Education and Skills in Bulgaria

2. Education and skills in Bulgaria: Unlocking inclusive economic and social development

Abstract

Supported by European Union membership and economic growth over the past two decades, Bulgaria has taken steps to modernise its education and skills system. While Bulgaria has made significant progress in enrolment and attainment across education levels, challenges remain in raising both learning and labour market outcomes, particularly for socio-economically disadvantaged groups. Low productivity, high inactivity, and skills imbalances persist, and, combined with demographic decline and widening income inequality, undermine human capital development. This introductory chapter offers a comparative overview of Bulgaria’s education and skills system, examining key trends in access, outcomes, and equity and how these relate to the wider socio-economic and political context. Improving Bulgaria’s education and skills system will be essential to unlocking inclusive economic and social development.

Context

Since its 2007 accession to the European Union (EU), Bulgaria has taken important steps to boost economic growth, improve living standards, and strengthen public governance. However, convergence to OECD levels has been slow on many indicators. Bulgarian workers remain half as productive as their OECD counterparts, many people remain disengaged from the labour market, and persistent skills imbalances hold back businesses. Importantly, income inequality has widened over time and poverty remains high, particularly in rural areas and among ethnic minorities, undermining human capital development. These challenges are compounded by rapid demographic decline and political instability in recent years.

Key to accelerating economic and social development in Bulgaria is enhancing educational outcomes through better policies and practices. Cognizant of this, the country has taken steps to modernise its education and skills system, expand access and improve quality and relevance. This is crucial not only for improving learning outcomes for children and youth, which are currently low by OECD standards, but also for developing a skills base aligned with labour needs and for offering equal opportunities for inclusive development.

The accession review evaluates Bulgaria’s policies and practices as compared with OECD best policies and practices in the field of education and skills. It offers recommendations on how Bulgaria can learn from OECD evidence and experience to further advance economic and social development. The next four chapters examine policies that could help Bulgaria come closer to OECD benchmarks of quality, equity, and good governance across each of the main levels of the education and skills system: early childhood education and care (ECEC); schooling; tertiary education; and skills. This introductory chapter provides context and background for the analysis that follows. It offers a comparative overview of key features and trends of the country’s education and skills system and explains how these relate to the wider socio-economic and political context.

Socio-economic and political context

Bulgaria’s economy has been converging towards the OECD average on several indicators, but structural weaknesses are stalling catch-up

The Bulgarian economy has been slowly converging towards OECD income levels, underpinned over the last decade by an average annual GDP growth of 2.3% (OECD, 2023[1]). This growth has been driven by increased labour productivity and supported by key sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, as well as expanding IT and tourism industries. However, GDP per capita remains about half the OECD average, and catch-up to regional peers has stalled (see Figure 2.1) (OECD, 2023[1]). The 2023 OECD Economic Survey argues that to sustain convergence Bulgaria will need to address key structural challenges including demographic decline, labour market informality, low levels of private investment, and corruption, all of which constrain productivity (OECD, 2023[1]). Despite improvements, Bulgarian workers remain half as productive as their OECD counterparts and are the least productive among regional peers (see Figure 2.1). The 2023 Survey finds that raising educational attainment and quality could drive long-term productivity gains and contribute to a 1.3% increase in per capita GDP within 10 years – making it the second most impactful reform proposed by the OECD, after improvements to the rule of law (OECD, 2023[1]).

Figure 2.1. Bulgaria’s convergence towards OECD is slow, partly due to low labour productivity

Note: The OECD-CEE average includes Central and Eastern European countries that are OECD members (Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovenia, and Slovak Republic).

Source: OECD (2024[2]), Economic Outlook 114, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/1f2 (accessed on 12 August 2024).; OECD (2024[3]), Productivity levels, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/1f3 (accessed on 12 August 2024).

Bulgaria’s labour market outcomes have improved across the board, but disparities among population groups as well as high inactivity and informality persist

Bulgaria’s economic growth, coupled with population decline, has contributed to a robust labour market (OECD, 2023[1]). Unemployment rates are among the lowest in the EU at 4.3%, while employment rates have risen to match the OECD and EU averages at 70% (OECD, 2024[4]). Real wage growth has also been strong, driven by productivity gains, but also in part by labour shortages. While shortages are lower than in other EU countries, they remain significant in high-skilled jobs and are expected to increase as the workforce continues to shrink (OECD, 2023[1]).

Bulgaria’s high employment rate masks labour market weaknesses that hinder equity and growth. Vulnerable groups, notably youth, individuals with low educational attainment, rural residents, and ethnic minorities, face lower employment levels (see Figure 2.2). While this is the case in many OECD countries, employment disparities are significantly larger in Bulgaria. For instance, only 19% of young Bulgarians are employed compared to 83% of prime-age adults (see Figure 2.2). This gap is almost double the average gap in OECD countries, where 44% of youth are in employment compared to 80% of adults. In addition, high labour inactivity – affecting over a quarter of the working-age population – remains a barrier to raising productivity as in many OECD countries (OECD, 2023[1]). The lack of adequate care services in Bulgaria keeps caregivers – often women, due to gender norms – out of employment. Informal employment, which accounts for up to 19% of Bulgaria’s economic activity, higher than in most OECD countries, also contributes to inactivity (Medina and Schneider, 2018[5]). Addressing high informality and inactivity has become a key policy priority for Bulgarian authorities (OECD, 2025[6]).

Figure 2.2. Overall employment is on par with the OECD average but disparities among population groups are marked

Employment rates by socio-demographic groups, as a percentage of the working-age population of the indicated group, 2023

Note: The EU average is provided when the OECD average is not available. The EU average includes all 27 member states of the EU as of 2020, after Brexit. Low education level refers to below upper-secondary attainment (ISCED 0-2); mid-education level refers to upper secondary and post-secondary non-tertiary attainment (ISCED 3-4); high education level refers to tertiary attainment (ISCED 5-8).

Source: OECD (2024[7]), Employment and unemployment by five-year age group and sex – indicators, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/1f4 (accessed on 12 August 2024); OECD (2023[8]), Employment rates of adults, by educational attainment, age group and gender, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/1f5 (accessed on 12 August 2024); Eurostat (2023[9]), Employment rates by sex, age and degree of urbanisation (%), https://doi.org/10.2908/LFST_R_ERGAU; OECD (2023[1]), OECD Economic Surveys: Bulgaria 2023, https://doi.org/10.1787/5ca812a4-en.

