This chapter provides recommendations for how Catalonia could develop a roadmap to translate the 2003 Mobility Law vision into action and achieve the region’s ambitious GHG emission reduction target. Steps of the process include aligning views and engaging key stakeholders; setting shared targets and performance indicators to guide and monitor action; identifying transformative policy packages; and strengthening governance and data management for holistic action. The Chapter provides inputs to the roadmap process, including suggestions on targets and key performance indicators, the illustration of a policy package designed to invert the attractiveness gap between interurban public transport and private vehicles, and a discussion on the potential of Metropolitan Transport Authorities to catalyse transformative change.
Transforming Catalonia’s Mobility System for Net Zero
Abstract
The Catalan 2003 Mobility Law calls for the transformation of the region’s mobility system towards one that guarantees access by all citizens to sustainable transport modes (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[1]; 2006[2]). Translating the law’s vision into action has, however, been challenging. Analysis in this report reveals disagreements over what a desirable system looks like and the types of realistic changes needed to get there. It also identified approaches or mindsets within the administration that are potentially not conducive to transforming the system, a lack of quantified targets and clarity over the actions to prioritise to achieve the law’s objectives, fragmented governance and data hampering holistic action, and a physical lock-in in the system in favour of car-centric behaviours.
To achieve the region’s ambitious GHG reduction target1 and translate the 2003 Mobility Law vision into action, Catalonia could launch a roadmap co-creation process. The roadmap process could provide an opportunity for government officials to take a step back from managing current and predicted mobility demand to reflect on what needs to be transformed in the transport system so that better results emerge by design. In the words of one of the stakeholders interviewed, it would give them time for “what is important”, rather than continuing to “react[ing] to what is urgent”.
Creating the roadmap would require co-ordinating the transport and territorial planning expertise within the Department of Territory (DoT) (including the Climate Change Office), the Catalan Traffic Service (SCT), Mobility Territorial Authorities (ATMs) and local authorities. Co-ordination with the Ministry of Transport and Sustainable Mobility and other Autonomous Communities can help ensure the roadmap is aligned with national targets, for example, in the context of the Integrated National Energy and Climate Plan (PNIEC) (Gobierno de España, 2024[3]) and the Sustainable Mobility Bill (Gobierno de España, 2022[4]). In addition to this technical expertise, the process would benefit from the engagement of a variety of stakeholders from outside the transport sector (e.g. housing, energy, safety, economic, and health), as well as stakeholders from outside the public sector (e.g. private sector, academia, civil society).
The roadmap document would describe the vision and targets and the priority actions to achieve those targets, with clear indications of responsibilities, time frames and resource allocation.2 While not the main focus of this report, the roadmap could also include discussions on the transformation of freight transport, as well as a deep dive into the integration of land use and transport policies.
The roadmap document – and the discussions triggered in the process – could inform on-going processes in the region, which can provide concrete opportunities to accelerate the transition towards net-zero passenger transport systems and achieve the vision in the 2003 law. On-going processes include: (1) the development of the regional Integrated Plan for Energy and Climate (PINECCAT); a strategic framework for achieving the region’s climate targets (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[5]); (2) the revision of the Mobility Guidelines (DNM hereafter, based on the acronym in Catalan), a guiding framework to operationalise the priorities in the 2003 Mobility Law (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[6]); (3) the renewal of interurban bus concessions in 2028; (4) the development of mobility plans in Barcelona Girona, Tarragona and Terres de l'Ebre; and (5) Catalonia’s Smart Specialisation Strategy (RIS3CAT) sustainable mobility shared agenda. The roadmap process, and the inputs provided in this report could also serve as inputs to national on-going processes, such as the PNIEC and the Sustainable Mobility Bill. They may also be relevant for territories across the OECD with similar policy portfolios, system structures and goals.The roadmap co-creation process could include spaces to tackle the challenges identified above, including spaces for:
vision alignment and the engagement of key actors
setting clear, shared, and measurable targets
identifying transformative policy packages
rethinking governance for holistic action.
