The disproportionate amount of unpaid time spent by women on caring for children and the elderly, and on household chores, puts them at a disadvantage in the labour force and holds back their contribution to the economy. This chapter outlines the areas which can be targeted to help women regain a satisfying, productive and well-remunerated work-life balance. These range from increasing the provision of early education and childcare, and long-term care for the elderly and disabled, to paid parental leave for men and more flexible working arrangements. These would need to be backed up with changes to social attitudes around women and men’s roles as carers.
Women’s Economic Empowerment in Egypt
Abstract
In Egypt, women spend 5.4 hours per day on unpaid care and domestic work, compared to 0.6 hours spent by men, which amounts to a gender gap of 4.8 hours per day – one of the biggest gaps in the MENA region. This creates challenges to women’s participation in paid work.
This gender gap in the sharing of responsibilities is shaped by factors such as limited availability of affordable, quality childcare and elderly care services in a context of social and cultural norms that continue to influence how roles are divided between men and women in the household, workplace and wider economy.
Creating the conditions for a more equitable division of work and care responsibilities between partners requires a comprehensive policy strategy. This could include improving access to early childcare and elderly care services; expanding access to paid parental leave for fathers; offering flexible work practices such as teleworking to help parents reconcile work and care; and changing attitudes to normalise the sharing of household and family responsibilities.
In Egypt, just as elsewhere in the MENA region and around the world, men and women do not share paid and unpaid work equally. Women typically spend more hours than men looking after children and elderly relatives, doing housework, shopping for food and so on. This imbalance means that women are less likely to be in paid work or to work full time. When they do work, they are more likely to be employed in informal rather than formal jobs.
This chapter sheds light on what can be done to achieve a more equal distribution of paid and unpaid work responsibilities in Egypt. It begins by outlining the economic implications of women’s unequal role as carers (Section 6.2), before outlining the evidence for efforts made by the government to expand access to early education and childcare (Section 6.3), elderly and long-term care (Section 6.4) and maternity, paternity and parental leave (Section 6.5). The chapter also looks at the opportunities offered by more flexible work arrangements to allow parents to combine care responsibilities with economic opportunities (Section 6.6). However, the family still plays a prominent role in the provision of care in the household, and attitudes and social norms still shape the distribution of paid and unpaid work among men and women (Section 6.7). The chapter concludes by underscoring the need for a multifaceted policy strategy to alleviate the "double burden" faced by working women in Egypt – the combined pressures of paid work and unpaid household and care responsibilities. The strategy should encompass reforms in family policies and services, challenge patriarchal social norms, and address the equality-related impacts of digitalisation and evolving work practices (Section 6.8).
While unpaid care and domestic work is an indispensable part of economic activity and an important determinant of the well-being of individuals, their families and societies (Stiglitz, Sen and Fitoussi, 2009[1]), women shoulder the lion’s share of these responsibilities. On average in 2023, women in Egypt spent 5.4 hours per day on unpaid care and domestic work, compared to 0.6 hours for men, which amounts to a gender gap of 4.8 hours per day (Figure 7.1). This is much larger than the gender gap of 1.93 hours per day in OECD countries and 3.3 hours in the African countries included in the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) database (OECD Development Centre/OECD, 2023[2]; Atallah and Hesham, 2025[3]).1 OECD calculations using the most recent Egypt Labor Market Panel Survey (2023) reveal important progress over time, achieved notably through a reduction in women’s time spent on such work, while men’s has remained the same (CAPMAS, The Economic Research Forum, 2025[4]).
Unequal sharing of unpaid care and domestic work between men and women creates obstacles to women’s participation in paid work. It can also result in occupational downgrading, where women accept jobs below their level of competencies and with poor working conditions (OECD, 2023[5]; Hegewisch and Gornick, 2011[6]). The unequal sharing of unpaid care work can also lead to higher rates of part-time employment among women, with negative effects on labour income and retirement savings (OECD, 2023[5]). The main drivers of the disparities in unpaid care and domestic work include insufficient access to paid parental leave and affordable quality childcare, as well as cultural and social norms that influence the roles that men and women have in the household, the workplace and the economy at large (Chapter 4).
Average number of hours spent on unpaid domestic and care work per day by gender, 2023
Source: OECD (2023[7]), Gender, Institutions and Development Database (GID-DB), https://data-explorer.oecd.org/vis?df[ds]=DisseminateFinalDMZ&df[id]=DSD_GID%40DF_GID_2023&df[ag]=OECD.DEV.NPG&dq=.DF_HR_PCT_1.H_D....&to[TIME_PERIOD]=false&pd=2023%2C2023&vw=tb (accessed 19 September 2024).
OECD work shows the importance of the availability of childcare services for supporting labour force participation among parents, in addition to the benefits for the children themselves (OECD, 2023[5]). During the COVID-19 pandemic the negative effects of school and childcare closures on working parents’ labour market participation, especially for mothers, were a clear reminder of the important role of childcare services (OECD, 2021[8]). The positive relationship between access to childcare and female labour force participation is also confirmed by evidence from non-OECD countries. In Indonesia, for example, access to formal public childcare is found to increase by 13% the likelihood that women with age-eligible children participate in the labour force. In Kenya, the provision of vouchers for free childcare led to a 17.3% increase in the probability of employment among women with children aged 1 to 3 years (J-PAL, 2023[9]). Evidence also shows that access to childcare allows women to work longer hours, while increasing their chances of finding more productive and better compensated jobs in the formal sector (Halim, Perova and Reynolds, 2023[10]).
The net enrolment rate (NER) for pre-primary education was 19.8% and the gross enrolment rate (GER) was 23.3% in the school year 2023/2024, with discrepancies by governorate according to a UNICEF report relying on the Statistical Yearbook of the Ministry of Education and Technical Education (UNICEF, 2024[11]).