The benefits of economic growth are unequally distributed across the country

Income inequality, measured by the Gini coefficient, has widened over time in Bulgaria: from 0.356 in 2012 to 0.383 in 2021 (OECD, 2024[10]). By this measure, Bulgaria has the highest income inequality in the EU and the fifth highest among OECD countries (see Figure 2.3). Over half of income inequality is attributed to inequality of opportunity, that is, arising from circumstances beyond an individual’s control (World Bank, 2024[11]). Moreover, despite an overall decrease in poverty rates, 20.6% of Bulgaria’s population was at risk of poverty in 2023, compared to the EU average of 16.2% (Eurostat, 2024[12]) and material deprivation remains high (OECD, 2025[6]). OECD analysis shows that the policy response to poverty and inequality – such as sufficient social coverage or progressive tax policies – is relatively weak in Bulgaria compared to OECD countries (OECD, 2023[1]).

Figure 2.3. Income inequality is high, with one in five Bulgarians at risk of poverty

Note: In Panel A, the Gini coefficient measures income inequality on a scale of 0 to 1 where 0 indicates perfect equality and 1 indicates perfect inequality. In Panel B, the population at risk of poverty refers to the share of individuals whose equivalised disposable income falls below 60% of the national median, after social transfers.

Source: OECD (2021[13]), Income Distribution Database, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/1f6 (accessed on 12 August 2024); Eurostat (2023[14]), People at risk of poverty after social transfer, https://doi.org/10.2908/TIPSLC20.

Socio-economic inequalities in Bulgaria are highly pronounced along geographical lines (OECD, 2021[15]). Territorial disparities have been summarised by the concept of the “island of prosperity” with significant differences between the economically developed and urban capital region of Sofia and the other, economically lagging and predominantly rural regions – although cities such as Plovdiv, Varna and Burgas are emerging as economic centres (see Figure 2.4). In 2020, the GDP per capita in the capital region was at 92% of the EU average, while other regions ranged from 36% to 42% (European Commission, 2023[16]). Poverty rates are also significantly higher in rural areas than in cities - 39% vs. 22% respectively in 2023 (Eurostat, 2024[17]). These lagging areas often have more limited access to education, especially at ECEC and tertiary levels, and employment opportunities. They also tend to have higher concentrations of people who are low-educated, inactive and from ethnic minority groups (see Figure 2.4) (OECD, 2023[1]). These intersecting factors further affect unequal participation in social life and the labour market.

Roma and Turkish minorities constitute a notable segment of the population and have lower living standards than ethnic Bulgarians

According to the 2021 Population Census, the majority of Bulgaria’s population identifies as ethnically Bulgarian (79%) and considers Bulgarian their mother tongue language (77%) (National Statistical Institute, 2021[18]). The two largest ethnic minority groups in the country are the Turks (8%) and the Roma (4%) (National Statistical Institute, 2021[18]). The rights of minorities are protected in law, but discrimination against minorities is still widespread in society (Ivanova, Koleva and Chafkarov, 2022[19]). Bulgaria has taken steps to promote the socio-economic inclusion of minorities (e.g. the National Strategy for Equality, Inclusion and Participation of the Roma) (Government of Bulgaria, 2021[20]). However, disparities in living standards are marked: 82% of the Roma and 37% of the Turkish population in Bulgaria were at risk of poverty or social exclusion in 2022, compared to 25% of ethnic Bulgarians (National Statistical Institute, 2023[21]). Lower educational attainment also hinders minorities' labour market participation (see below), resulting in relatively higher inactivity rates and overrepresentation in low-skilled jobs (OECD, 2023[1]).

Figure 2.4. Minorities typically live in regions with low GDP per capita

NUTS 3 regions in Bulgaria by GDP per capita and by high concentration of minorities, 2021

Note: GDP per capita is expressed at current market prices and in purchasing power standard (PPS from EU-27 2020) per inhabitant. A region is defined as having a high concentration of minorities if the percentage of its minority population is in the top quarter of all regions, exceeding the upper quartile threshold of 12.4% for Turkish minorities and 6.4% for Roma minorities.

Source: Eurostat (2024[22]), Gross domestic product (GDP) at current market prices by NUTS 3 region, https://doi.org/10.2908/NAMA_10R_3GDP; National Statistical Institute (2021[18]), Census 2021, https://www.nsi.bg/en/content/3077/census (accessed on 12 August 2024).

Bulgaria’s population is shrinking at a faster pace than most OECD countries

Bulgaria has one of the world’s fastest shrinking populations (OECD, 2023[1]). The total population declined from 7.5 to 6.4 million between 2010 and 2023 (National Statistical Institute, 2023[23]). Meanwhile the working-age population shrunk by around 20% since 2010, a trend that is expected to continue (see Figure 2.5). The main drivers are modest fertility rates, net emigration, ageing, and high mortality (OECD, 2023[1]). Birth rates are especially low among educated women who face high opportunity costs to have children, partly since quality childcare is not available countrywide, especially for the youngest children (OECD, 2023[1]). Although declining since 2021, emigration remains high, with about 0.4% of the population – largely of prime working age - leaving the country between 2015 and 2020. The main drivers of emigration are the pursuit of higher wages and education opportunities, often in other EU countries (OECD, 2023[1]; Garrote Sanchez, Kreuder and Testaverde, 2021[24]). In response to these trends, the Bulgarian government introduced a demographic impact assessment for every new piece of legislation in 2021 and is prioritising policies to encourage the return of emigrants, particularly of highly skilled workers (Government of Bulgaria, 2021[25]).

Figure 2.5. Bulgaria’s working age population is shrinking rapidly

Note: In Panel A, working age population includes population aged 15-64.

Source: OECD (2023[26]), Historical population data, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/1f8 (accessed on 13 August 2024); OECD (2023[27]), Population projections, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/1f7 (accessed on 13 August 2024); National Statistical Institute, (2023[23]), Population (Demography, Migration and Projections), https://www.nsi.bg/en/content/2920/population-demography-migration-and-projections (accessed on 13 August 2024).

These demographic changes have important implications for Bulgaria’s education system, with the under‑20 population projected to drop by 30% by 2070 (Eurostat, 2023[28]). This will require efficient planning as the school network adjusts to an overall decline in student numbers, with fewer students in rural areas due to emigration and more students in urban centres, which typically experience migrant inflows (OECD, 2021[15]). Since 2007, Bulgaria has rationalised its school network, though other approaches, such as clustering, have been explored in OECD countries to support remaining small rural schools and guarantee access (see Chapter 4). Bulgaria’s commitment to expanding ECEC provision will also be important given its potential impact on increasing birth rates and parental employment (see Chapter 3).

Bulgaria is a unitary state with largely centralised governance arrangements despite successive attempts at decentralisation

Bulgaria’s territorial organisation comprises 28 districts at the regional level and 265 municipalities at the local level (see Figure 2.6). Municipalities are decentralised, self-governing bodies with elected mayors and councils that govern locally with a degree of autonomy. They are responsible for financing and providing social services, including education. Districts (NUTS-3 level), by contrast, are deconcentrated bodies, meaning they serve as extensions of the central government and administer its policies regionally, with limited autonomy and decision-making authority. In education, each of Bulgaria’s districts has a regional department of education (RED) that is responsible for helping to implement national policies and supporting kindergartens and schools to improve quality. Bulgaria also has 6 large-scale planning regions (NUTS-2 level), but these are statistical units without administrative authority or legal status, often used in the context of EU funding and policies.

