This chapter provides an overview of significant RBC risks and impacts in sand and silicate supply chains. Each step of the sand and silicate supply chain - from extraction to manufacturing, local or international trade and use, in addition to transport, can be associated with RBC risks. Environmental risks are widespread and widely documented. Risks spanning conflict, human rights abuses and financial crime pertain mainly to upstream segments of sand and silicate supply chains.
Due Diligence for Responsible Sand and Silicate Supply Chains
Abstract
Media, civil society reports and academic research highlighting adverse impacts of sand and silicate extraction have increased in recent years (UNEP, 2019[2]). Heightened awareness of the impacts and risks in sand and silicate supply chains has sparked action by governments in some countries. Belgium, China, the Netherlands, Malaysia, Singapore, Switzerland and Vietnam have taken separate actions to improve governance of sand and silicate production and trade. In the European Union, efforts to foster due diligence and circular economy – including for construction materials and glass products – are gaining momentum. Globally, as demand for sand and silicates is soaring governments are faced with heightened pressure to promote a responsible supply of sand and silicates.
Understanding supply chain risks
Businesses can be linked to adverse impacts through their own operations, their supply chains and business relationships. The term 'risk' in OECD standards on responsible business conduct refers to the likely existence of adverse impacts (to which a business could be linked) or the potential of adverse impacts occurring in the future. In the sand and silicates sector, there is a potential for adverse impacts across the extraction, trading, handling, export and end use stages of the supply chain, and companies should use a risk-based approach, prioritising the most significant risks based on their severity and likelihood, to inform the order in which they assess their relationship to actual and potential adverse impacts and respond to them.
The OECD Minerals Guidance serves as a tool for prioritisation to address the most severe risks in mineral supply chains relating to conflict, human rights abuses and financial crime set out in Annex II of the Guidance (OECD, 2016[80]). The OECD Handbook on Environmental Due Diligence in Mineral Supply Chains contextualises other OECD recommendations on RBC for this set of risks in the minerals sector (OECD, 2023[81]). Broader risks related to labour, communities, and corruption are addressed in cross-sectoral RBC standards such as the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on Responsible Business Conduct and the OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Business Conduct (OECD, 2018[82]; 2023[83]). The OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Meaningful Stakeholder Engagement in the Extractive Sector is also relevant to ensuring fair benefits to mining communities and managing the interface with the informal sector and adjacent or overlapping livelihood activities (OECD, 2017[84]).
Please note that this section provides examples of risks and adverse impacts in sand and silicate supply chains across sectors and regions. Risks and impacts are mapped against the OECD Minerals Guidance and the OECD Handbook on Environmental Due Diligence in Mineral Supply Chains. All examples provided are indicative and non-exhaustive. They are intended to point the reader to the types of risks and impacts that can potentially materialise in sand and silicate supply chains. Considering the extent and diversity of these supply chains with extraction, trading, processing and handling taking place in nearly every country in the world, risks and adverse impacts linked to the sector likely exceed the examples cited in this section. Upstream risks are more widely discussed in the literature and are therefore more strongly reflected in this section which does not preclude the existence RBC risks in relevant mid- and downstream sectors. The diversity of the sector also means that risk profiles can vary significantly from one commodity to another. Companies should always take a risk-based approach to their due diligence. This means that the measures that an enterprise takes to conduct due diligence should be commensurate to the severity and likelihood of the adverse impact. When the likelihood and severity of an adverse impact is high, then due diligence should be more extensive.
Risks related to serious human rights abuses, conflict financing and financial crimes
Serious associated with the extraction, transport or trade of minerals
The risk of forced labuslabour can exist in relation to mineral production and initial processing of construction materials (clay, bricks) (Dodd, Guthrie and Dumay, 2023[85]), as well as in international supply chains from automotives to dimension stones and solar panels, including in the manufacturing stages of specific products. The literature points to relevant risks in countries such as India, Indonesia, China, Bangladesh, Iran and Oman (Mercedes-Benz Group, November 2023[86]; American Bar Association, 2020[87]; Murphy and Elimä, 2021[88]) involving local or migrant labour. For example, in the sandstone industry in India, bonded labour obligations may be transferred from quarry workers to their spouses after workers deceased because they had contracted silicosis (American Bar Association, 2020[87]). The large footprint of solar-grade polysilicon production facilities in regions with risks of forced labour has been highlighted and makes the solar supply chain particularly vulnerable to this type of risk (U.S. Department of Labor, 2020[89]).