Childcare facilities do not yet fully cater for demand in Egypt. In 2021, Egypt had around 16 530 licensed childcare facilities, according to data provided by CAPMAS2. The combined capacity of all facilities that provide early childhood education and care in Egypt is approximately 1.3 million children, for a population of 12.5 million children aged 0 to 4 (ILO/Unicef/MoSS, 2021[12]). There are four categories of childcare providers in Egypt: (i) centres owned by not-for-profit non‑government organisations (community organisations, religious institutions, and foundations, for example), which account for 48% of total supply; (ii) for-profit privately-owned childcare centres (47%); (iii) nurseries managed on behalf of the state by local authorities (3%); and (iv) workplace-based nurseries owned and managed by employers (2%). The size of childcare facilities varies considerably across regions, ranging between an average of 36 children per facility in Cairo, to more than 130 children per facility in the delta areas (ILO et al., 2021[13]).
The government has taken steps to increase childcare supply. In 2019, the Ministry of Social Solidarity launched an Early Childhood Development Programme in partnership with UNICEF, the Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the private sector, aimed at increasing the availability and quality of childcare services and creating job opportunities for women in the sector. This programme also established home- and NGO-based childcare facilities in disadvantaged areas, created new privately owned facilities in middle-and high-income areas, and implemented a unified monitoring and evaluation system across the country (Fadlalmawla et al., 2022[14]).
The COVID-19 pandemic saw the Egyptian Government address the gap in childcare provision for working mothers further. This led to 41 support centres being opened to help working mothers cope with family and work duties, reaching 195 000 beneficiaries, and 10 800 unlicensed nurseries were given three-year temporary licences pending permit procedures being finalised (NCW, 2024[15]). In 2020, the Government of Egypt channelled EGP 50 million to the Nasser Bank to launch the My Nursery – Hadanty loans programme to support the establishment and development of nurseries. The aim of the programme was to finance 1 000 new private nurseries with maximum loans of between EGP 200 000 and EGP 300 000. In addition, the Ministry of Social Solidarity aims to provide nurseries in the headquarters of government agencies as part of its new national strategy to support women’s economic participation and improve access to childcare services.
In April 2021, the Minister of Social Solidarity announced a set of actions to strengthen childcare facilities, and train 1 000 nursery workers, in order to improve service quality (ILO/Unicef/MoSS, 2021[12]). At the same time, childcare facilities have been granted the same incentives envisaged for micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), including tax discounts and incentives for training (Egypt Today, 2021[16]). In March 2022, as part of the Presidential development initiative “Haya Karima,” the Ministry of Social Solidarity announced the creation of 3 000 childcare facilities in Egypt’s rural areas to enhance infrastructure, human resources and administrative capabilities. The initiative includes a focus on training nursery staff and implementing national standards to improve educational care for children up to the age of four. The ministry’s medium-term plan is to complete the development of 12 000 nurseries within three years (Egypt Today, 2021[16]).
Increasing childcare provision also contributes to job creation. For example, China's universal childcare initiative and provision of subsidised childcare services through community pre-schools have resulted in a substantial increase in female employment (Wang, 2015[17]; Martínez and Perticará, 2014[18]). In Egypt, an initiative based on a co-operation agreement between the Ministry of Social Solidarity and UN Women in December 2022 aimed at increasing investments in the care economy, creating job opportunities in education, nursing, childcare, aged care, disability care and household tasks by professionalizing unpaid domestic work. This initiative provides capacity building to centres supporting working women and raises awareness among care economy workers about their social and economic rights and available support mechanisms (El Tawil, 2022[19]). Egypt should continue its efforts to expand and improve the network of public nurseries and day care centres through a gradual approach to allow enough time for planning and hiring qualified personnel (OECD, 2022[20]).
The provision of employer-supported childcare in Egypt remains relatively limited in practice, despite legal requirements. Egypt’s new Labour Law (Law No. 14 of 2025) stipulates that employers need to offer a childcare service – either in-house or contracted – once they employ 100 or more female workers in a given establishment. These nurseries are formally under the supervision of the responsible ministry, the Ministry of Social Solidarity. The law also guarantees maternity leave (Section 6.5) and two 30-minutes daily breaks for all nursing mothers (ILO et al., 2022[21]). However, domestic workers and agricultural workers are exempt from these entitlements, while public sector employees have different provisions under the public sector labour law (UN Women, 2020[22]). Evidence from high-income countries suggests that publicly funded childcare services tend to have a more uniform quality and offer better working conditions to childcare workers (Rachel Moussié, 2016[23]). There is evidence that it can be difficult to identify reputable registered service providers and that the registration process for nurseries is lengthy (ILO, 2022[24]). The Ministry of Social Solidarity is working on digitising the process to make it easier and more efficient. International experience suggests that legal requirements for large firms to provide childcare have had mixed results, as the associated costs may create disincentives to hire women or may encourage firms to limit female employment in order to remain below the regulatory threshold (OECD, 2022[20]) (IFC, 2017[25]). Chile, for example, has abandoned the statutory approach in favour of a more universal early childhood care system, supported through a general employer contribution.
Non-formal community-based childcare can offer a valuable middle-path, and is a strategic option for policymakers to consider. The payoffs of creating community childcare services are usually greatest in underserved areas, where access to formal childcare and pre‑schooling services is more difficult. There is plenty of experience in this form of childcare, and its benefits, from around the world. Evidence shows, for example, that the provision of community-based childcare centres in rural areas of the Democratic Republic of Congo increased women’s engagement in commercial agriculture and in non-agricultural wage work (Donald, Lowes and Vaillant, 2024[26]). In Peru, the Programas No Escolarizados Educacion Inicial (PRONOEI) is a public community-based programme for children living in remote areas. It relies on mothers in the community to act as teachers following completion of a training in child development and teaching techniques provided by a certified teacher hired by the Ministry of Education (Buvinic and O’donnell, 2016[27]). In Mexico, the Programa Estancias Infantiles para Apoyar a Madres Trabajadoras y/o Padres Solos (PEI) pays a subsidy for the care of children from low-income households directly to a home-based childcare worker, with parents covering the rest of the fee. The government can also provide subsidies for private childcare spots that fulfil quality requirements. An evaluation from 2012 estimated that the PEI programme increased labour market participation of beneficiaries by 18% (Instituto Nacional de Salud Pública, 2012[28]).