Bulgaria has been gradually decentralising its governance since the 1990s. A recent OECD review of regional development in Bulgaria pointed to several challenges in this decentralisation process (OECD, 2021[15]). Often, sub-national authorities in Bulgaria are not equipped with sufficient resources to carry out their intended functions. For example, municipalities’ ability to shape policy or contribute to local development remains limited due to their dependence on central-level transfers and EU funds, as well as detailed norms on spending from the central level. At the same time, municipalities’ capacity to raise their own funds varies and is typically limited, further contributing to geographical disparities in service provision. Similarly, districts lack the human capital, financial resources, and authority to implement national policies and support regional development. This is also evident in education where REDs are under-resourced and -staffed, which, combined with high administrative burden, hinders their ability to support quality improvements in kindergartens and schools in their jurisdictions (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]) (see Chapter 4). Looking forward, Bulgaria is expected to implement a reform roadmap, recently designed in partnership with the Council of Europe, to improve fiscal decentralisation and local financial management with a view to increase local autonomy, including in public education services (Council of Europe, 2024[30]).

Figure 2.6. Responsibilities for public governance are shared across levels

Source: OECD (2021[15]), Decentralisation and Regionalisation in Bulgaria, https://doi.org/10.1787/b5ab8109-en.

Political instability and corruption pose obstacles to good governance and reforms

Since 2021, there have been seven parliamentary elections in Bulgaria. The latest parliamentary elections, which were held in October 2024, led to the formation of a new coalition government in January 2025. Bulgaria’s political instability over the past years has caused delays in the adoption of major reform programmes, with implications for both growth and social development (OECD, 2023[1]). This instability has also eroded public confidence and engagement in the political system. This was evident in the June 2024 parliamentary elections, which had the lowest voter turnout (34%) since 1989 (Central Election Commission, 2024[31]). Youth are particularly disengaged in Bulgaria, demonstrating lower levels of civic participation and competencies compared to peers in other European countries (Eurobarometer, 2024[32]; Schulz et al., 2024[33]).

Political instability in Bulgaria has often been linked with high profile corruption scandals. According to Transparency International, Bulgaria ranked second highest in perceived level of public sector corruption in the EU (Transparency International, 2023[34]). Corruption affects a range of sectors and education is no exception. In the 2023 Eurobarometer survey, one in five respondents stated that bribery and abuse of power for personal gain are widespread in education (compared to 1 in 7 respondents in the EU) (European Commission, 2023[35]). Positively, fighting corruption has been a priority for the Bulgarian government, reflected in the adoption of anti-corruption strategies and the establishment of the inter‑ministerial National Council on Anti-Corruption Policies in 2015. The latest Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2021-2027 emphasizes the critical role of education in raising awareness about corruption and aims to better integrate anti-corruption education into curricula as part of civic education (Government of Bulgaria, 2021[36]).

Main features of the education and skills system in Bulgaria

Structure of education

The Bulgarian Constitution guarantees the right to free education for all individuals in public pre-primary, primary and secondary education institutions (Eurydice, 2023[37]). Like many OECD countries, Bulgaria has gradually expanded compulsory education, lowering the starting age from 5 to 4 years old in 2023-24 (see Figure 2.7). With compulsory education in Bulgaria ending at age 16, the duration (12 years) is now slightly longer than the OECD average (11 years). However, instruction time remains lower than the OECD average (OECD, 2024[38]) (see Chapter 4).

While compulsory pre-school (ISCED 02) starts at age 4, children are legally entitled to a free place at entry to ECEC at 3 months. Young children from 3 months-old to 3 years old typically attend nurseries, while those above age 3 attend kindergartens (although some may start at age 2) (Eurydice, 2023[37]). Most students in Bulgaria enter primary school (ISCED 1) at age 7 and stay in the same school until the end of lower secondary (ISCED 2) at Grade 7. After this stage, students are tracked into upper secondary schools (ISCED 3) offering different types of general or vocational education and training (VET) programmes. Slightly over half of students (55% in 2022) attend VET schools (OECD, 2024[38]). While the last two years of upper secondary school are not compulsory, most students today - 87% of 17- and 18- year-olds in 2022 – enrol (OECD, 2024[39]). Students who complete general programmes must pass the state matriculation exam (hereafter, the Matura) to earn their qualification and pursue tertiary education. Those who complete VET programmes must pass a vocational qualification exam but can also choose to sit the Matura if they wish to pursue tertiary education.

Post-schooling is dominated by higher academic study programmes (ISCED 6+) provided by universities, specialised higher schools, or independent colleges (see Chapter 5). While some post-secondary non‑tertiary education programmes (ISCED 4) exist, these options remain largely underdeveloped in Bulgaria (OECD, 2023[40]) (see Chapter 6). Moreover, none of Bulgaria’s tertiary education institutions currently offer short cycle tertiary programmes (ISCED 5).

Figure 2.7. Structure of the education system in Bulgaria

Source: OECD (2024[41]), Education GPS - Bulgaria: Overview of the education system (EAG 2024), https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?plotter=h5&primaryCountry=BGR&treshold=5&topic=EO (accessed on 4 February 2025).

Public provision dominates at all education levels except post-secondary non-tertiary

In 2022, nearly all students (97-98%) in pre-primary, primary, lower and upper secondary levels were enrolled in a public institution, as was the majority (91%) of students in tertiary education (OECD, 2024[42]). These shares of public enrolment are above the OECD average but in line with those of OECD-CEE countries. Public enrolment is especially high in pre-primary compared to the OECD average (69%). The only sector where private provision dominates is post-secondary non-tertiary education, where only 29% of students were enrolled in a public institution in 2022 compared to the OECD average of 43% (OECD, 2024[42]). However, this is double the share of a decade ago, pointing to the strengthening of public provision at this level.

Education provision varies between urban and rural areas, posing challenges to accessibility

In Bulgaria, education and training institutions are largely concentrated in cities. For example, 40% of municipalities – mostly remote and rural – have only one or two kindergartens, whereas large cities like Plovdiv have 59 kindergartens, Varna 61 and Sofia 291 (National Statistical Institute, 2024[43]). Similarly, nearly half of Bulgaria’s tertiary education institutions (22 out of 51) are clustered in the capital Sofia (National Statistical Institute, 2024[43]). The fewer number of educational institutions in rural areas partly reflects the smaller and declining student population in these areas and partly resource shortages. This has important implications for educational choice, as limited programme options and longer travel time can discourage rural students from attending school, contributing to higher dropout and lower tertiary attainment rates among rural populations (see below) (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]). At the same time, even in urban areas with higher number of educational institutions, internal migration has increased student numbers, resulting in shortages of education premises in cities and to overcrowding and double shifts in many urban schools (Eurydice, 2023[37]). Managing education networks for greater access, efficiency and quality has been at the centre of Bulgarian school policy for over a decade (see Chapter 4) and is increasingly a priority in the tertiary education sector (see Chapter 5). Positively, Bulgaria’s long-standing efforts to even out educational resources across regions and neighbourhoods, including through changes in its funding formula (see below), have been bearing fruit: based on PISA 2022 results, variations in educational resource shortages between rural and urban areas and poor and wealthy neighbourhoods in Bulgaria were smaller than those in OECD countries on average (OECD, 2023[44]).

