While a review of tax incentives in these countries is outside of the scope of this chapter, the authors note that Central Asia faces fiscal challenges associated with the “race to the bottom”, which may be exacerbated by efforts to attract investment in the CRM sector. The “race to the bottom” refers to the lowering of corporate or other tax rates by countries to compete for mobile investment, resulting in erosion of their tax bases and reducing governments’ capacity to finance public goods, often without generating net new investment.
Tax incentives can be effective in encouraging investment but come with risks and costs. In particular, tax incentives can generate fiscal costs, and if they are not properly designed, they can give significant tax relief for investment or activity that is happening or would have happened anyway in the absence of the incentive (pure windfall gain). This risks forgoing tax revenue without creating additional investment.17 They may also encourage firms to focus on tax planning (to maximise their fiscal benefits) rather than new investment. Tax incentives can also exacerbate BEPS risks when they are not accompanied by sufficient integrity measures. Moreover, harmful tax incentives are particularly common in the mining sector and significantly erode government revenues from mining projects (IMF, 2021[2]). An example of this is when critical mineral projects receive a reduced corporate tax rate or when part of the activities (such as processing and refining) benefit from a full corporate tax exemption. If one part of a company’s business has access to a reduced corporate tax rate, the company is incentivised to shift income from one part of the business activity into the other business activity, to utilise the lower tax rate.
Corporate tax rates are already relatively low in Central Asia, with the Kyrgyz Republic’s at 10%, Uzbekistan 15%, and Kazakhstan 20%, all below the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework18 average of 21.2% in 2025 (OECD, 2025[18]). Moreover, they have comparatively low overall tax-to-GDP ratios.19 In 2023, Kazakhstan had a tax-to-GDP ratio of 19.5%, while Uzbekistan’s stood at 11.5% and the Kyrgyz Republic had a somewhat higher tax-to-GDP ratio of 21.9% despite the low corporate income tax rate.20 These are all below the OECD average of 34.1% in 2024 (OECD, 2025[19]).
Despite these overall low tax rates, tax incentives appear to be relatively common in Central Asia, for example through Special Economic Zones (which reduce the tax rates on activity in certain geographical areas) or exempt business fully from taxation, sometimes without even a filing requirement). The OECD Investment Tax Incentives Database (ITID) (OECD, 2025[20]) shows that 62% of all 70 emerging and developing economies in the ITID grant some form of tax incentive for extractive industries. Income-based incentives (e.g. tax exemptions or reduced rates) appear less common in the extractives sector than in others but remain prevalent. Income-based tax incentive are often associated with low ‘bang for the buck’ (i.e. little additional investment per dollar spent) and opportunities for shifting profits even domestically – mainly because they do not tie the tax benefit directly to investment. Although not specific to Central Asia, these statistics illustrate both the importance of investment tax incentives in the relevant sectors and the diversity in their design, pointing to the need for further work.
Recently growing importance of Central Asian countries in the critical minerals supply chains may also lead to pressures from investors for new tax incentives for investments targeting this sector. Any such tax incentive should be carefully considered to assess the potential benefits as well as potential revenue expenditures associated with such measures. The risks associated with tax incentives are not only related to the direct tax expenditure, but introduction of such exemptions give rise to the additional risks of profit shifting that such incentives and tax exemptions trigger. This is because the profits can be shifted also within two companies in the same country to maximise the value of such incentives and exemptions and such issues may also arise in the context of the same legal entity, where different activities may be subject to different tax rates and tax regimes.
Beyond reforming tax incentives, one integrity measure that can be used to reduce revenue risks created by tax incentives is the ring-fencing of a company’s mining projects/business operations for tax purposes,21 to reduce the ability to artificially shift income/expenses between projects, as described in the joint publication between the OECD the Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF), Ring-Fencing Mining Income: A Toolkit for Tax Administrators and Policymakers (OECD; IISD, 2025[21]). While not a response to all BEPS practices, ring-fencing can discourage investors from structuring base erosion arrangements, artificially inflating exploration or development expenditures, or abusing specific tax incentives. However, as the OECD-IGF report makes clear, the design of the ring fence is not a simple matter: the potential downsides include slowing or postponing the potential tax savings that can result from consolidation, which can discourage mining investment, particularly in marginal ore bodies, and it can increase the administrative burden on tax authorities and raise the cost of tax compliance for taxpayers. Nonetheless, it merits careful consideration by governments of mining jurisdictions.
Overall, the general recommendations include that tax incentives are only used when their expected benefits outweigh their costs and that they need to be justified and aligned with national priorities. Their design should limit unnecessary costs and distortions and their impact should be evaluated regularly and carefully and lead, where necessary, to reform (IMF-OECD-WB-UN, 2025[22]; OECD, forthcoming 2026[23]). Tax incentives should be designed to ensure additionality and avoid windfall gains (i.e., to avoid subsidising activity that would have occurred anyway).
Where it is deemed expedient to introduce specific tax incentives for investors, these incentives should focus on expenditure (rather than income) and on forms of support that will foster new, self-sustaining activities. If direct tax incentives are considered, for example, they should be linked to the process of capital formation (e.g., accelerated depreciation, investment tax credits). Such expenditure-based incentives can directly reduce the cost of capital for new investment projects, and they can also be easier to phase out than income-based incentives, as their significance tends to wane as the project matures. By contrast, income-based incentives, such as CIT holidays and exemptions or reduced tax rates, risk limited additional investment, can offer windfall benefits to profitable projects and can often encourage tax planning and transfer pricing in an effort to shift activity from non-exempt to exempt enterprises. In addition, income-based incentives may offer little to firms engaged in capital-intensive, risky new projects that, in the early stages of development, may not generate income; expenditure-based incentives can be more valuable. Furthermore, these countries will need to consider the implementation of the Global Minimum Tax (Pillar Two), which will have a pronounced impact of the effectiveness of tax incentives (particularly those that are income-based).