Short, regular training programmes can facilitate skills development and qualifications for childcare workers in community-based facilities. Vietnam, for example, offers opportunities for continuous training of up to two months each year (ILO, 2018[29]). In Egypt’s rural areas, a similar approach could help identify training schedules that are adapted to the seasonality of agriculture production and hence support the labour market participation of both parents. Several countries have also adopted more generous compensation policies for childcare professionals to attract and retain talent in the sector. Ecuador, for example, has tripled the pay for community childcare workers from one-third to the full minimum wage (Rachel Moussié, 2016[23]). Insofar as it qualifies the individual for pension and health coverage this measure has supported the formalisation of childcare work.
Action to support parents financially in covering childcare costs will also be needed. Linking financial support for childcare to income levels is one way of providing targeted support, but it needs to be done carefully, as an overly narrow targeting can leave middle-income families without support (OECD, 2023[5]). A randomised controlled trial that explored the impact of childcare subsidies and employment services provision on the uptake of childcare services in a low-income neighbourhood in Greater Cairo found that uptake was low (Caria and et al., 2023[30]). Only 1.4% of the households that received a subsidy covering 25% of childcare costs took up the services. This share was only slightly higher, at 4.2%, among households that received a 75% subsidy.3 The most commonly cited reasons for not using the subsidy included distance from the nursery (despite a maximum radius of 2 km), children being too young, high fees, and concerns about safety and quality of nursery care. Several women admitted having lost the subsidy voucher (Caria and et al., 2023[30]). The most common reasons for not taking up the employment service or not applying for jobs were refusal from the husband (25%), not wanting to work (19%), distance (18%), unmatched preferences for other job characteristics (17%) and a lack of available childcare (14%) (Caria and et al., 2023[30]).
Most of the care of the elderly in Egypt is done by the family or informal family carers – especially women. This is a common situation in many countries around the world, and adds to the unpaid time women spend on care and housework (UNFPA, 2024[31]). Social norms in Egypt play an important role, as care for a frail older relative is seen as a family duty (Sinunu, Yount and El Afify, 2008[32]), and evidence suggests that most households with elderly members are reluctant to engage external care service providers. The adverse economic and well-being effects of relying exclusively on informal family caregiving are potentially significant, placing constraints on women’s workforce participation and restricting job opportunities in the care sector. In the case of severe care needs, informal family care may not be sufficient and could even jeopardise the mental and physical health of both the person in need and the caregiver. Socio-economic disparities are also exacerbated: while lower and middle-income households have no choice but to provide care themselves, higher-income households can afford to outsource the services (Ferng, 2014[33]).
Long-term care policies aim to ensure that there are enough care providers for individuals with a degree of long-term dependency. They are a priority for all OECD countries and, increasingly, the world at large (Global Deal, 2023[34]). Rapid population ageing, and an increase in age-related morbidity and health care costs foreshadow further demand growth for long-term care services in the coming decades. Although Egypt has a very young population and a comparatively slow demographic transition (Chapter 2),4 the number of people aged 65 and above is projected to grow from 5 million in 2020 (close to 5% of the total population) to 16 million in 2050 (10%) (United Nations, 2022[35]). Women’s greater labour market participation will likely reduce the time that they can devote to caring for the elderly. In addition, the decline in fertility and the fragmentation of housing into smaller residential entities – partly driven by the growth of single‑parent households in urban centres – will increasingly limit the capacity of the family to provide unpaid support services.
Egypt has taken steps to increase the support to the elderly, but there is still a need to increase the supply of care services that are affordable and of good quality. The government has recently adopted Law No. 19 of 2024 on the Rights of Older Persons, establishing a comprehensive framework for protecting the rights of older persons; even prior to its adoption, 58% of older persons in Egypt were covered by at least one social protection benefit in 2023, above the North African average (55%) (ILO, 2025[36]). Egypt provides elderly care facilities across the country, which benefit 5 000 elderly people, and day centre care activities benefit around 56 000 people. It has also started to provide training assistants to support the elderly, whether inside care institutions or at home with their families. Finally, the government, with support of international organisations, also launched in 2015 a cash support programme, called "Karama", which reached approximately 534 711 elderly individuals. However, without effective public solutions to improve affordability and accessibility in home and community care systems, the majority of the elderly and people with long-term care needs will have to continue to rely on informal and unpaid family caregivers – mostly women – or expensive alternatives such as privately provided home care or nursing homes and hospitals. Offering a variety of care options, including institutional and non-institutional care services, such as home-based long-term care, will be important (UN Women, 2020[22]).
An expanding care economy could be a driver of job growth and employment opportunities, especially for women. One study estimates that approximately 182 000 new jobs will be created in elderly care services by 2030 in Egypt (Baseera, The National Council for Women and The World Bank, 2021[37]). Formalising long-term care work can boost the quality of the institutional care system, and also improve working conditions for long-term care workers, who are very often women. In expanding the paid care economy, Egypt needs a strong focus on job quality to professionalise the sector and promote good working conditions, in order to avoid locking care workers into low-paid jobs with poor working conditions (OECD, 2023[38]). Opportunities for training and the certification of skills will also support the professionalisation of personal health and care occupations, for example through initial training in care for older people with common physical and mental limitations, supplemented with continuous courses tailored to the needs of care recipients (OECD, 2023[38]).
Social dialogue can go a long way towards raising awareness amongst employers about the working conditions of family carers, which are hardly visible in economies and societies (Global Deal, 2023[34]). Employers’ recognition and support of their employees who have care responsibilities can contribute to reducing turnover rates and early retirement. Across OECD countries, there is a growing commitment to supporting family carers, combining paid employment and caring through care leave. Most OECD countries provide paid or unpaid leave to care for a family member. These initiatives are the outcome of concerted efforts by employers and employees’ representatives to promote a good work-life balance. Interesting examples of these policies can also be found in Latin America (Box 7.1..