Students are tracked into specialised upper secondary pathways relatively early through a highly competitive process, while admissions into tertiary programmes is less selective

Students in Bulgaria are tracked into upper secondary programmes around 13 years old, one of the earliest tracking ages among OECD countries (OECD, 2024[38]). Entry into upper secondary programmes is selective, and highly competitive for elite schools. Selection is primarily based on student results in the National External Assessment (NEA) and teacher-assigned grades (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]). Early selection largely based on numerical marks raises equity concerns, in particular in a context where student outcomes are strongly associated with socio-economic background, and risks confining students in pathways that do not reflect their interests and abilities as they mature (OECD, 2024[45]). Previous OECD analysis has also raised concerns about the validity of the NEA as a selection tool and the reliability of teacher-assigned grades (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]). Admission to tertiary education programmes is relatively less selective. After passing the Matura and receiving their secondary school diploma, students can apply for tertiary education. Few students fail the Matura (10% in 2024) (Regional Profiles, 2024[46]; OECD, 2023[47]) and over 50% of the cohort achieve “excellent” scores in subjects like foreign languages, chemistry and environmental protection (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]). Bulgaria has been working to enhance the Matura’s validity, reliability, and public trust, with most public universities now using students’ results on the exam as an entry requirement. However, certain aspects of the Matura still hinder its use in consistently certifying learning against national standards and indicating students’ readiness for higher education (see Chapters 4 and 5).

Bulgaria has an ageing teaching workforce and faces challenges in retaining young teachers and strengthening quality and innovation in teaching

Teachers in Bulgaria are among the oldest in the OECD and EU, and this has implications for both teacher supply and the quality of education. At early childhood level, 40% of teachers are aged at least 50, compared to the OECD average of 30% (OECD, 2024[48]). This percentage is even higher at the primary, secondary and tertiary levels, where nearly half of teachers are aged 50 and older, compared to 35-40% in the OECD (see Figure 2.8). With a significant proportion of teachers expected to retire within the next decade, Bulgaria anticipates teacher shortages, already apparent in the school sector - notably in primary education, STEM and VET subjects, and in rural areas (European Commission, 2023[49]). Bulgaria has taken measures to attract more young talents into teaching, including raising teacher salaries, as well as waiving tuition fees for initial teacher education programmes and offering scholarships. These efforts have led to a 31% increase in interest in Bachelor’s programmes in education between 2019 and 2024 (European Commission, 2024[50]). However, many graduates do not enter the profession and many novice teachers leave after their first year (World Bank, 2020[51]), pointing to issues with selection and preparation of teacher candidates.

The ageing teaching workforce, combined with issues related to the quality and relevance of professional development, poses challenges to enhancing quality and innovation in teaching. In the school sector, Bulgaria has made progress in strengthening the links between promotion, performance and pay, as well as expanding professional training opportunities. However, opportunities for classroom-relevant and practical training remain limited, and established teaching practices have been slow to evolve in line with the country’s student-centered, competence-based curriculum (see Chapter 4). At the tertiary level, while recent policy efforts have aimed to increase entry-level salaries, a seniority-based career advancement structure and the low turnover of senior staff make it hard to attract young academics and are seen to disincentivize improvements in teaching performance, quality and innovation (see Chapter 5).

Figure 2.8. Nearly half of Bulgaria’s teaching workforce is aged at least 50 or older

Share of teachers at least 50 years old, by education level, 2022

Note: The OECD-EU average includes the 25 countries that are members or accession countries of both the EU and the OECD (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, and Sweden). Countries are sorted in descending order of the share of teachers at least 50 years old in primary education.

Source: OECD (2024[48]), Share of teachers by age range, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/px (accessed on 18 November 2024).

Governance of the education and skills system

The Ministry of Education and Science is responsible for setting education and skills policies with support from specialised bodies

In Bulgaria, the Ministry of Education and Science (hereafter MES) is the central authority responsible for the development and implementation of education and skills policy. It comprises 16 specialised directorates and is supported by multiple specialised agencies (see Figure 2.9). Some agencies are subordinate to the MES while others, such as the National Inspectorate of Education (hereafter the Inspectorate) and the National Evaluation and Accreditation Agency, are independent and subordinate to the Council of Ministers. In addition to central bodies, MES has territorial offices (REDs), located in the administrative centre of each of the country’s 28 deconcentrated regions. Until recently, REDs had a mandate to monitor and evaluate kindergartens and schools but with the creation of the Inspectorate in 2018, their role has shifted to providing these institutions with methodological support. Bulgaria’s educational bodies tend to operate in silos, with limited internal co-ordination and exchange of information and data. For example, limited co-ordination and clarity over the division of responsibilities between the Directorate of Content and the Centre for Assessment (now the Institute of Education) in the development of the Matura have led to a gap in ensuring the alignment of the exam with learning standards (see Chapter 4). Resource constraints, moreover, prevent these bodies from fully delivering on their mandates. For instance, the Inspectorate is under-staffed and, as a result, unable to conduct external evaluations of kindergartens and only able to review a limited number of schools each year, leaving many without timely feedback on their performance and how to improve.

Figure 2.9. The education and skills system is largely centralised under the Ministry of Education and Science

Source: Eurydice (2023[37]); National Education Systems – Bulgaria, https://eurydice.eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-education-systems/bulgaria/overview (accessed on 10 Septermber 2024); Guthrie et al. (2022[29]), OECD Reviews of Evaluation and Assessment in Education: Bulgaria, https://doi.org/10.1787/57f2fb43-en.

The MES shares certain responsibilities with other ministries but limited co-ordination hinders delivery

While the MES is responsible for education policies covering kindergarten to tertiary levels, some areas fall within the responsibility of other line ministries, such as the Ministry of Health on nurseries and the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy on VET and skills policies (Eurydice, 2023[37]). It is also common for OECD countries to share responsibilities for education and skills across line ministries, especially in these areas (OECD, 2023[40]). However, inter-ministerial co-ordination is limited in Bulgaria, which ranks 37th of 41 countries in this area according to the Bertelsmann Foundation’s 2022 Sustainable Governance Indicators (Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2022[52]). This creates several challenges. For example, there are divergences in the content and pedagogies adopted in the ECEC programmes for children aged 0-3 led by the Ministry of Health and those for children aged 3-7 led by the MES (Ministry of Education and Science of Bulgaria, 2023[53]). In the skills sector, limited inter-ministerial co-ordination has led to a proliferation of related but separate projects and policies, many of which are not fully implemented or evaluated (European Structural and Investment Funds and World Bank Group, 2020[54]) (see Chapter 6).