Catalonia’s Smart Specialisation Strategy (RIS3CAT) (Box 5.1) could support the roadmap co-creation process via its shared agendas, which bring together stakeholders from multiple backgrounds to tackle challenges related to a green and just transition (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2022[7]). By fostering spaces for discussion and experimentation, the Strategy sets the conditions for an ecosystem of actors to work together and tackle “place-based complex problems that prevent the territory from progressing in […] systemic transformations” (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[8]). The regional, and multidisciplinary nature of the RIS3CAT can help bridge administrative and disciplinary boundaries by promoting cross-departmental discussions that may otherwise not take place, such as between transport experts, urban planners and the health community. The Strategy’s structure could also help to align regional and local goals and discussions on resource needs for implementing transformative policies and foster co-ordinated efforts across an ecosystem of actors beyond the public sector, including academia, civil society, and the private sector.
Catalonia could also build on international experience for the roadmap process design. For example, the Swedish innovation agency, Vinnova, has several years of experience in the implementation of whole-of-government approaches for tacking complex societal challenges. They have compiled their experience in a practice guide (Hill, 2022[9]). Griffith University has published a booklet describing the steps of challenge-led innovation, with the aim to “accelerate innovation towards addressing complex challenges”, (Griffith University, 2023[10]). Challenge-led innovation is a way of working that is focused on enabling the necessary conditions for cross-sectoral collaboration to address complex societal issues which individual actors are unable to solve on their own. The OECD Mission Action Lab (2024[11]) gathers together a community of mission practitioners and provides several hands-on tools for implementing the approach. Lessons from the OECD’s pilot of a challenge-led approach for implementing the Climate Action Plan in Dublin may also be relevant for the region (OECD, 2024[12]).
Catalonia’s Smart Specialisation Strategy – the RIS3CAT 2030 – aims to drive transformative and responsible research and innovation for a greener, more digital, resilient and fairer socioeconomic model in Catalonia, in line with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Primarily funded by European Regional Development Funds (for the period 2021-2027), the strategy’s goals include promoting sustainable value chains, developing enabling technologies, and fostering new digital and technology-based industries.
The strategy’s logic is based on the Transformative Innovation Policy approach (TIPC, 2024[13]) and the Multi-Level Perspective framework (Geels, 2011[14]). Fernandez Sirera (2024[15]) explains the strategy’s underlying assumption: “The strategy is based on the assumption that interactions between landscapes, regimes, and experimental spaces or niches are the main driver of systemic transformation. Governments, through anticipatory processes, can accelerate systemic transitions by nourishing and aligning the spaces of experimentation and supporting the expansion and adoption of alternatives aligned with the shared vision of the future”. As a result, RIS3CAT focuses on two types of actions: (1) nourishing, i.e. connecting and expanding experimentation spaces which develop alternative practices that are aligned with the future vision; and (2) opening up the regime by reducing resistance to change and supporting a green and just transition (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[16]).
Based on the idea that true competitiveness can only be achieved when value is created for both people and nature and built around shared agendas, the Strategy aims to trigger systemic transformations across seven thematic areas:
a sustainable, fair, equitable and healthy food system
an environmentally-friendly, emissions-neutral energy and resource system
a sustainable mobility and logistics system
a universal, sustainable, resilient social and health care system
a reflective, proactive, inclusive and responsive education and knowledge-generation system
a sustainable and competitive industrial system
a cultural system that integrates people, territory and history.
The idea of shared agendas is analogous to the ideas of mission-oriented (Larrue, 2021[17]) and challenge-led innovation (Hill, 2022[9]; Griffith University, 2023[10]), and refers to participatory governance processes aimed at combining the collective action of various stakeholders to address complex challenges that individual actors could not tackle on their own.1 The underlying logic of shared agendas is also aligned with the OECD process Systems Innovation for Net Zero (see Chapter 1) and the roadmap process suggested in this report.
Note: 1 Relevant initiatives and actors to engage in the shared agendas are identified via the Opportunities Discovery Mechanism (MDO, after the acronym in Catalan). In parallel, the Knowledge Regions Programme engages universities and research centres in transformative innovation initiatives, positioning knowledge as a key driver for the green transformation (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[16]).
Source: (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[16]), RIS3CAT 2030 Transformative innovation initiatives, https://fonseuropeus.gencat.cat/web/.content/ris3cat/documents/angles/iniciatives-innovacio-transformativa-ris3cat-2030-en.pdf.
The rest of this chapter provides inputs to the roadmap co-creation, in terms of aligning visions, setting targets, identifying transformative policy packages, and rethinking governance for holistic action.