Argentina has instituted a tripartite commission of representatives of workers, employers and the government in charge of setting wages and working conditions for domestic workers, including those providing care to people with long-term care needs. The commission agreed to progressively increase the minimum wage for domestic workers towards the level of the minimum living wage. The agreement set different hourly pay rates for different types of workers, including a rate for care workers (Global Deal, 2018). In Brazil, an agreement was reached in 2017 to improve wages and working conditions for domestic workers, including long-term care workers. The Domestic Workers Union of the State of São Paulo (STDMSP) signed a collective agreement with the Union of Domestic Employers of the State of São Paulo (SEDESP), an employers’ organisation. Renegotiated in 2021, this included a provision to pay a minimum wage above the national minimum wage, weekly rest periods for live-in domestic workers, requirements on salary payments for employers, and social protection for both employers and workers. Employers’ and workers’ organisations shared the responsibility to provide guidance to their members to promote compliance with labour and social security legislation (e.g., costs, tax payments) (UN‑Habitat, 2025[39]).
In addition to providing parents with the time they need to bond with their newborn, parental leave is an essential tool to help working parents reconcile work and care responsibilities. Evidence suggests that well-designed paid parental leave carries benefits for both parents and children, without noticeable negative effects for their employers or co-workers. Paid leave can also support women’s employment, increase maternal employment continuity and promote labour market re-entry after childbirth, if leave entitlements and actual leave-taking are not excessively long (OECD, 2023[5]).
Almost all OECD countries provide paid maternity and paternity leave programmes around childbirth to mothers and fathers. The extent of these entitlements varies in their duration and payment arrangements. The average statutory right to paid maternity leave in OECD countries was 18.5 weeks as of April 2022, ranging from 43 weeks in Greece to none in the United States – which is the only OECD member with no national provision of paid maternity leave, though a handful of states provide entitlements to paid family leave and/or income support during maternity leave. On average, across OECD countries that base payments on gross earnings, mothers’ previous income is replaced for 14.2 full-rate equivalent weeks, that is, if the leave were paid at 100% of previous gross earnings (OECD, 2023[5]). In Egypt, women are entitled to four months of maternity leave with full pay no more than three times during their employment. This is higher than paid maternity entitlements in other MENA countries, and only slightly below the OECD average (Figure 7.2, Panel A). While the new Labour Law which took effect in September 2025 introduces one day of paid paternity leave for fathers up to three times during their employment without it counting against their annual leave, most OECD member countries provide statutory rights to paid paternity leave of an average length of 2.3 weeks.
In addition to paid leave entitlements directly around childbirth, many OECD countries also grant parents paid parental leave. On average, the entitlement for parental leave is about 39 weeks, though payments are typically lower than for maternity and paternity leave. Paid parental leave is most often a family-based entitlement, meaning that in a given period, only one parent is entitled to income support. In most OECD countries, however, mothers continue to use the predominant share of parental leave entitlements. In Egypt, women working in establishments with 50 employees or more are entitled to unpaid parental leave of up to two years, no more than three times during their employment, and provided at least one year has passed since they were hired and that there is at least a two-year gap between the first and second leave periods (Government of Egypt, 2025[40]).
Egypt could consider granting fathers access to paid parental leave to promote more equal sharing of care work and strengthen father-child relationships (OECD, 2023[5]). To encourage fathers to take up parental leave, some countries have decided to reserve some non-transferable periods of paid parental leave exclusively reserved for fathers on a “use it or lose it” basis (OECD, 2023[5]). In Iceland and Sweden, for example, the introduction of specific “daddy quotas” has led to a doubling of the number of parental leave days used by men, without affecting the partner’s entitlement. Egypt could also consider doing this, through parental leave policies that entitle and require both parents to take paid leave to care for their newborn child (see also Chapter 3). International experience also shows that one important prerequisite for a significant uptake of parental leave by fathers is ensuring an attractive level of the benefit (OECD, 2016[41]) (Earle and Heymann, 2019[42]).
Paid maternity and paternity leave in calendar days, 2025 or latest available
Note: OECD and EU averages refer to 2024. Egypt refers to 2025. As of June 2023, 15 days of paternity leave in Morocco can be taken by civil servants only, formal workers from the private sectors have a 3 day-long paternity leave.
Source: For OECD countries: OECD (2024), OECD Family Database, OECD Data Explorer, https://www.oecd.org/en/data/datasets/oecd-family-database.html. For Egypt: Government of Egypt (2025[43]). For other countries: World Bank (2026), Gender Data Portal, https://genderdata.worldbank.org.
Egypt could also consider increasing the share of publicly-funded maternity leave to reduce the burden on employers and avoid possible incentives for discriminatory hiring practices. The 2025 Labour Law moved towards this by extending maternity leave to four months of fully paid leave, with part of the cost borne by employers and part financed through social insurance (with the exact split varying by income level). A reform of social protection financing in Jordan can offer some inspiration in this regard. Jordan introduced national maternity insurance (MI) in 2010, as part of a comprehensive social security reform combining maternity leave with other pillars of social protection (unemployment, injury, disability, and death) (World Bank, 2013[44]). A 0.75% contribution is paid for each insured payroll – regardless of gender and entirely borne by the employer – to a Maternity Fund managed by the Social Security Corporation (SSC). Prior to the reform, the full cost of maternity leave – 10 weeks on condition that no less than 6 weeks are taken after delivery – was paid directly to the worker by the employer, which discouraged the hiring of women and hindered women’s participation in the workforce, as well as the expansion of Jordan’s private sector and aggregate productivity growth. Close to 15 years after its inception, Jordan’s MI has had a positive impact on women’s job retention after childbirth (ILO Regional Office for Arab States, 2021[45]). Limitations of the reform are that employers frequently take advantage of weak inspection capacities to underreport the wages of their female employees, which limits the amount of the leave benefit. Non-compliance by companies is also an issue, and smaller companies are less likely than larger businesses to register employees with the Social Security Corporation (ILO Regional Office for Arab States, 2021[45]). These types of insurance measures also help increase access to maternity and parental leave for women working in the informal sector. South Africa and Argentina offer good examples.