Local and institutional actors have considerable autonomy in specific education areas but play a limited role in shaping policies and programmes, partly due to capacity constraints

In line with Bulgaria’s decentralisation efforts since 2007, subnational actors have gradually acquired greater responsibilities and autonomy in the education system (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]). At the local level, municipalities have key responsibilities for managing ECEC centres and schools, including their construction and maintenance, health and security provision, and student transportation and scholarships. In fact, nearly all kindergartens and 90% of primary and general secondary schools are owned by municipalities. The only state-owned schools are VET, arts and sports ones as well as kindergartens and schools with “protected” status – a government published list of 264 institutions that cannot be closed if it means a significant number of students would need to travel long distances to attend school (Council of Ministers, 2023[55]). Despite having key responsibilities, municipalities remain largely dependent on fiscal transfers and policy direction from the central government (OECD, 2023[40]). Combined with limited capacity, this results in municipalities playing a limited role in developing local education and skills policy and implementing targeted interventions.

At the institutional level, ECEC settings can have control of their own budgets, although this is usually managed by municipalities. Schools, on the other hand, enjoy autonomy over personnel-related decisions and have a delegated budget that grants them a high degree of flexibility over how to allocate the public funds they receive (World Bank, 2020[51]). Curriculum and assessment policies are centrally determined and seen as relatively prescriptive. However, “innovative schools” (over 540 of them in 2023/4, equivalent to about one fifth of schools across the country), apply for greater autonomy in designing up to 10% of their curricula, as well as changing school management and innovating teaching practices (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]; YouthWiki, 2024[56]). Tertiary education institutions have important dimensions of autonomy like in many OECD countries, including setting their own admissions policies, managing staff and public funding allocations, and developing curricula. However, their ability to exercise this autonomy is constrained by weak internal governance capacity as well as detailed decrees from central authorities that regulate some of their operations, including the initiation of study programmes and career advancement criteria. While strong regulatory oversight is designed to prevent corruption, it stands in tension to other policies designed to make tertiary education institutions more innovative and responsive to the economy (see Chapter 5).

Bulgaria has established several consultative mechanisms to increase public participation in education policymaking

Stakeholders in Bulgaria can shape education policy by proposing legislative amendments, joining working groups, and providing input through the Bulgarian Portal for Public Consultation (European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, 2023[57]). Formal consultative bodies also exist, notably in the area of VET and skills, and engage in policy discussions and advice (see Figure 2.9). At the municipal level, Bulgaria has municipal youth councils and Children’s Parliaments that consult authorities on youth policy, while at the institutional level, school councils enable parental involvement in school life (YouthWiki, 2024[56]). The growing number of mechanisms for social dialogue has enabled greater stakeholder participation in Bulgaria’s education governance, especially in a context of low civic engagement and public trust. However, there are challenges to making their use more systematic and impactful. Input from consultative bodies and working groups is often sought on an ad-hoc basis and there is no system in place to follow through on their recommendations, limiting their ability to shape policy long-term. Moreover, the fragmentation and proliferation of working groups and limited transparency around their agendas and selection criteria can also reduce their impact.

Bulgaria has improved data availability but the use of the collected data for policymaking remains limited

Bulgaria has made progress in improving data availability, particularly in the schooling and tertiary sectors through data portals and publishing of administrative data. However, significant gaps remain, especially in the ECEC sector where comparative data on nursery enrolment and investments are not available (see Chapter 3). Data collection is also fragmented, and data sharing within the MES and beyond is a highly regulated and cumbersome process. One reason for this is the lack of shared data collection standards and definitions. For instance, MES data is not always compatible with EU standards, requiring the National Statistical Institute to collect separate education data in certain instances for EU reporting (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]). Efforts to address these issues are underway, including plans for the development of an integrated Education Management Information System (EMIS).

While data availability has improved overall, the use of data to inform policymaking remains limited. There are a few exceptions, such as the use of the University Ranking System which consolidates data from different sources to compare and rank professional fields, or the Higher Education Map which provides data on the spatial distribution of tertiary education and guides decisions on the opening, closure, and expansion of programmes based on regional and labour market needs (see Chapter 5). The limited use of data is partly tied to capacity constraints within the MES. For instance, the MES lacks a dedicated statistical or analytical unit (Ministry of Education and Science of Bulgaria, 2023[53]). Additionally, much of the collected data is not shared with educational institutions, which only have access to their own data and do not receive benchmarked data to compare their performance to that of other institutions (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]).

Funding of the education and skills system

Public spending on education has increased considerably but remains low compared to OECD peers

Public spending on primary to tertiary education in Bulgaria has been steadily increasing over the past decade, rising by 45% in absolute terms between 2013 and 2021 (OECD, 2024[58]). This increased public investment in education, underpinned by significant EU funding, has helped Bulgaria offer free ECEC to families with young children and raise teacher salaries. Combined with a declining student population, the increase has also led per-student spending across primary to tertiary education to more than double between 2013 and 2021 (2 876 to 6885 USD PPP) (OECD, 2024[59]). Despite this growth, Bulgaria’s per‑student spending stands at half the OECD average and is one of the lowest among regional peers as of 2021 (see Figure 2.10). Public education spending as a share of GDP in Bulgaria (3.0%) also remains well below the OECD (4.2%) and OECD-CEE (3.7%) averages, despite significant growth since 2016 (see Figure 2.10).

As in other countries, the distribution of public spending varies across different levels of education (see Figure 2.10). Bulgaria spends proportionally less than OECD peers on primary (2.3% in Bulgaria vs 3.2% OECD average) and tertiary education (2% vs 2.8%) (OECD, 2024[60]). However, public investment in pre-school is relatively high as a share of government spending – 2.5% compared to 1.7% in the OECD on average, reflecting the prioritisation of the expansion of the sector.

Figure 2.10. Public spending on education remains low but is increasing and notably strong in the pre-primary sector

Source: OECD (2024[38]), Education at a Glance 2024, https://doi.org/10.1787/c00cad36-en.