Cases involving child labour in sand and silicate supply chains may exist in relation to sand and silicate extraction for local use, in sand, clay and stone materials, as well as brick making. Available reports point to examples in countries like Morocco (Abderrahmane, 2022[52]), Indonesia (Arrozy and Edytya, 2022[90]) and India (American Bar Association, 2020[87]) as well as countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (Charles and Tychsen, 2023[91]). Child labour has also been identified as a potential risk in the automotive glass supply chain (Mercedes-Benz Group, November 2023[86]). It is important to note that children can sometimes be present on sand and silicate extraction sites in the company of their working parents and while not working themselves. In this context, children can nevertheless be exposed to prevailing risks and impacts (UNDP, 2018[29]). In some cases, children may directly participate in sand and silicate production including in the transportation of material, when guarding site entrances or trading materials in the pursuit of better livelihood opportunities (Tychsen, 2023[92]; American Bar Association, 2020[87]).
Further research is needed to assess whether reported incidents of child labour in sand and silicate supply chains meet the definition of worst forms of child labour. The latter comprises all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery including forced labour, child prostitution, the use of children for illicit activities and work likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children (International Labour Organisation, 1999[93]). OECD standards and accompanying publications like the Practical actions for companies to identify and address the worst forms of child labour in mineral supply chains call on companies to suspend or discontinue engagement with suppliers if they are linked to worst forms of child labour and do not immediately end the use of child labour in their supply chains (OECD, 2017[94]). Measures to address child labour will seek to prevent the child from being pushed into a more precarious situation and avoid situations where the child is further penalised.
The literature illustrates how murders and assassinations may materialise in sand mining, pointing to examples in Asia (Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka) and Africa (Kenya, Morocco), among other regions. These cases can involve police officers, local journalists and environmental defenders and more research is needed to understand whether these types of violent or criminal behaviour can amount to incidents of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment in sand and silicate supply chains. Sometimes, violence in sand and silicate extraction and trade can be explicitly linked to illegal extraction as cases in Africa (Algeria, Ghana, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, The Gambia) and Asia (India) illustrate (Rege and Lavorgna, 2017[95]; Jeyaranjan, 2019[96]; Ameziane and Suykens, 2023[97]; Charles and Tychsen, 2023[91]). However, not all illegal sand and silicate production and trade is necessarily associated with violence and may be more related to informality than criminality.
Illegal sand and silicate extraction and trade can occur in all regions including those with strong governance. While the majority of illegal sand and silicate extraction seems to be local, some cases involve external or foreign actors – at times working alongside local residents, at others having a coercive relationship with local communities – in illegal extraction and trade. The term ‘sand mafia’, while often used to highlight sand extraction with links to criminal networks has commonly been used to refer to instances of informal extraction that are not necessarily linked to organised crime. Disentangling criminality from informal mining and trade is challenging but important. Conflating them can oversimplify a multifaceted subject and has the potential to stigmatise informal miners who are typically not in positions of power and may not otherwise be associated with risks or criminality.
Sources: Rege and Lavorgna (2017[95]), Organization, operations, and success of environmental organized crime in Italy and India: A comparative analysis, https://doi.org/10.1177/147737081664962; Daghar (2022[98]), Kenya’s sand cartels: Ecosystems, lives and livelihoods lost, https://enact-africa.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/2022-035-03-sand-research-paper-26.pdf; Charles and Tychsen (2023[91]), La mine artisanale en Afrique Centrale, du Nord et de l’Est francophones: Guide pratique.