Systems change can be achieved via the collective action of multiple actors, strategizing together to “pull” a system in a different direction than where it is currently headed. To imagine “what could be”, policymakers need to first believe that systems change is possible, and that systems can function radically differently to current systems, and lead to more desirable patterns of behaviours and results. Ingrained – and often unquestioned – ideas may limit decision makers’ vision or imagination of what is possible, thus limiting public policy scope. Chapter 2 identifies such mindsets within the administration, leading to policy decisions that are reactive, mobility-focused and based on an absolute-attractiveness lens.
The spaces for discussion made available via a roadmap co-creation process can enlarge the scope of “what could be” and trigger mindset shifts towards a transformative approach. This report identifies three mindset shifts that could accelerate the systems transformation towards the vision in the 2003 Mobility Law:
From reacting to transforming. A shift in attention from reacting to transforming can lead to policy packages that ensure sustainable modes become the most attractive by design so that people choose such modes for the bulk of their trips.
From mobility to accessibility. A shift in attention from mobility to accessibility can decrease the need for mobility while preserving and improving citizens’ well-being.
From absolute to relative mode attractiveness. A shift in attention from the absolute to relative attractiveness of transport modes can ensure that sustainable transport alternatives are the most attractive options vis-à-vis less sustainable options such as private motorized vehicles.
Figure 5.1 illustrates the potential impact of these three mindsets shifts on mobility system transformation (right-hand side of the figure), based on the iceberg analogy described in Chapter 1. The impact of policymakers’ mindset shifts on policy packages is described further in Chapter 2.
Note: The left-hand-side of the figure illustrates the effect of mindsets that are reactive, mobility-centric and focused on absolute attractiveness on policy decisions and subsequent results. The right-hand-side of the figure illustrates the effect of mindset that focus on transforming systems for accessibility and on improving the relative attractiveness of modes on policy decisions and results.
Source: Authors.
The RIS3CAT’s shared agenda process (Box 5.1) could generate spaces for visioning exercises towards sustainable mobility systems at the regional and local levels, and foster questions and reflection on current and future approaches to system transformation. Catalonia could also build upon the process carried out in preparing this report. For example, the visioning exercises carried out during the February 2024 stakeholder workshop (Box 5.2) could be replicated at different territorial levels to involve a wider range of actors than what was possible in a single workshop. Visioning exercises could also draw on experience from other cities. Transport for London (TfL) uses scenario planning to illustrate plausible futures of travel in London by 2041. Scenarios are developed in consultation with diverse stakeholders, who also discuss each scenario implication for policy decisions and the future of travel (TfL, 2019[18]).
Visioning exercises focused on extreme scenarios – which would be dismissed as “unrealistic” in daily policy discussions – can help liberate mindsets and open doors for envisioning futures that are radically different to the current situation.
In February 2024, the OECD organised a day-and-a-half workshop in Barcelona, involving stakeholders from government departments (at different geographical levels), academia, and civil society. The workshop was structured around group exercises based on the three steps of the OECD process (envision, understand and redesign; see Chapter 1).
Participants were invited to imagine the region’s passenger transport system in 2050 in the following extreme scenario: they were to imagine they lived in a society in which it had become culturally unacceptable for citizens to drive private motorised vehicles (unless deemed necessary, e.g. people with mobility needs). The participants’ task was to lead the transition towards a passenger transport system that would allow people to fulfil their needs and opportunities without the need for private motorised vehicles. The first exercise involved visioning their own territory, while the second exercise was for Catalonia as a whole.
Organised into groups representing four Catalan territories,1 participants were asked to describe how their territory would look in 2050 after 25 years of actions focused on enabling passenger travel without private motorised vehicles, while simultaneously improving life quality. Participants were invited to reflect on what appeared, what disappeared, what changed location or function, what governance changes took place, and what the resulting modal split was in 2050. While they differed on some aspects,2 the system envisioned by the different groups had several commonalities:
All groups envisioned a system where 80-90% of trips were active or via public transport. Participants estimated that approximately half the trips would be active, and 30-40% of trips would be carried out by public transport.
All groups imagined compact, people- and child-friendly urban areas with local services; most public space allocated to bus, cycling, and pedestrian lanes; regular public transport services (bus and train); and small car-sharing fleets to ensure access to motorised vehicles when needed.
Remote working increased.