Most of the education and skills system is financed by the government through funds transferred from central to local and institutional levels

Education in Bulgaria is predominantly publicly funded, with 86% of total expenditure from primary to tertiary education coming from the government in 2021, in line with the OECD average of 84% (see Figure 2.11). The share of private funding at the pre-school level is small compared to OECD countries and decreasing in the tertiary sector while increasing in post-secondary non-tertiary education. At present, the share of public spending on tertiary education (63% in 2021) is slightly below the OECD average (69%) but has grown significantly from 50% in 2013 (OECD, 2024[61]). In contrast, the share of public funding for post-secondary non-tertiary education dropped from 74% in 2013 to 10% in 2021, leaving private funding, mainly from households, dominant at this level (OECD, 2024[61]). Adult education is also largely privately funded, with training costs covered by learners, employers, or EU programmes (see Chapter 6).

In Bulgaria, education is mainly funded by the central government, which transfers funds to municipalities that then allocate them to ECEC and schooling institutions (see Figure 2.11). Municipalities often manage the budget of ECEC settings, while schools generally manage their own. Since 2007, funding transfers to municipalities follow a per-capita formula, based primarily on the number of students, as well as other criteria like type of institution and class size (Eurydice, 2023[37]). The transferred funds are, moreover, multiplied by a regional coefficient based on the municipality’s population size and proximity to regional centres. Municipalities are then required to distribute funds to kindergartens and schools using their own formula largely based on student numbers (see Chapter 4). Since 2018, Bulgaria’s funding formula has been improved to better address equity considerations. For example, institutions with a high concentration of socio-economically disadvantaged students (above 20%), those providing in-demand specialties and/or considered protected receive extra funding, as do small – often also rural and disadvantaged – kindergartens and schools (Eurydice, 2023[37]). In tertiary education, public institutions receive state subsidies based on a performance-based funding steering system (see Chapter 5).

Figure 2.11. The central government finances the education system by allocating funds to local levels

Note: Panel B illustrates the distribution of expenditure after final transfer of funds from the central to the local government. Post-secondary education includes both non-tertiary and tertiary education.

Source: OECD (2024[38]), Education at a Glance 2024, https://doi.org/10.1787/c00cad36-en.

Objectives of the education and skills system and main reforms

Bulgaria’s Strategic Framework for Education guides its long-term vision and goals for education and skills

Bulgaria’s Strategic Framework for the Development of Education, Training, and Learning 2021–2030 (hereafter Strategic Framework for Education) sets nine long-term priorities for the country’s education and skills system (see Box 2.1). Building on previous strategies, it continues to prioritise access to quality lifelong learning – including by expanding ECEC, continuing efforts to combat early school leaving and improving relevance and efficiency of tertiary education, as well as fostering the inclusion of vulnerable groups (Ministry of Education and Science of Bulgaria, 2021[62]). Modernising curricula and raising the quality and attractiveness of the teaching profession are also lasting priorities. Notably, the Strategic Framework for Education adopts a forward-looking vision, highlighting the importance of education in an evolving economy driven by technological change. As such, it puts a stronger emphasis on aligning skills and professions with labour market demands, integrating interactive and innovative teaching practices, and advancing the digital transformation of education. These priorities have been formulated based on a thorough analysis of the Bulgarian education system and are in line with EU standards. Nonetheless, the strategy provides a limited set of indicators to monitor progress toward objectives, which is further complicated by fragmented responsibilities and resources (including data) to do so (see Chapter 4). The Strategic Framework for Education is complemented by sector-specific strategies on Higher Education and Skills, although no dedicated strategy exists for ECEC or school sectors.

Box 2.1. Bulgaria has a wide range of priorities for its education and skills system

Table 2.1. Priority areas in Bulgaria’s Strategic Framework for Education

Priority Areas
1- Early childhood development	Ensuring early participation in high-quality ECEC, as well as a uniform and comprehensive ECEC system.
2- Competences and talents	Shifting focus from rote learning to developing modern skills, practical knowledge, and social-emotional intelligence.
3- Motivated and creative teachers	Reforming teacher training and career development to implement a competency-based approach to teaching, as well as to attract and retain young educators in the profession and address the unequal geographical distribution of teachers.
4- Cohesive school communities and systematic work with parents	Strengthening school-community relationships to create a positive school climate based on a common system of educational values.
5- Effective inclusion, lasting inclusion and educational integration	Promoting early and equal access to education, preventing dropout and encouraging reintegration, and fostering social inclusion for vulnerable groups.
6- Educational innovation, digital transformation and sustainable development	Advancing innovation in education to stimulate creativity in learning, improve the efficiency of processes, create ICT-based solutions, and advance digital skills and sustainable development.
7- Realisation in the professions of the present and future	Expanding VET to meet labour market demands driven by digitalisation and the green transition, and to promote school-industry partnerships.
8- Lifelong learning	Creating flexible learning opportunities - formal, non-formal, and informal - for upskilling and reskilling, and synchronising efforts of the multiple involved bodies.
9- Efficient management and participation in networks	Enhancing co-ordination, strategic partnerships, and resource-sharing among educational stakeholders to improve system efficiency and policy impact.

Source: Ministry of Education and Science (2021[62]), Strategic Framework for the Development of Education, Training and Learning in the Republic of Bulgaria 2021-2030, https://www.strategy.bg/StrategicDocuments/View.aspx?lang=bg-BG&Id=1399 (accessed on 28 November 2024).

EU funding supports the implementation of national educational goals

Bulgaria ensures its educational objectives are aligned with EU-wide priorities and leverages EU instruments to fund many of its education reforms. Key planning documents such as the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP) 2022-26 and Programme Education 2021-27, funded by European Social Funds Plus (ESF+), provide critical frameworks as well as financial resources for education reform in Bulgaria, complementing the Strategic Framework for Education. For instance, the NRRP allocates EUR 733.5 million to education and skills initiatives - the largest sectoral allocation after smart industry (European Parliament, 2024[63]). However, Bulgaria is facing challenges in effectively absorbing EU funds for reform (World Bank, 2022[64]). Recently, delays caused by political instability have further slowed down the unlocking and use of these funds. By 2023, Bulgaria had disbursed only 22% of its NRRP funding, compared to the EU average of 37%, and fulfilled 6% of its milestones and targets, lagging behind peers like Slovenia (31%) and Romania (14%) (European Court of Auditors, 2024[65]). Given Bulgaria’s limited education budget – most of which is spent on staff salaries (OECD, 2024[58]) – addressing delays in unlocking EU funds will be crucial to advancing the country’s priority reforms.

Trends in access, learning outcomes and equity

Access and participation

Participation in early years and school education has converged with OECD averages, while early school leaving has substantially declined

Participation in education in Bulgaria has been rising over the last decade (see Figure 2.12). Pre-primary enrolment rates have been steadily increasing and, at 85% in 2022 for children aged 3-5, are now on par with the OECD average (87%). However, enrolment for children under the age of 3 remains low. While there is no standardised enrolment data for this age group, available information suggests that participation is below the EU target (45%) (see Chapter 3). In primary and lower secondary education, enrolment rates have declined slightly over the last decade – partly due to demographic trends discussed above – but at around 94% in 2022, they remain close to the OECD average (98%). Meanwhile, upper secondary enrolment rates – which in Bulgaria have been low by EU standard – increased from 77% in 2013 to 84% in 2022 to align exactly with the OECD average, despite being in decline since 2020.