Violence at work (Lamb, Marschke and Rigg, 2019[99]; Charles and Tychsen, 2023[91]) and risks relating to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) may exist in the context of artisanal sand and silicate mining sites or in the construction sector. The literature provides relevant examples for Latin America, Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa (EBRD, CDC and IFC, 2020[100]; Asegu et al., 2023[101]). Gender-based discrimination can also exist in sand and silicate supply chains. Available reports point to examples in Nigeria where women may face barriers to participation in aggregate production (Bendixen et al., 2023[102]) or to Mexico and Central Africa where discrimination can disadvantage women and limit their access to equal pay in the sand and silicate sector (Kauffer and Torres, 2023[103]; Charles and Tychsen, 2023[91]; UNDP, 2019[49]).
Direct or indirect support to non-state armed groups
Non-state armed groups, especially where they control or have influence over economic activities, can be involved in the extraction and use of sand and silicates.1 Multiple reports illustrate how organised crime networks – some of whom operate in ways similar to non-state armed groups – can be involved in and benefit from sand and silicate extraction, processing, transportation or trade in India (Mahadevan, 2019[104]), Italy (Rege and Lavorgna, 2017[95]), Morocco (Abderrahmane, 2022[52]), Nepal (Hoffmann, 2021[105]) and Kenya (Daghar, 2022[98]). Furthermore, the case of the French construction materials company Lafarge providing financial support to ISIS and the Al Nusra Front during the Syrian civil war suggests that the relationship between sand and silicate extraction and support for non-state armed groups or serious human rights violations, particularly relating to construction in conflict zones, calls for ongoing monitoring and further exploration (Holcim, 2022[106]; European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHRR), 2024[107]; Office of Public Affairs, US Department of Justice, 2018[108]).
Risks related to public or private security forces
Risks related to public or private security forces may exist in multiple sand and silicate supply chains. Available reports point to the use of excessive force by private and public security forces, for example in Kenya, Morocco and India. Organised crime actors can also be involved in large-scale extraction as illustrated in one case study on protection provided by state police officers in sand mining in Kenya (Daghar, 2022[98]).
Bribery and smuggling
Bribery and corruption can be widespread practice for sand production. Local political actors responsible for permitting can be compromised through corruption linked to sand and stone extraction and trade, for example in India (Jeyaranjan, 2019[96]). Generally, unsustainable sand and silicate mining practices can emerge when supply chain operators bribe officials to overlook local regulations or weaken law enforcement. Sometimes, bribery causing unsustainable sand and silicate production can involve criminal actors and organised crime groups (World Wildlife Fund, 2021[109]). Over-exploitation – leading to environmental impacts discussed below – can also occur where permits provide revenue for under-resourced municipal governments and are not necessarily directly linked to corruption but are issued liberally with little apparent scrutiny (i.e. Sierra Leone) (Lynggaard Reimer and Gallagher, 2023[110]). Multiple reports and expert interviews suggest bribery is of widespread concern and may be associated with sand and silicate supply chains in a range of regions and countries. Further research is needed to assess the magnitude of this risk, including in midstream and downstream segments of the supply chain.
Aggregates imported into Europe from North Africa, or construction materials used in domestic markets in India and Indonesia, can sometimes be associated with fraudulent misrepresentation of origin. In particular, the literature illustrates how extraction and export bans of river sand in China and Cambodia, and marine sand in Nigeria, Malaysia and Indonesia can lead to increased attempts to bypass such restrictions (Abraham et al., 2021[111]; van Arragon, 2021[112]). More research is warranted to assess the scale and exact contours of these risks, as well as their presence in other types of sand and silicate materials.