South Africa has strengthened access to paid maternity leave and benefits for workers in sectors characterised by high informality by creating an Unemployment Insurance Fund that allows multiple employer contributions for a single employee, thus allowing domestic workers who work part-time or have several employers to access the scheme (UNICEF; ILO; WIEGO, 2021[46]). South Africa has also reinforced its labour inspections, which resulted in an increase in the registration of domestic workers and greater access to benefits from social insurance (UNICEF; ILO; WIEGO, 2021[46]).
Argentina also offers an interesting example, with its two non-contributory allowance schemes – the Universal Child Allowance (Asignación Universal por Hijo) and the Pregnancy Allowance (Asignación por Embarazo) – which target specific groups of workers: microentrepreneurs registered for the Simplified Tax Regime for Small Taxpayers, unemployed people, workers in the informal economy with income below the minimum wage, and domestic workers. The main lesson from these experiences is that effective coverage of informal and non-regular workers calls for an extension of contributory and non-contributory parental benefits.
Flexible work arrangements and teleworking can help reconcile work and care responsibilities and allow working parents to spend more high-quality time with children, but it is important to ensure that access to remote working does not deepen gender divides. The National Strategy for the Empowerment of Egyptian Women 2030 includes under its second pillar comprehensive measures to enhance women’s participation in the economy, identifying the social, cultural, political and economic factors that hold women back (National Council for Women, 2017[47]). These measures include, among others, recommendations to apply flexible working time and working from home practices that allow women to balance their career and family roles better. In 2022 the initiative Sayedat Masr (The Women of Egypt) launched the digital campaign Flexible Working is the Future to support recourse to adaptable work arrangements in Egypt and promote flexible and remote work. This campaign aims to strengthen awareness among business owners and companies of the potential gains of these solutions (Daily News Egypt, 2022[48]). The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic and the ensuing economic crisis were among the catalysts of these reflections.
The adoption of digital technologies, combined with regulatory changes, can enhance the development of more flexible work arrangements, including telework (Riad and El-Abd, 2023[49]). To this end, it is essential to equip women and men alike with digital skills, including by supporting training programmes provided by employers. To adapt to more widespread remote work, companies will need support and guidance in addressing new health and safety risks, such as prolonged work hours, reduced social interactions, and potential mental health challenges like isolation, anxiety and stress. These measures will contribute to maintaining a healthy work-life balance for employees in the evolving remote work landscape (Riad and El-Abd, 2023[49]).
However, the effects of telework practices on inequalities in labour market outcomes and the work-life balance deserve careful assessment (OECD, 2022[50]). Although reduced commuting times and the flexibility of working around care commitments are obvious advantages, more blurred boundaries between work and non-work times and spaces can negatively impact work-life balance, especially for women. Another reason for concern is that women who ask for teleworking could be seen as less productive and committed in the workplace. Depending on workplace practices, teleworking can also lead to less visibility, especially if it is much more common among women than men. To reduce such work-life balance disparities, teleworking should still be combined with family-friendly policies like childcare support, elderly care solutions, flexible hours, and information that addresses traditional roles (Touzet, 2023[51]). Tunisia and Jordan have lessons to share in this context (Box 7.3).
In Egypt, female public-sector employees can request a reduced work schedule where they work half-time and receive half pay (OECD, 2017[52]). Research in Egypt identified a positive correlation between flexible work arrangements (including reduced working hours, employee benefits, and parental work policies) and employee performance in Alexandria (Eshak, Wahba Mohamed Hassan and Nasser Ghanem, 2021[53]). Furthermore, the study highlighted positive impacts for the work-life balance. Another study, focusing on flexible working arrangements for academic staff members at various Egyptian universities (both public and private), underscores the pivotal role of managerial support in the successful implementation of flexible work arrangements (Yomna Osman Hassan Akef, 2023[54]).
In Tunisia, both male and female employees in the formal sector can seek part-time work arrangements, especially to care for a child under the age of six or a family member with a disability or illness. In the public sector, Tunisian women have the option to work part-time while receiving up to two-thirds of their regular salary (OECD, 2017[52]).
Jordan's regulation on Working within Flexible Arrangements (No. 22 of 2017) has helped enhance work-life balance and boost women's engagement in the labour market. The main targets of the regulation are workers who have been in their jobs for three consecutive years, workers with family responsibilities, university students, and workers with disabilities. In agreement with their employers, the regulation gives these workers the right to identify work schedules better suited to their needs. Research indicates that the regulation has had a positive effect on women's employment and career perspectives, enhancing job satisfaction and their loyalty to the company (Ibáñez Prieto, 2018[55]). However, implementation challenges persist, with lack of awareness and understanding of specific provisions representing a major obstacle for both employers and employees. Moreover, although many employers do practise flexible arrangements through informal agreements, few apply the regulations, suggesting that more could be done to ensure proper implementation and knowledge of potential benefits (Karak Castle Center for Consultations and Training and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2018[56]).
A comprehensive policy approach towards a more equal sharing of work and care responsibilities needs to also address social and gender norms. Expectations that women should take on most household responsibilities, and negative attitudes towards women in the workplace, seem widespread in Egypt (Constant et al., 2020[57]), although overall attitudes have improved over the past decade (see Chapter 4). For example, recent surveys by the Egyptian National Observatory for Women of a representative sample of over 3 300 respondents across the country shed light on how these norms can shape women's empowerment and workforce participation in Egypt (Zeitoun et al., 2023[58]). Only 13% of respondents disagreed with the statement that household income is solely the responsibility of men. Approximately 75% of respondents agreed that a woman's decision to work is primarily driven by her family's financial needs, suggesting a limited acceptance and recognition of the importance of women's work beyond providing their family's material welfare (Zeitoun et al., 2023[58]).