Rail services were expanded to accommodate freight transport, and most groups imagined drones playing a role in goods delivery.
The second exercise, focused on Catalonia as a whole, revealed high consensus across groups:
Industrial activity was decentralised to prevent depopulation and the loss of vital services: groups envisioned a polycentric Catalonia, with well-developed and vibrant provincial capitals attracting services, jobs, and a young labour force.
Mixed-income housing allowed for “15-minute cities”, enabling for high, middle and low-income households to live near their jobs.
A three-level multimodal transport network covered Catalonia: rail for long-distance (with a 45-minute travel time between intermediate-sized towns), buses for intermediate distance (with a regularity of 15 minutes) and shared mobility hubs for the first and last kilometres. On-demand public transport served remote areas. Some of the groups included a system of road pricing, with emphasis on a socioeconomic mechanism to protect low-income households.
Notes: 1 Wider Tarragona Functional Area (Camp de Tarragona), Girona’s Coast (Costa Brava), Western Pyrenees and Aran (Alt Pirineu i Aran), and Barcelona Metropolitan Mobility System (Sistema de Mobilitat Metropolitana de Barcelona). 2 For example, the group focused on Barcelona compared the use of cars in 2050 to the use of taxis today, while less urbanised provinces saw (shared) cars as an essential part of multimodal trips, to ensure access to remote areas.
The results of the visioning exercises can provide inputs into on-going processes and trigger discussion opportunities with key actors in the system. For example, the clarity brought by these discussions could feed into the development of the PINECCAT, and the contract revision for the interurban bus concession renewal process, so that the contracts reflect the desired vision for system transformation (Box 5.3). They could also foster discussions with the automobile industry.3 Such discussions could clarify some of the disagreements described in Chapter 2 on the desirability of the vision in the 2003 Mobility Law, and help the government better understand how they can partner with the industry to enable it to become an active ally in implementing the 2003 Mobility Law and achieving the climate targets. Box 5.4 Illustrates a synergy between the RIS3CAT and the private sector that could be further explored.
In 2028, the concessions of all non-metropolitan interurban buses in Catalonia will expire. This is a unique opportunity for the region to redesign its interurban bus services, boost their attractiveness, and tackle some of the challenges currently experienced such as limited flexibility and information to adapt services to changes in transport demand, opportunities to incorporate good practices and lessons learnt, service quality heterogeneity across the region, and financial and human resources for quality monitoring (see Annex H).
Visioning exercises as part of the roadmap co-creation could shed light on concrete steps to ensure the concession renewal contributes positively to the 2003 Mobility Law vision and the achievement of climate targets. The exercise could engage stakeholders from Departments of Territory, transport and urban planning services, the Catalan Traffic Service, ATMs, AMB, municipal authorities from diverse territories, academia and civil society representatives. Organised at different territorial levels to consider differentiated needs, it could shed light on questions such as what could a well-functioning interurban public transport system look like in 2030 and 2050, e.g. how would urban and interurban services be integrated, and to which other means of transport these services could be integrated to and how.
Back-casting exercises complement visioning exercises by triggering discussions on the strategy(ies) to achieve the vision. Such exercises start with a desirable vision of the future and work backwards to identify the steps (policies, governance changes, etc.) that allow this future to become a reality. Questions for discussion could include:
Which policies were prioritised to make public transport services more attractive than private vehicles for the bulk of trips?
How was technology harnessed to improve the attractiveness of the public transport service?
How were the improvements in the services – and access restrictions to private vehicles these improvements may have entailed – communicated to the public?
Who was actively engaged in the process (ecosystem of actors)? How was this collaboration fostered?
Which key performance indicators and data were used to monitor progress (e.g. indicators on accessibility by mode, space allocation)?
Catalonia could also benefit from international experiences on visioning future public transport systems from cities such as Alexandria in the United States (City of Alexandria, 2020[19]), Brussels, Belgium (Brussels Mobility, 2020[20]), and The Hague, Netherlands (Jittrapirom, Bekius and Führer, 2023[21]).
International experience on contract design and tendering processes may also be useful for the concession renewal process. Annex I describes good practices in terms of contract duration and extension periods, revenue collection, revenue-risk arrangements (net and gross cost), and performance indicators to increase quality of service.