Money laundering and non-payment of taxes, fees and royalties due to governments
Money laundering is poorly documented for sand and silicate supply chains while understood to occur widely in contexts with weak institutions. Money laundering in sand and silicate supply chains can occur when illicit funds are integrated into the legitimate economy by purchasing, transporting, and selling these commodities. Several resources discuss the risk of money laundering in the construction industry worldwide (RICS, 2021[113]; John, 2021[114]) and sometimes refer to this phenomenon in relation to possible risks of organised crime and political corruption in India (Jeyaranjan, 2019[115]), Morocco (Abderrahmane, 2022[52]) and Sierra Leone (Lynggard and Gallagher, 2023[116]). It is unclear how prevalent this issue is. Non-payment of taxes, fees, and royalties due to governments2 is reported as a concern in some countries, for example where ASM or illegal sand and silicate extraction occurs.
Biodiversity loss
The literature points to risks of biodiversity loss3 in sand and silicate supply chains, mainly resulting from materials extraction, processing and transport. Land-use changes with impacts on biodiversity and natural ecosystems tend to materialise in mining in general and can be expected to prevail in sand and silicates considering the sheer volumes associated with the extraction of these materials (OECD, 2025[117]).
Biophysical disruption, relating to the altered structure and quality of biodiversity and ecosystems, can be caused by terrestrial, freshwater and marine extraction alike. Terrestrial extraction of sand and silicates in pit mining and quarries, by means of land cover removal, deforestation and soil degradation, may cause direct biodiversity habitat loss and the degradation of flora and fauna across countries and continents, from historical examples in North America (Mac Lellan, 1984[118]) to more recent cases in Nigeria and across Sub-Saharan Africa (Adedeji, Adebayo and Sotayo, 2014[119]; UNDP, 2018[29]), Asia (Bisht and Gerber, 2017[43]; Gandri et al., 2023[120]) and Latin America (Zanon et al., 2021[121]). Likewise, freshwater extraction of sand, gravel and clay can take place within and close to significant ecosystems (Moroșanu and Ioana-Toroimac, 2022[122]; Padmalal and Maya, 2014[24]) with adverse effects on threatened freshwater species and bird life in many countries4 (Arjun, Panda and Arun, 2023[123]; Kanehl and Lyons, 1992[124]). Marine extraction of sand and silicates, sometimes in Marine Protected Areas (MPAs)5, can affect coastal and marine biodiversity (Rangel-Buitrago et al., 2023[125]) around the world. Between 2018 and 2022, up to one-sixth of dredging occurred in marine protected areas, zones that are supposed to be sanctuaries for underwater life (UNEP, 2024[34]). In both freshwater and marine ecosystems, rehabilitation and restoration are considered difficult to achieve (Alvarado-Villalon, Harrison and Steadman, 2003[126]) highlighting the importance of preventing disturbances in the first place, especially for protected areas. This is an example of a potential adverse impact of irremediable character, which is a component of severity in RBC standards. When adverse impacts are irremediable, disengagement from a business relationship may be appropriate as a last resort (OECD, 2018[82]).
Ecological changes affecting the ability of an ecosystem to sustain essential processes can materialise in both dynamic and static systems. In dynamic systems, sand extraction can disrupt sediments and deposition processes, fundamentally altering river channels and lakes with adverse effects on species reproduction and distribution dynamics. The literature highlights changes in sunlight penetration and nutrient cycling, with direct consequences for aquatic life and the potential of leading to long-term ecological imbalances (Rentier and Cammeraat, 2022[127]; Padmalal and Maya, 2014[24]; Gavriletea, 2017[128]). Disruptions to fish reproduction cycles and altered aquatic food chains can directly result from changes in the sediment structure and balance and nutrient cycling in freshwater and marine environments (Zhang, 2023[129]). In static systems, topsoil and vegetation removal from sand and silicate extraction can decrease the ability of land to support plant growth, reducing overall biomass. In addition, sand mining-related dust deposition on plant surfaces can reduce photosynthesis by blocking sunlight and damaging leaf tissue. Sand extraction in static systems can reduce water infiltration as illustrated by cases in Nigeria (Ako et al., 2014[130]) and Brazil (da Silva et al., 2020[131]). The resulting overall decline in biomass can affect the entire food chain, potentially putting at risk local food and water security.
Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions
GHG emissions can materialise across sand and silicate supply chains with strong potential to contribute to carbon dioxide (CO2) and methane emissions if energy systems are fossil fuel-based. Sand and silicate extraction, transport, processing and equipment manufacturing, when resorting to heavy machinery and energy-intensive techniques, can involve considerable amounts of GHG emissions (Alqadi et al., 2023[132]). For example, silica sand undergoes considerable processing (Gerbinet, Belboom and Léonard, 2014[133]), clay is generally processed through energy-intensive techniques and cement, glass and ceramics production all involve high-temperature processes, as well as manufacturing for other end uses. In the same vein, sand and silicate extraction can damage the natural processes that regulate carbon within ecological systems through altered sediment structures. This impact is underexamined but has been shown to be a considerable effect in China where sand mining activities have impacted riparian areas - which connect land and river streams - by reducing the carbon sequestration potential of the soil. For example, sand mining can reduce carbon dioxide-fixed bacteria in riparian zones, a situation which can increase the risk of excessive water enrichment (Qin et al., 2020[134]).
Climate change
Sand and gravel can play a critical role in climate adaptation. They act as natural buffers against storms, floods, sea-level rise, and associated impacts such as coastal erosion and landslides. Extracting sand and gravel in vulnerable areas can undermine adaptation efforts even if this is done to build defensive infrastructure. By removing natural protective systems such as beaches, dunes, and sediment-rich coastal or riverine environments extraction can increase vulnerability to climate change. This is particularly true in regions where climate change is expected to increase the severity and frequency of floods and storms, or lead to higher sea levels. Pacific Small Island Developing States (SIDS) face high exposure to sea-level rise, storm surge, and coastal flooding. In these contexts, sand removal can erode natural buffers, limiting the islands’ ability to adapt to these hazards (Mycoo, 2022[135]).
Climate change risks relate to sand and silicate supply chains in multiple ways. Climate resilience risks can directly result from unsustainable sand extraction when critical materials are depleted from dynamic systems, diminishing the natural ability to mitigate extreme weather events (Jouffray et al., 2023[136]; Rangel-Buitrago et al., 2023[125]). Sand-related degradation of ecosystems can also intensify climate-induced disasters and impact forests, agriculture, and fishing, thereby eroding socio-economic livelihoods and resilience to climate change (Ratter, Petzold and Sinane, 2016[137]). SIDS in the Pacific and Indian Ocean region are among the most vulnerable to climate change and particularly exposed to unsustainable sand and silicate extraction. Paradoxically, climate adaptation investments simultaneously warrant access to ore sand and silicate materials like aggregates which are used for the purposes of construction, natural beach preservation and coastal replenishment (Rogers et al., 2024[138]; Ratter, Petzold and Sinane, 2016[137]; Pilkey et al., 2022[51]). A similar phenomenon can be observed in the Arctic, where sand and gravel play an essential role in infrastructure investments to prevent effects induced by climate change, such as coastal erosion where gravel is increasingly used to replace eroding ice roads (Kuklina et al., 2023[139]; Bendixen et al., 2019[45]; Bennett, 2023[46]).
The improper use and disposal of hazardous chemicals
The improper use and disposal of hazardous chemicals such as oily ballast and bilge water is a significant risk in sand and silicate supply chains. Available reports point to the risk of oil spills and leakage in the phases of extraction, initial processing and transport in riverine and marine environments, often in relation to semi-mechanised extraction, for example in India and Malaysia (Pandey et al., 2023[140]; Hanti, 2022[141]; Ashraf, 2011[142]; Jouffray et al., 2023[136]).
Noise and vibration
Noise and vibration can arise as risks in a wide variety of sand and silicate extraction and processing contexts, impacting people and terrestrial and aquatic species in surrounding areas in countries like Morocco (Agharroud et al., 2023[38]), Nigeria (Aliu, Akoteyon and Soladoye, 2022[143]); Estonia (Orru et al., 2013[144]) ] and China (Deng et al., 2022[145]).