By addressing these norms through multiple channels, Egypt can create an enabling environment that empowers women to pursue diverse opportunities and contribute to the nation's social and economic development. As discussed in Chapter 4, community‑based and mass media campaigns can be powerful tools for modifying today’s narratives. By showcasing successful women in leadership positions and highlighting the broader benefits of women's chosen economic inclusion beyond necessity, such campaigns can inspire and encourage other women to pursue education and realise their aspirations in an employment career. Role models and peer mentoring can also provide valuable support and encouragement to women, demonstrating that overcoming societal barriers is possible. Popular media, including soap operas and TV shows, can also play a role in shaping attitudes towards women's roles. By featuring independent female characters and promoting positive gender norms, media can contribute to changing societal perceptions and expectations (Zeitoun et al., 2023[58]) (La Ferrara, Chong and Duryea, 2012[59]).
The Government of Egypt has launched several awareness-raising campaigns on the importance of men sharing unpaid care with women at home. Among these is the “Because I am a Man” campaign led by UN Women, an advocacy and behaviour-change initiative that encourages men to take a more active role in caregiving, childcare, and household tasks. Targeting in particular young people, the campaign challenges traditional gender norms and stereotypes through the use of relatable role models. By promoting men’s engagement as equal partners in unpaid care, it seeks to redistribute household responsibilities, facilitate women’s participation in the labour market, and advance more gender-equal families and societies (UN Women, n.d.[60]).
Promoting a more equal distribution of care responsibilities among men and women is an essential step towards gender equality. In Egypt, just as elsewhere in the MENA region and all around the world, women spend more hours than men looking after children and elderly relatives, and doing unpaid work in the household. This means, in turn, that women are less able than men to participate in the labour market and the economy. To promote a more gender-equal sharing of care responsibilities, Egypt could develop a comprehensive policy strategy that covers expanded access to child and elderly care, flexible work practices and a more equal sharing of parental leave between parents.
Recommendation 1. Develop a comprehensive policy strategy for more equitable shared care
A multifaceted policy strategy is needed to alleviate the "double burden" faced by working women in Egypt – the combined pressures of paid work and unpaid household and care responsibilities. To this end, Egypt can:
Develop a strategy on equality in care responsibilities which encompasses reforms in family policies and services, outlines ways to shift social norms surrounding equality in care roles, and allows for flexible work arrangements and teleworking to help reconcile work and care responsibilities.
Recommendation 2. Promote access to affordable and good quality childcare
Early childhood education and care is essential to facilitate both parents’ labour market engagement, while participation in formal childcare is positively associated with child development, learning, increased equality of opportunities and reduced poverty (OECD, 2023[5]). To this end, Egypt can:
Pursue efforts to expand the network of public nurseries and day care centres and sustain the quality of childcare by training staff and implementing national standards.
Support affordability of early childhood education and care, for example through allowances, tax deductions or discount schemes for families with low income.
Strengthen support for the provision of non-formal community-based childcare, especially in remote areas, providing short, regular training for community childcare workers.
Reassess the legal requirement for firms with more than 100 female workers to provide childcare services. If a new threshold is considered, it should be set as the overall number of employees –rather than women alone – to avoid disincentives to hire women.
Support awareness campaigns on the benefits of participation in early childhood education and care.
Recommendation 3. Increase access to elderly and long-term care support
While Egypt provides facilities and support for elderly care, most of the care for the elderly is shouldered by the family or informal family carers – especially women. To improve elderly and long-term care needs, while addressing women’s unpaid work responsibilities, Egypt can:
Support the expansion of good-quality and affordable home and community care systems for the elderly and people with long-term care needs through a variety of care options, including institutional and non-institutional care services.
Support the formalisation of care work to boost the quality of the service and to improve working conditions for long-term care workers. Consider providing care leave to family carers as well as training and skills certification opportunities for professional care workers.
Recommendation 4. Improve access to parental leave for fathers and address norms surrounding care responsibilities
Well-designed and shared paid parental leave carries benefits for both parents and children, supporting a more equal sharing of paid and unpaid work responsibilities. A comprehensive policy approach towards a more equal sharing of work and care responsibilities should also address social and gender norms. To this end, Egypt can:
Increase the share of publicly funded maternity leave to reduce the burden on employers and therefore avoid possible incentives for discriminatory hiring practices.
Provide paid parental leave to fathers to promote a more equal sharing of care work and strengthen father-child relationships.
Continue to support awareness-raising campaigns and outreach programmes that highlight the benefits of women’s economic empowerment and of men sharing unpaid care responsibilities.
Recommendation 5. Offer flexible work practices to help parents reconcile work and care
Flexible work arrangements and teleworking can help reconcile work and care responsibilities and allow working parents to spend more high-quality time with children, but it is important to ensure that access to remote working does not deepen gender divides. To this end, Egypt can:
Equip women and men alike with digital skills, including by supporting training programmes provided by employers, to support the development of more flexible work arrangements such as telework.
Combine the promotion of teleworking with family-friendly policies like childcare support, elderly care solutions, flexible hours and information that challenges traditional gender roles to reduce gendered work-life balance disparities.
References
[3] Atallah, M. and M. Hesham (2025), “Women’s Unpaid Care Work in Egypt: Gender Gaps in Time Use”, ERF Policy Brief 150.
[37] Baseera, The National Council for Women and The World Bank (2021), Care services for elder people and their impact on women economic participation, Baseera, The National Council for Women and The World Bank, https://en.enow.gov.eg/Report/155.pdf (accessed on 29 June 2023).
[27] Buvinic, M. and M. O’donnell (2016), Revisiting What Works: Women, Economic Empowerment and Smart Design, http://www.cgdev.org.
[4] CAPMAS, The Economic Research Forum (2025), Labor Market Panel Survey, ELMPS 2023, https://erfdataportal.com/index.php/catalog/301/study-description.
[30] Caria, S. and et al. (2023), “Child Care Subsidies, Employment Services, and Women’s Labor Market Outcomes in Egypt”, G²LM|LIC Working Paper, Vol. No. 73.