Catalonia’s Smart Specialisation Strategy (RIS3CAT) could generate business opportunities for the car industry and startups by fostering innovation in micro-mobility and small vehicles and linking innovative alternatives to the policy sphere.
By partnering with the private sector, RIS3CAT could leverage the sector’s expertise and resources for innovation in light electric vehicles; improve the market competitiveness of these vehicles vis-à-vis ICEVs and large EVs by revising public incentives; and help to increase the attractiveness of these vehicles, while positioning Catalonia as a global leader in the sector. This transition could contribute to aligning the industry’s interests with the region’s vision (in the 2003 Mobility Law) and reduce the concerns of some stakeholders around the potential negative impact on the industry of implementing the law (see Chapter 2). The business opportunities and jobs generated through targeted incentives could influence the strategy of the Catalan car industry (accounting for 6.5% of the region’s GDP), which may then push for further changes in this direction.
The region already has experience of generating business opportunities in areas aligned with the net-zero transition. The Shared Agenda in Lleida promotes the development of the bioindustrial sector to enhance the bioeconomy in Catalonia. One of the main contributions of this sector is the creation of biorefineries that allow the local transformation of organic waste into biofertilisers, biomaterials and bioplastics, creating new business models in rural areas. Biorefineries use renewable energies in their production processes and promote trade between nearby industries, thereby reducing distances and emissions from the transport of bioproducts.
Source: (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023[22]), RIS3CAT Shared Agendas as Platforms for Synergies, https://fonseuropeus.gencat.cat/web/.content/ris3cat/documents/angles/ris3cat-agendes-compartides-plataforma-sinergies-en.pdf; (Diputació de Lleida, 2021[23]), BIOHUB KM0 - La creació d’una indústria al voltant de les dejeccions ramaderes, [BIOHUB KM0 - The creation of an industry around livestock waste.] https://promocioeconomica.cat/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/BIOHUB-KM0_.pdf; (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[24]), Dossier Tècnic. Núm. 127 Cap a una bioeconomia circular a Catalunya, [Technical Dossier. No. 127 Towards a Circular Bioeconomy in Catalonia.] https://ruralcat.gencat.cat/documents/20181/11921838/DT127.pdf.
5.3.1. A systems perspective can help identify targets
Setting shared quantitative and qualitative SMART4 targets and key performance indicators (KPIs), and rethinking institutional mandates to achieve the targets, can help co-ordinate efforts and track progress towards the vision at the regional, sub-regional and local levels. From a systems perspective, it is useful to have targets and KPIs at four levels: (1) the desired outcomes emerging from the system (outcome level); (2) the type of behaviour that enables such outcomes (output level); (3) the system characteristics that foster such behaviour (structure level); and (4) the mental models that shaped such systems. Figure 5.2 provides some examples of targets/KPIs at each level, superimposed on the iceberg model (see Chapter 1).
Source: Authors.
Outcomes
At the outcomes level, a transport-specific emissions reduction target is needed to bring clarity on whether the actions currently being prioritised to reduce passenger transport emissions will allow the regional emission reduction target to be achieved. Progress is on-going for the definition of a transport-specific target via the PINECCAT (see Chapter 2). Ireland’s experience in quantifying a “gap-to-target” and assessing the potential of policy packages for closing this gap may be a useful example for next steps in the PINECCAT process (Box 5.5).
Ireland has committed to reducing transport emissions by 50% by 2030, compared to 2018 levels. An assessment by the Irish Department of Transport of the abatement potential of the actions included in the national 2021 Climate Action Plan identified a gap of 13% between the 2030 target and the abatement potential of planned policies (assuming all policies were implemented on time).
To inform policy decisions to close that gap, the Irish Government ask the OECD to conduct an analysis to identify transformative policies with the potential to close the gap (OECD, 2022[25]). The National Transport Authority (2023[26]) also carried out a model-based analysis to simulate the contribution of policy packages to achieving the target. Both exercises concluded that vehicle technological improvements would not be sufficient to meet the 2030 target and identified the need to prioritise actions to foster shifts to sustainable modes and reduce travel demand (OECD, 2022[25]; NTA, 2023[26]). The results of the analysis informed the revision of the targets, KPIs, and policies in the 2023 Climate Action Plan to close the identified gap (IE Department of Transport, 2023[27]). One of the major changes has been the inclusion of the reallocation of road space towards public transport and active modes as a key element in the Plan.