Physical instability, soil erosion and land degradation
Physical instability, soil erosion and land degradation can result from sand and silicate extraction across all extraction forms and geographies and undermine climate adaptation efforts. Landslides and land degradation may arise during pit mining and quarrying of natural stone, sand, and clay, and where sound management practices are not implemented or where activities take place in conditions that make mass soil movement likely. Examples include potential land degradation risks in Sub-Saharan Africa (Bendixen et al., 2023[102]), and landslides in South America (Asabonga et al., 2017[146]) and Indonesia (Dewi et al., 2019[147]). Excessive sand mining from riverbeds, exceeding replenishment rates, and subsequent risks of riverbed erosion, can emerge in the context of the Mekong River in Cambodia and Vietnam (Hackney et al., 2020[148]; Ngoc Anh et al., 2022[149]; Schmitt, Rubin and Kondolf, 2017[150]). Furthermore, marine sand dredging and beach sand mining may directly cause coastal erosion with examples from all regions, from Europe, Oceania and South America, (Anthony, 2016[151]), Africa (Aliu, Akoteyon and Soladoye, 2022[143]; Jonah et al., 2015[152]), and Asia (Choi, 2023[153]).
Dust particulate release and other types of pollution
The release of dust particulates in the air from extracting, crushing, sorting, transporting and using sand and silicate materials arises in the context of industrial sand mining and processing in the United States (Pierce et al., 2019[154]) in addition to some derivative products like engineered stone (Safe Work Australia, n.d.[155]). Respirable crystalline silica, a component of silica dust, can be particularly harmful when inhaled, as it can penetrate deep into the lungs and cause diseases such as silicosis, lung cancer, and other pulmonary conditions. Exposure can occur along several steps of the supply chain in mining, construction, hydraulic fracturing, and artificial stone industries. Evidence from Egypt (Zawilla, Taha and Ibrahim, 2014[156]), South Africa (Brickhill, 2021[157]), the United States, India, Canada, Australia, New Zealand (Hoy et al., 2022[158]), Romania and China (Popescu, Stoia and Morariu, 2023[159]) shows how widespread these impacts are, often causing irreparable harm to human health.
Silicosis is an incurable lung disease caused by inhaling respirable crystalline silica dust, leading to lung inflammation, scarring, and severe respiratory impairment. Despite being preventable, it can be a major occupational hazard, particularly in mining, quarrying, construction, and manufacturing. Workers are most at risk during activities such as drilling, crushing, cutting, grinding and loading silica-containing materials – anywhere fine dust particles become airborne and easily inhaled. This can include upstream extractive activities, in loading and transporting and in intermediate processing. Workers with precarious or insecure employment status, immigrants, and those employed in small businesses can face a heightened exposure risk according to global incidence data available. While research and prevention efforts have largely focused on the mining sector, hazardous exposure may occur across many industries, particularly construction.
To mitigate exposure, operators can implement engineering controls like water suppression, ventilation, and enclosed processing systems. Behavioural measures, including safe work practices, training, and health monitoring, further reduce risks. Where necessary, personal protective equipment (PPE) such as respirators can be used.
Governments have introduced strict regulations to protect workers. Australia has introduced stringent workplace exposure limits and has recently moved toward banning engineered stone due to its high silica content and the alarming rise in cases of silicosis among workers. The United States enforces strict exposure limits through Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) regulations, while the EU Carcinogens and Mutagens Directive requires companies to implement preventive measures, conduct exposure assessments, and ensure worker protection through a combination of engineering controls and behavioural measures. Effective enforcement and industry compliance remain crucial in preventing this entirely avoidable but life-threatening disease.
Sources: IMA Europe (2018[160]),SafeSilica, www.safesilica.eu; Hoy et al. (2022[158]) Current global perspectives on silicosis—Convergence of old and newly emergent hazards, https://doi.org/10.1111/resp.14242; Safe Work Australia, (n.d.[155]), Engineered stone ban, https://www.safeworkaustralia.gov.au/esban.