[57] Constant, L. et al. (2020), Barriers to Employment that Women Face in Egypt: Policy Challenges and Considerations, https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR2868.html.
[48] Daily News Egypt (2022), Women of Egypt promotes flexible work for the sake of empowerment in labour market, https://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2022/06/02/women-of-egypt-promotes-flexible-work-for-the-sake-of-empowerment-in-labour-market/ (accessed on 10 July 2023).
[26] Donald, A., S. Lowes and J. Vaillant (2024), Experimental Evidence on Rural Childcare Provision, World Bank Group, http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/099030725162010336.
[42] Earle, A. and J. Heymann (2019), “Paid Parental Leave and Family-Friendly Policies. An evidence brief”, unicef, https://www.unicef.org/sites/default/files/2019-07/UNICEF-Parental-Leave-Family-Friendly-Policies-2019.pdf (accessed on 13 September 2023).
[16] Egypt Today (2021), “Nurseries in Egypt to be given same privileges as MSMEs”, https://www.egypttoday.com/Article/1/101064/Nurseries-in-Egypt-to-be-given-same-privileges-as-MSMEs (accessed on 10 July 2023).
[19] El Tawil, N. (2022), Egypt, UN Women sign partnership deal to increase investments in care economy, Egypt Today, https://www.egypttoday.com/Article/1/121348/Egypt-UN-Women-sign-partnership-deal-to-increase-investments-in (accessed on 17 July 2023).
[53] Eshak, M., M. Wahba Mohamed Hassan and A. Nasser Ghanem (2021), “Flexible Work Arrangements and Their Impact on the Employee Performance of Egyptian Private University Employees: (A Case Study on the Arab Academy for Science, Technology, and Maritime Transport)”, International Journal of Social Science and Human Research, Vol. 04/10, https://doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v4-i10-13.
[14] Fadlalmawla, N. et al. (2022), “Assessing the labor market impact of COVID-19 on women with young children in Egypt”, Gender, Growth and Labour Markets in Low Income Countries Programme Working Paper, No. 61, IZA Institute for Labor Economics, UKaid, https://g2lm-lic.iza.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/glmlic-wp061.pdf (accessed on 6 July 2023).
[33] Ferng, M. (2014), “Peru Health System Unresponsive to Aging Population _ Pulitzer Center”, https://pulitzercenter.org/stories/peru-health-system-unresponsive-aging-population.
[34] Global Deal (2023), Unlocking the potential of social dialogue for long-term care.
[40] Government of Egypt (2025), Labour Law No. 14, https://eg.andersen.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Translation-of-Labor-law-No.-14-of-2025.pdf.
[43] Government of Egypt (2025), Law No. 14 of 2025, https://eg.andersen.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Translation-of-Labor-law-No.-14-of-2025.pdf.
[10] Halim, D., E. Perova and S. Reynolds (2023), “Childcare and Mothers’ Labor Market Outcomes in Lower- and Middle-Income Countries”, The World Bank Research Observer.
[6] Hegewisch, A. and J. Gornick (2011), “The impact of work-family policies on women’s employment: a review of research from OECD countries”, Community, Work & Family, Vol. 14/2, pp. 119–138, https://doi.org/10.1080/13668803.2011.571395.
[55] Ibáñez Prieto, A. (2018), Companies implementing flexible working hours more productive — report, The Jordan Times.
[25] IFC (2017), Tackling Childcare: The Business Case For Employer-Supported Childcare, http://www.ifc.org.
[36] ILO (2025), World Social Protection Data Dashboards, https://www.social-protection.org/gimi/%20gess/WSPDB.action?id=16.
[24] ILO (2022), Study Report Business Case for Employer Supported Child Care in Egypt: Childcare Models for Scaling up.
[29] ILO (2018), Care Work and Care Jobs for the Future of Decent Work.
[45] ILO Regional Office for Arab States (2021), Assessment of the Maternity Insurance in Jordan, https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---arabstates/---ro-beirut/documents/publication/wcms_776223.pdf.
[12] ILO/Unicef/MoSS (2021), “Business case for employer-supported childcare in Egypt: Childcare models for scaling up”, Study Report, International Labour Organization, https://www.ilo.org/publications/study-report-business-case-employer-supported-child-care-egypt-childcare.
[21] ILO et al. (2022), A Business Case for Employer Supported Childcare in Egypt: Case Studies, https://www.ilo.org/sites/default/files/wcmsp5/groups/public/@africa/@ro-abidjan/@sro-cairo/documents/publication/wcms_859015.pdf (accessed on 19 September 2024).
[13] ILO, F. et al. (2021), Business case for employer supported childcare in Egypt - Childcare models for scaling up, https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---africa/---ro-abidjan/---sro-cairo/documents/publication/wcms_859015.pdf (accessed on 6 July 2023).
[28] Instituto Nacional de Salud Pública (2012), “Resultados de la evaluación de impacto del Programa de Estancias Infantiles para Apoyar a Madres Trabajadoras”, https://www.insp.mx/images/stories/Centros/CIEE/12_09_07_Estancias_Infantiles4.pdf (accessed on 29 May 2024).
[9] J-PAL (2023), Access to childcare to improve women’s economic empowerment, https://www.povertyactionlab.org/policy-insight/access-childcare-improve-womens-economic-empowerment#ct1 (accessed on 26 June 2023).
[56] Karak Castle Center for Consultations and Training and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (2018), Legal Review of the Flexible Work Regulation of 2017, https://jordan.fes.de/fileadmin/user_upload/general/Jordan_Topics/Flexible_Work_Regulation_Report_-_En.pdf (accessed on 24 July 2023).
[59] La Ferrara, E., A. Chong and S. Duryea (2012), “Soap Operas and Fertility: Evidence from Brazil”, American Economic Journal: Applied Economics,, https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/app.4.4.1 (accessed on 18 July 2023).
[18] Martínez, C. and M. Perticará (2014), Childcare Indivisibility and Maternal Employment.