In addition to a transport-specific GHG emission reduction goal, targets for well-being outcomes can serve as a “checklist” for policy decision making and help to prioritise policies able to tackle multiple dimensions at once. For example, the Dutch Environmental Assessment Agency has identified four dimensions of well-being influenced by the mobility system and uses them to assess transport policies (Snellen, Bastiaanssen and ’t Hoen, 2022[28]). These include accessibility, safety, health, and the environment. Numerous plans and strategies in the region also have KPIs for multiple well-being outcomes that may serve as a basis for setting targets in this sense. For example the Barcelona ATM Mobility Master Plan includes eight-year targets focused on health, environment, safety, and inclusiveness (ATM Barcelona, 2020[29]) alongside the Accessibility Public Transport Index.5
While necessary to shed light on the desired results, targets at the outcome level provide limited information on the patterns of behaviour and the system structure compatible with such results. To inform policy prioritisation, they need to be complemented with targets for patterns of behaviour and at the system structure levels.
Patterns of behaviour
At the level of patterns of behaviour (outputs), targets need to be set for desired modal shares6 and/or the extent to which private vehicle use is expected to decrease (different targets could be set per trip length). For example, Barcelona's Urban Mobility Plan sets targets for increasing walking trips by 8%, cycling by 129%, and public transport use by 16% (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2022[30]). Luxembourg aims for 95% of commuting trips under 1km to be on foot by 2025, and to double the use of bicycles for commuting trips under 5km (LU Department of Transport, 2018[31]). Austria has set a target to reduce the share of private cars in the modal split by 16% and increase the share of public transport and active mobility by 13% and 3% respectively (Federal Ministry, 2021[32]). Portugal has a target of 40% of all urban trips made by sustainable modes (walking, cycling and public transport) by 2030 (EIT, 2023[33]). Both Scotland and Ireland have targets to reduce car kilometres travelled by 20% by 2030 (Transport Scotland, 2022[34]; IE Department of Transport, 2023[27]). TfL aims for 80% of journeys to be made by foot, cycle, or public transport by 2041 (TfL, 2024[35]).
System structure
Targets at the system structure level are fundamental for shedding light on the physical transformation of the system necessary to achieve the desired outputs and outcomes. As explained in Chapter 3, the modal shift towards sustainable modes is unlikely in systems in which emission-intensive modes are the most attractive, and sometimes the only, options available.
This report recommends setting the inversion of the relative attractiveness of modes as the “compass” for policy prioritization across administrations for transforming the system. The relative attractiveness of modes can be measured by accessibility per mode, or by simpler data proxies such as the average time per trip per mode (see Chapter 3). The ITF accessibility indicator (ITF, 2019[36]); (ITF, 2024[37]), the TfL Public Transport Access Level indicator (TfL, 2015[38]), and on-going work on accessibility indicators at the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB)7 (GEMOTT, 2024[39]) and AMB (2024[40]) could support the development and tracking of accessibility across different modes at the regional, sub-regional, and local levels. The RIS3CAT strategy could foster connections with academia to support the development of accessibility indicators and data collection processes. For example, current work on accessibility indicators at the UAB could be connected to the DoT or ATMs needs via the RIS3CAT Opportunities Discovery Mechanism. If expanded to include multiple transport modes and an accessibility focus, the current RIS3CAT initiative Digital Twin could provide valuable data on accessibility per mode (Box 5.6).
In the context of its Smart Specialisation Strategy (RIS3CAT), Catalonia is carrying out a project to produce real-time data for traffic management: a Digital Twin of Catalan highways. A digital twin is a virtual representation of a physical object, in this case, a highway. The project is complemented with the Smart Roads project from the Department of Territory, which consists of installing sensors in motorways (C12, C66 and C32 so far) to monitor car traffic and feed the Digital Twin with real-time traffic data.
The project current focus on traffic data has the potential to reduce travel time by car thanks to real-time information on route options, an undesirable result of which may be greater car demand and the widening of the attractiveness gap between modes in favour of private motorised vehicles. The intention is, however, to extend the scope of the project to other transport modes.