Other types of pollution may stem from sediment particle release from quarrying and sand manufacturing in surface water and groundwater (Rentier and Cammeraat, 2022[127]) causing water contamination with altered chemical composition as for example observed in India (Bhattacharya, Das Chatterjee and Dolui, 2019[161]). Salt intrusion may also occur when sand extraction changes natural groundwater hydrology and allows saltwater to encroach into adjacent land and freshwater aquifers, potentially degrading water quality and harming agricultural productivity and local food security. Available reports illustrate how the problem can present acute risks in certain regions of India (Bhattacharya, Das Chatterjee and Dolui, 2019[161]), Ghana (Bendixen et al., 2023[102]), China (Best, 2019[162]); and Sierra Leone (Lynggaard Reimer and Gallagher, 2023[110]). Acidic conditions from industrial silica sand mining can also emerge (Pandey et al., 2023[140]).
Water depletion
The sand and silicates sector can exacerbate water depletion in three distinct ways. First, freshwater sand extraction can significantly reduce water retention in surface and groundwater sources (Saviour, 2012[163]; Mohanty, Kotadia and Sengupta, 2021[164]), affecting drinking water availability and agricultural irrigation systems (Asare, Dawson and Hemmler, 2023.[39]). Second, sand and silicate extraction and processing consume significant volumes of water for washing, sorting and dust management, for example in gravel, marine sand, silica sand and kaolin used for porcelain production (Kanehl and Lyons, 1992[124]; Ashraf, 2011[142]; Pilkey et al., 2022[51]; Grbeš, 2015[165]). Third, sand and silicate extraction can reduce the quality of freshwater through increased siltation in municipal or industrial water intake structures.
Waste mismanagement
Waste rock and associated dust can emerge as a serious issue for aggregates quarries, manufactured sands and river-bed mining, especially when waste rock and overburden is poorly managed or abandoned as part of dry tailings (Abdulazeez, 2016[166]). Waste mismanagement is a potential risk in quarrying, sand manufacturing and freshwater extraction. Unrehabilitated pits can sometimes be used for informal waste disposal, with associated odour nuisances and local pollution risks, as observed in Nigeria (Adedeji, Adebayo and Sotayo, 2014[119]). The literature further illustrates how informal sand mining sites in countries in Sub-Saharan Africa can involve improperly disposed plastic waste (Ali, 2020[167]). The amount of waste produced in sand and silicate production is likely to vary depending on processing methods. For example, the literature points to significant amounts of waste in clay processing for industrial uses (KaBCA, n.d.[168]).
Damage to aesthetics and cultural heritage sites
Damage to aesthetics and cultural heritage sites and protected areas with cultural value can arise, for example, in the context of sand extraction in sacred forests in São Tomé and Principe (Tychsen, Batista and Carvalho, 2022[25]), in proximity to cultural and sacred sites in Madagascar and Australia (Jouffray et al., 2023[136]), volcanic sands extraction from the sacred Mount Merapi in Indonesia (Miller, 2022[169]) and erosion threats to religious temples in China (Zhu, 2020[170]). In Australia, several World Heritage sites contain dune systems and landforms which are sensitive environments. The potential impact of sand mining on sacred sites in Australia has been discussed in the literature (Shannon Kilmartin-Lynch, 2025[171]). As with any other impact, immediate adverse impacts of sand and silicate extraction can accumulate and have larger-scale effects over time, for example when hydrogeological structures are affected by mining and act as a multiplier of the impact with reach beyond the immediate footprint of extraction activities.