[47] National Council for Women (2017), National Strategy for the Empowerement of Egyptian Women 2030 - Visions and Pillars, http://ncw.gov.eg/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/final-version-national-strategy-for-the-empowerment-of-egyptian-women-2030.pdf (accessed on 12 July 2023).
[15] NCW (2024), Egyptian Women Fact Sheet 2014-2024, National Council for Women.
[38] OECD (2023), Beyond Applause? Improving Working Conditions in Long-Term Care, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/27d33ab3-en.
[7] OECD (2023), Gender, Institutions and Development Database (GID-DB), https://data-explorer.oecd.org/vis?df[ds]=DisseminateFinalDMZ&df[id]=DSD_GID%40DF_GID_2023&df[ag]=OECD.DEV.NPG&dq=.DF_HR_PCT_1.H_D....&to[TIME_PERIOD]=false&pd=2023%2C2023&vw=tb (accessed on 19 September 2024).
[5] OECD (2023), Joining Forces for Gender Equality: What is Holding us Back?, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/67d48024-en.
[20] OECD (2022), Gender Equality in Peru, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31739-7_97-1.
[50] OECD (2022), OECD Employment Outlook 2022, https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org.
[8] OECD (2021), “Caregiving in Crisis: Gender inequality in paid and unpaid work during COVID-19”, OECD Policy Responses to Coronavirus (COVID-19), OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/3555d164-en.
[52] OECD (2017), Women’s Economic Empowerment in Selected MENA Countries: The Impact of Legal Frameworks in Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia, Competitiveness and Private Sector Development, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264279322-en.
[41] OECD (2016), Policy Brief - Parental leave: Where are the fathers? MEN’S UPTAKE OF PARENTAL LEAVE IS RISING BUT STILL LOW, https://www.oecd.org/policy-briefs/parental-leave-where-are-the-fathers.pdf (accessed on 13 September 2023).
[2] OECD Development Centre/OECD (2023), Gender, Institutions and Development (Edition 2023), OECD International Development Statistics (database), https://data-explorer.oecd.org/vis?tm=SIGI%20&pg=0&snb=2&df[ds]=dsDisseminateFinalDMZ&df[id]=DSD_GID%40DF_GID_2023&df[ag]=OECD.DEV.NPG&df[vs]=1.0&lo=5&lom=LASTNPERIODS&dq=......&to[TIME_PERIOD]=false.
[23] Rachel Moussié (2016), Childcare fromt he Perspective of Women in the informal Economy. A Policy Brief for the UN Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel on Women’s Economic Empowerment.
[49] Riad, E. and H. El-Abd (2023), The New Normal – Remote Work and the Future of Employment & Labor Laws in Egypt, https://riad-riad.com/new-normal-remote-work-and-future-employment-labor-laws-egypt/ (accessed on 13 September 2023).
[32] Sinunu, M., K. Yount and N. El Afify (2008), “Informal and Formal Long-term Care for Frail Older Adults in Cairo, Egypt: Family Caregiving Decisions in a Context of Social Change”, Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology, Vol. 24/1, pp. 63-76, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10823-008-9074-6.
[1] Stiglitz, J., A. Sen and J. Fitoussi (2009), “Report by the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress”.
[51] Touzet, C. (2023), “Teleworking through the gender looking glass: Facts and gaps”, OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers, No. 285, OECD Publishing, Paris.
[22] UN Women (2020), The Role of the Care Economy in Promoting Gender Equality. Progress of Women in the Arab States 2020, https://arabstates.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20Arab%20States/Attachments/2021/01/UNW_ERF_Report_Final_8%20December.pdf (accessed on 23 May 2024).
[60] UN Women (n.d.), “Because I am a man” campaign, https://arabstates.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/because-i-am-a-man-campaign.
[31] UNFPA (2024), Country Profile – Egypt 2024, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
[39] UN‑Habitat (2025), Background paper for the 2025 High‑Level Political Forum – Domestic workers and local governance, Gold, United Cities and Local Governments, https://gold.uclg.org/sites/default/files/uploaded/HLPF2025paper3.pdf.
[11] UNICEF (2024), Situation Analysis of Children and Adolescents in Egypt 2024, UNICEF.
[46] UNICEF; ILO; WIEGO (2021), Family-Friendly Policies for Workers in the informal Economy. Protecting and ensuring social protection and care systems for all children and families in the context of COVID-19 and beyond, https://www.unicef.org/media/102821/file/Family-Friendly%20Policies%20for%20Workers%20in%20the%20Informal%20Economy%20.pdf (accessed on 17 July 2023).
[35] United Nations (2022), World Population Prospects: The 2022 Revision, https://population.un.org/dataportal/data/indicators/71,70/locations/818/start/1990/end/2050/table/pivotbylocation.
[17] Wang, Q. (2015), “Child Care, Work-Family Policy and Female Entrepreneurship”, SSRN Electronic Journal, https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2669282.
[44] World Bank (2013), Opening doors : gender equality and development in MENA.
[54] Yomna Osman Hassan Akef (2023), “Critical Success Factors for Applying Flexible working Time Arrangements in Egypt: An Applied Study”, https://sjrbs.journals.ekb.eg/article_289514_4b723a56096996680b677572303b1801.pdf (accessed on 13 September 2023).
[58] Zeitoun, N. et al. (2023), Social Norms and Female Labor Force Participation in Egypt (English), World Bank, http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/099061823220039155/P17968608f6dd00350b350081904da12d91 (accessed on 18 July 2023).
← 1. For details of the SIGI database see Box 3.1 in Chapter 3.
← 2. Data provided directly by the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS), Egypt to the OECD.
← 3. The subsidies either covered 25% or 75% of childcare costs for a sample of local participating nurseries, and covered children aged 0 to 5 years in the household. Randomly assigned employment services consisted of job matching support for mothers.
← 4. The old-age dependency ratio (the ratio between the number of people of working age and the population of retirement age) stood at 9% in 2022 in Egypt, which is very low in comparison with the average of 31% in OECD countries.