (OEI), play a pivotal role in promoting gender equality in STEM across LAC. They do so through a range of research initiatives, capacity-building activities and cross-country programmes.
Many of these initiatives operate in multiple countries. Examples include the L’Oréal-UNESCO For Women in Science Fellowships, implemented in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Panama, Peru, Uruguay and French Guyana; the UNESCO SAGA project, currently active in Argentina, Chile, Haiti, Jamaica and Uruguay; the TeachHER initiative; the IaDB’s Gender Gaps in Science, Technology, and Innovation in LAC project (covering Colombia, Chile, Mexico and Panama); and the STEMPreneurs programme to support women entrepreneurs in STEM careers.
These organisations also bolster national efforts. For example, OEI supports studies on Peruvian women in science while UN Women collaborates with Brazil on the Mulher e Ciência programme. In Mexico and Central America, IDRC and CIESAS (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social) support Indigenous women in STEM through funding for research, professional development and networking.
The European Union has also contributed through Horizon 2020 and Erasmus+ initiatives, including ACTonGender, which builds communities of practice to foster institutional change for gender equality in research, and the W-STEM project, which aims to enhance recruitment and retention strategies for women in higher education STEM in Latin America.
Private-sector initiatives
Private-sector actors are also active. INTEL runs vocational and technical training initiatives in Costa Rica such as the Women at Intel (WIN) programme. Oracle supports women’s leadership in Colombia through motivational talks under its Women Leadership Initiative. Uber has launched the Ellas programme in Costa Rica, Mexico and Peru, aiming to attract 1 200 girls to STEM through targeted workshops. Other companies – such as Accenture, Google and IBM – host meetings, conferences, virtual chats and camps to promote inclusion in the tech workforce.
Initiatives in the non-profit sector
Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) contribute significantly as well. Coderise.org offers coding education to underprivileged youth, aiming to boost social mobility through tech skills. Geek Girls LATAM empowers women across the region to actively engage in technology creation. R-Ladies Matemáticas en el Cono Sur, a subregional chapter of the global R-Ladies network, promotes more girls and women in research by organising mentoring, meetups, and safe learning spaces to support women in data science and STEM.
Source: (UN Women, 2020[59]).
Women are still less likely to expect to work in STEM fields, are underrepresented in STEM disciplines at the tertiary level, and face lower participation in STEM careers in adulthood. This gap is particularly concerning as STEM careers offer significantly higher labour-market returns compared to fields such as health or education where women are overrepresented. Strikingly, these disparities persist despite widespread agreement that women have the same capacity for science and technology as men.
Latin American and Caribbean countries have taken steps to promote equitable career guidance and challenge gendered career expectations. Programmes such as Chile’s Programa de Orientación Vocacional y Laboral, Argentina’s Educación para el Trabajo y la Ciudadanía, and Mexico’s Impulsa STEM initiative have sought to broaden career exploration opportunities, particularly for girls. These initiatives have demonstrated the importance of early and sustained exposure to career options, helping children and adolescents – especially girls – envision themselves in diverse professions. Additionally, strong public-private collaboration has been instrumental in expanding access to role models, mentorship programmes, internships and industry partnerships. Brazil’s National Education Plan further illustrates how systematic policy frameworks can integrate career guidance into national strategies to promote educational equity and workforce inclusion.
Building on these lessons, policymakers must continue to strengthen career guidance systems that challenge gender stereotypes and expand access to high-quality employment pathways. Investing in comprehensive, gender-responsive career guidance from an early age – combined with structured mentorship, industry engagement and targeted policy interventions – can help ensure that career choices are driven by interest and talent rather than entrenched social norms.
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