Occupational health and safety
Occupational health and safety risks can arise in the context of sand and silicate supply chains when workers at extraction or processing sites are exposed to dust and subsequent diseases including silicosis or tuberculosis (Brickhill, 2021[157]; Hoy et al., 2022[158]). Several reports point to potential accidents related to the use of machinery, drownings, and fire risks which can emerge as health and safety hazards (UNDP, 2018[29]; Kauffer and Torres, 2023[103]). Work-related risks and accidents, sometimes fatal, are less documented in the artisanal sector but can be assumed to prevail considering the high degree of informality in this sector (Pilkey et al., 2022[51]). Miners also can experience health impacts such as musculoskeletal pain and discomfort, skin and eye problems, excessive sunlight and heat exposure, direct contact with heavy metals and waterborne disease exposure burdens, for example in natural stone production in India (American Bar Association, 2020[87]). One case exploring clay quarrying in Egypt shows how natural radiation can exist in ceramic building materials, with serious health implications (Aboelkhair, Ibrahim and Saad, 2012[172]).
Adverse impacts on communities and Peoples
Additional adverse impacts on communities and Indigenous Peoples stemming from sand and silicate production and trade can include:
Accidental loss of life through drownings of nearby residents and livestock when freshwater extraction changes the velocity and flow of rivers that were previously safe to swim in (Rentier and Cammeraat, 2022[127]) or through terrestrial pit mining where pits are abandoned due to poor mining rehabilitation (Nguru, 2007[173]). Road accidents, of which some can be fatal, due to heavy truck traffic transporting materials can arise locally (Pandey et al., 2023[140]).
Adverse community health impacts and communicable disease can increase related to water pooling in unrehabilitated dry pits, leading to mosquito breeding and higher instances of malaria and cholera for example in Nigeria (Adedeji, Adebayo and Sotayo, 2014[119]) and Ghana (Asare, Dawson and Hemmler, 2023.[39]).
Harm to food security from land degradation, agricultural productivity decreases due to dust, land loss through erosion or storage-related displacement of farmland and compromised fish reproduction (Aromolaran Adetayo, 2012[174]).
Adverse quality of life and security impacts, including environmental amenity loss and environmental risks with implications for human rights. The literature illustrates how in Ghana, for example, sand mining can cause loss of community landholdings while reducing crop diversity and yields, hence affecting the food and livelihood security of households (Asare, Dawson and Hemmler, 2023.[39])
Sand and silicates extraction can take place in landscapes with profound cultural meaning and natural importance to Indigenous communities, with hydrological changes from mining compounding over time, causing adverse impacts on ancestral waters (Shannon Kilmartin-Lynch, 2025[171])
These adverse impacts and risks provide some examples of the multiple ways in which sand and silicates may impact Indigenous Peoples and communities in areas of material extraction, transit and trade. More research is needed to determine how other factors, including circumstances related to conflict, natural resource use and land rights may compound adverse impacts through their interaction with sand and silicate extraction and trade.
← 1. Reflection from expert interview with a social and environmental impact assessor working with large intergovernmental and public-private infrastructure projects across Asia and Africa, March 2024. Afghanistan: talc industry (Afghan Witness, 2024[192])
← 2. Annex II, p24 (OECD, 2016[80])
← 3. The organisation of biodiversity risks here follows the Cascade Framework for analysing biodiversity and ecosystem service change impacts (La Notte et al., 2017[193]), which discusses biophysical changes and ecological process changes that lead to modifications in the benefits of healthy and intact biodiversity enjoyed in economies and societies.
← 4. The baseline database contains cases from globally significant river basins like the Amazon River (South America) (da Silva et al., 2020[131]); the Mekong River (South East Asia) (Bravard, Goichot and Gaillot, 2013[196]); The Pearl (Zhujiang) and Yangtze Rivers (China) (Tang, Zhang and Xing, 2011[195]) (Ma et al., 2022[199]); the Red River (Vietnam) (Runeckles et al., 2023[197]) and across major river systems in countries like e.g. India (Pandey et al., 2023[140]), Nigeria (Abdulazeez, 2016[166]); Sri Lanka (Athukorala and Navaratne, 2007[201]), South Africa (Sengani and Zvarivadza, 2019[198]) – though in general the phenomenon of freshwater sand mining is poorly monitored (Dethier et al., 2023[194]):791. Poyang Lake in China is a seminal example of sand mining in lacustrine systems (Zheng et al., 2022[200]).