Figure 2.12. Enrolment rates in Bulgaria have converged to OECD averages across education levels

Enrolment rates by education level

Note: This graph shows enrolment rates by age group as an estimate for enrolment by education level. However, age groups do not always match exact education levels. Here, pre-primary enrolment refers to the enrolment rate of children aged 3 to 5, primary and lower secondary cover ages 6 to 14, and upper secondary covers ages 15 to 19.

Source: OECD (2024[39]), Enrolment rate by age, https://data-viewer.oecd.org/?chartId=85621498-2bb9-4243-8502-f5cba7d4f1c9 (accessed on 11 October 2024).

Today, nearly all students in Bulgaria complete primary and lower secondary education. The government has also worked hard over the years to reduce early school leaving and raise upper secondary completion to EU levels (87% in 2023) (UIS, 2024[66]). Between 2014-19, Bulgaria’s early school leaving rate for 18-24 year-olds hovered around 13%, one of the highest rates in the EU (Eurostat, 2024[67]). Key factors contributing to this trend included school closures in rural areas, negative attitudes towards schooling, and unaddressed learning difficulties (Guthrie et al., 2022[29]). Efforts to fight early school leaving began in 2013 and were formalised in 2017 through the “inter-institutional mechanism,” a multi-stakeholder initiative to reintegrate out-of-school children into the educational system. Since 2019, early school leaving has steadily declined, notably in rural areas, and has reached 9.3% in 2023 – below the EU average (9.5%) and nearing the EU 2030 target (9%) (see Figure 2.13). PISA 2022 data also show that Bulgaria has reduced truancy rates below the OECD average, although lateness and absenteeism levels are high (see Chapter 4). Given that irregular attendance can indicate early signs of drop-out, monitoring attendance remains crucial to further reducing early school leaving in Bulgaria.

Bulgaria has managed to increase tertiary education participation, but educational attainment remains overall clustered at mid-level

Gross enrolment rates in tertiary education have risen markedly – from 68% in 2013 to 84% in 2022 – and are on par with the OECD average (81%), albeit in decline since 2020 (UIS, 2024[68]). Looking across the adult population, tertiary education attainment rates are typical for the region, but remain well below the OECD averages – 36% among younger adults aged 25–34 (OECD average: 48%) and 31% among the overall 25–64 age group (OECD average: 41%). The education profile of adults in Bulgaria is distinct in terms of the large share with upper secondary attainment or below and the lack of adults with upper-mid-level qualifications (ISCED 4 and 5) (see Figure 2.13). Opportunities for lifelong learning are limited and participation in adult education is particularly low in Bulgaria: 21% of 18- to 64-year-olds engage in adult learning, compared to 47% in the EU (Eurostat, 2024[69]). Barriers to participation in lifelong learning include limited provision, costs, and low motivation, among others (see Chapter 6).

Figure 2.13. A relatively high share of adults in Bulgaria have below upper secondary attainment

Distribution of adults (25-64 year olds by educational attainment, 2023

Note: Countries are sorted in descending order of share of the population with upper secondary educational attainment or below.

Source: OECD (2024[70]), Adults' educational attainment distribution, by age group and gender, http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/qp (accessed on 27 November 2024).

Quality and outcomes

Many young Bulgarians do not meet minimum proficiency levels in mathematics, reading, and science, as measured by PISA

International assessments show that Bulgarian students in Grade 4 perform comparatively well in reading, mathematics, and science in PIRLS 2021 and TIMSS 2019 (IEA, 2021[71]; Mullis et al., 2020[72]). However, this performance on international assessments is not maintained as students progress through the system. In PISA 2022, 15-year-olds in Bulgaria performed below OECD and OECD-CEE averages across all PISA domains (see Figure 2.14). This low overall performance is largely explained by the large share of students who scored below Level 2 proficiency: 54% in mathematics, 53% in reading and 48% in science. These shares of students in Bulgaria who do not meet the baseline level of skills required for productive participation in society are among the highest in the EU and higher than the OECD average (31% in mathematics, 26% in reading and 25% in science) (OECD, 2023[47]). While trend data from PISA show that prior to 2015 student outcomes had been improving in Bulgaria, in recent years performance has been on decline. PISA 2022 results for Bulgaria reveal that learning outcomes in mathematics and reading dropped back to what they were in 2006 and have reached a historical low in science (OECD, 2023[47]).This downward trend is also visible in many OECD countries and pre-dates the COVID-19 pandemic.

Figure 2.14. Bulgarian students lag significantly behind OECD peers in PISA, with performance continuing to decline

PISA performance trends across domains

Source: OECD (2023[47]), PISA 2022 Results (Volume I), https://doi.org/10.1787/53f23881-en.

Student disruptive behaviour has improved but remains a challenge to improving school climate in Bulgaria

Over the past PISA cycles, Bulgaria has made progress in reducing student disruptive behaviour – namely bullying, classroom discipline, and attendance issues – and, by extension, has improved school climate. For instance, the percentage of Bulgarian students who reported getting hit or pushed around by other students at least a few times a month decreased by a remarkable 10.8 percentage points between PISA 2018 and 2022 (compared to a 3-percentage-point decrease in the OECD). However, many schools still struggle to create a positive environment where students feel safe and engaged. PISA 2022 found that 12.2% of 15-year-olds were frequently bullied – one of the highest rates among OECD countries (average: 8.3%) (OECD, 2023[44]). PISA 2022 results moreover indicate poor classroom discipline: 1 in 4 students report peers not listening to teachers in mathematics lessons, while 1 in 5 experience noise and disorder every mathematics lesson – both double the OECD average (OECD, 2023[44]). The sense of belonging and safety of Bulgarian students is also below the OECD average based on PISA 2022. For example, 10.1% of Bulgarian students disagree or strongly disagree that they feel safe in their classroom, compared to 6.9% of student in the OECD.

Combined, these trends undermine school climate, but addressing them could have a particularly positive impact on student performance in Bulgaria. For instance, a one-unit improvement in disciplinary climate correlates with a 49-point increase in mathematics scores at school level in Bulgaria – nearly double the OECD average of 25 points (OECD, 2023[44]). Similarly, feeling safer at school is linked to a 35-point increase at school level (OECD average: 18 points). To address these challenges, Bulgaria has started implementing initiatives aligned with the European Child Guarantee, including teacher training in anti-bullying, inclusive practices, conflict mediation, and mentoring for students with behavioural issues (Executive Agency, 2021[73]).

Tertiary graduates have similar labour market outcomes to OECD peers, but the insertion is harder for those with lower educational attainment

Over the past decade, Bulgaria has significantly reduced its share of young people neither in employment nor in education and training (NEET), from 25.7% in 2013 to 13.8% in 2023 (see Figure 2.15). However, the NEET rate remains above the EU average (11.2%) (Eurostat, 2024[74]), placing Bulgaria among the least accessible labour markets for young people in the EU. There are notable variations in Bulgaria’s NEET rate based on educational attainment and these variations are more pronounced than in other EU countries (see Figure 2.15). Notably, NEET rates are more than two times higher among youth with less than upper secondary qualifications (19%) than for those with tertiary qualifications (8%) (13% and 8% in the EU respectively) (Eurostat, 2024[74]).

The same pattern is observed in the transition to work after graduation, which is more challenging for those with lower educational attainment. Tertiary graduates in Bulgaria transition to employment at rates similar to the OECD average: 89% are employed 1 to 2 years after graduation and this share does not change much five years after graduation (OECD, 2023[75]). However, the transition is more challenging for upper secondary and post-secondary non-tertiary graduates in Bulgaria, where only 56% are employed 1 to 2 years after graduation, compared to 75% in the OECD on average (OECD, 2023[75]). The employment rate of this group reaches 82% five years after graduation, aligning with OECD peers with the same level of attainment (79% OECD average) but is still below Bulgarians with tertiary attainment. People with lower than upper secondary attainment never catch up: their employment rates are at 48% even over five years after graduation (EU average: 58%) (Eurostat, 2024[76]).

Figure 2.15. NEET rates in Bulgaria have decreased markedly but remain high among youth with low educational attainment

Note: In Panel B, countries are sorted in descending order of NEET rate among youth with low educational attainment.

Source: Eurostat (2024[74]), Young people neither in employment nor in education and training by sex, age and educational attainment level (NEET rates), https://doi.org/10.2908/EDAT_LFSE_21.

Equity

Socio-economic disparities in education are more pronounced in Bulgaria than in most OECD countries

Socio-economic disparities in the Bulgarian education system start early and compound over time. PISA 2022 shows that students who attended ECEC for three or more years performed better than those who had not, but this advantage disappears when accounting for socio-economic background, highlighting unequal access to education in the early years (see Chapter 3). Gaps in the learning outcomes of 4^th-grade students based on their socio-economic status are some of the widest among participating countries in PIRLS 2021 and TIMSS 2019 (see Chapter 4). Furthermore, Bulgaria’s tracking system reinforces inequalities by disproportionately channeling disadvantaged students into VET pathways, often associated with lower outcomes. The share of disadvantaged students in VET in Bulgaria is more than double the OECD average and the gap in VET enrolment between disadvantaged and advantaged students is among the largest regionally (see Figure 2.16). By the time they reach the end of compulsory education, the performance gap between students from the top and bottom socio-economic quartiles is among the widest in the OECD and the chances of disadvantaged students achieving strong academic performance are low: only 7.4% of disadvantaged students in Bulgaria were ‘resilient’ in mathematics in PISA 2022, meaning they scored in the top quarter of performance amongst students in their own country (OECD average: 10.2%) (OECD, 2023[47]). Socio-economic disparities persist beyond schooling, with tertiary education dominated by students from tertiary-educated families and low lifelong learning participation among less-educated adults, presenting a missed opportunity to upskill and reskill those who need it most (see Chapters 5 and 6). Bulgaria has been introducing several policies to address these disparities, including priority social criteria for ECEC enrolment and additional funding to disadvantaged schools.

Figure 2.16. Social and economic factors influence educational participation and programme choice throughout life

Note: In Panel A, vocational programmes also include pre-vocational programmes and a socio-economically disadvantaged (advantaged) student is a student in the bottom (top) quarter of the PISA index of economic, social, and cultural status (ESCS) in his or her own country/economy. In Panel B, adults refer to the population aged 18-64.

Source: OECD, (2023[44]), PISA 2022 Results (Volume II), https://doi.org/10.1787/a97db61c-en; Eurostat (2024[69]), Participation rate in education and training by educational attainment level, https://doi.org/10.2908/TRNG_AES_102.

While Bulgarian youth from cities have outcomes close to EU peers, participation and attainment rates in rural areas are markedly lower

While geographic disparities in education outcomes are common across OECD and EU countries, gaps in Bulgaria are particularly pronounced. For example, while early school leaving has improved overall, it remains four times higher in rural areas (19%) and economically lagging regions like the Southeast (19%) compared to urban areas (4%) and more economically developed regions like the Southwest (5%) (Eurostat, 2024[77]; Eurostat, 2024[78]). By contrast, the urban-rural gap in early school leaving across the EU averages just over one percentage point (9.9% rural vs. 8.6% urban). PISA results highlight significant performance gaps between rural and urban schools, which alongside limited access to quality upper secondary in rural areas, contribute to disengagement and early school leaving outside of Sofia. For students wanting to continue their education after secondary school, opportunities to pursue further education and training are limited in rural areas. Tertiary attainment among 25–34-year‑olds living in Bulgaria’s rural areas is only 15%, half the EU average (32%), whereas it reaches 49% in cities, close to the EU average (53%) (Eurostat, 2024[79]). Employment prospects mirror these disparities: only 7% of youth in Bulgarian cities are NEET, lower than the EU average (10%), but in rural areas, 25% of youth are NEET, more than double the EU rural average (12%) (Eurostat, 2024[80]).

Ethnic minorities fall far behind ethnic Bulgarians in education and labour market outcomes

Roma and, to a lesser extent, Turkish minorities remain disengaged from education in Bulgaria. In 2021, only 58% of young Roma children attended pre-school, compared to over 80% of the general population (Fundamental Rights Agency, 2022[81]). Just 16% of Roma (43% of Turkish) complete upper-secondary education, and only 1% (11% of Turkish) obtain a tertiary degree (respectively 53% and 34% of ethnic Bulgarians) (OECD, 2023[1]). Consequently, as high as 12% of Roma (3% of Turkish) older than 8 years remain illiterate, compared to 0.5% of ethnic Bulgarians (OECD, 2023[1]). These gaps stem from socio‑economic, geographic, and linguistic barriers, as well as varying attitudes toward education. Moreover, the concentration of students from minority backgrounds in the same schools does not help create opportunities for diversified learning environments or social interactions: in 2020, 64% of Roma children aged 6-14 attended schools where most peers were also Roma, up from 58% in 2016 and the second highest rate in the EU (Fundamental Rights Agency, 2022[81]). Low educational attainment translates to weak labour market outcomes, with 54% of Roma aged 16-24 being NEET, compared to 14% of the general population (Fundamental Rights Agency, 2022[81]). These trends in Bulgaria are typical of other EU countries with Roma minorities and progress has been slow across the board to reach EU Roma targets. Ongoing efforts in Bulgaria to improve minorities’ educational outcomes include language support and school desegregation initiatives (Council of Europe, 2022[82]).

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