The Digital Twin project could contribute to narrowing the attractiveness gap in favour of sustainable modes if expanded to these modes with a focus on multimodality and accessibility. This would enable the Digital Twin to inform and measure the effect of policies aimed at fostering accessibility by sustainable modes. A model focused on accessibility of multiple modes could quantify the attractiveness of each mode and provide several insights: (1) inform policy action to make sustainable modes more attractive (in line with the objectives of the 2003 Mobility Law); (2) track progress (e.g. by feeding in data on some of the KPIs discussed in Section 5.3); and (3) communicate progress to the public on the gap the policies are intending to close, with the aim of gathering public support for transformative policies. Modelling multimodality and accessibility can also contribute to a mindset shift among transport and planning experts away from a “predict and provide” approach, where the attention is on accommodating and optimising existing or predicted traffic flows, towards a “decide and provide” approach, in which attention focuses on designing for the travel patterns the region desires to have (see Box 2.1 in Chapter 2).
Unlike traffic forecasting models, accessibility-focused models shed light on the actual, unmet, and latent needs of the population, including people who do not own or use private vehicles. For example, in the Netherlands, the Integrated Perspective on Accessibility (IPOA) model informs national transport policy in the Netherlands by quantifying accessibility to job opportunities for each transport mode and for different target groups (Dutch Parliament, 2022[41]).
An accessibility-focused model similar to the IPOA could be used to evaluate and tailor some of the policies mentioned in this report. For instance, the metropolitan area of Amsterdam used the model to evaluate the effect of integrating public transport with bike-sharing schemes on job accessibility for groups with different incomes and levels of car access (Figure 5.3). Other applications of accessibility-focused models could include: (1) evaluating policies to increase accessibility to industrial areas via public transport; (2) evaluating the effect of public transport fares on accessibility by different income groups; (3) using accessibility indicators in granting public transport concessions; and (4) identifying areas well covered by public transport where parking facilities and fares could be adapted, or areas with low accessibility via public transport where improvements to the network are needed (Voerknecht, 2021[42]).
The Smart Roads project could also be expanded to boost the attractiveness of sustainable modes. Sensors are currently installed on highways for monitoring car traffic but could also be installed to capture flows from sustainable modes. This would increase the availability of real-time data on these modes, which could be shared with users to plan journeys, inform, and evaluate the effect of policies focused on sustainable modes, and communicate progress to the public. Paris, for example, has installed sensors to count bike traffic, which helps to evaluate and inform strategic decisions for expanding the cycling network. The data collected via the sensors are also used for communication purposes to the public and to quantify policy impact (City of Paris, 2024[43]).
Source: Extracted from (Wang et al., 2023[44]), Potential Impacts of Share Bike-Transit Integration on Equity in Job Accessibility, http://resolver.tudelft.nl/uuid:cfa86046-384d-4cf4-bfa1-c25b6844ab7e.
Other targets at the system structure level may include a proportion/km2 of public space attributed to each mode (and/or other functions such as green spaces), the amount of kilometres of dedicated bus/cycle lanes (total and share of total), or the percentage of self-containment in a specific territory. For example, in 2019, the city of Sofia set a target for the total length of cycling lanes to be increased by 160km by 2025 and the area dedicated to pedestrians to be increase by 10% (EU Urban Mobility Observatory, 2023[45]). In 2023, Paris set a target to pedestrianise 100 streets near schools (City of Paris, 2023[46]). Barcelona aims to increase bus commercial speed by 10% on key lines, partly via dedicated bus lanes (TMB, 2021[47]).
Mental models
At the mental model level, public perception targets could be set. Evidence suggests that perceptions matter for the uptake of active and shared modes. For example, Aldred and Crosweller (2015[48]) find that social perceptions of cycling, including associated values, image, and perceived requirements for cycling, affect its uptake and the frequency with which people cycle. Bagley and Mokhtarian (2002[49]) argue that land-use policies promoting mixed-use and higher density developments may not be effective in influencing travel behaviour without addressing individuals' attitudes towards, for example, private vehicles, public transport, time use, and housing preferences.
Current perceptions are that public transport in Catalonia is not very reliable (see Chapter 3). A specific target could foster actions to improve this perception and create opportunities for people to try public transport services. These may include providing information on the availability of new services or improvements, creating feedback mechanisms between users and operators, communication strategies demystifying ingrained ideas on active and shared modes (e.g. linked to space allocation, see Chapter 4), and actions allowing users to gamify (i.e. add elements of game playing such as points, rewards, levels) their experience to make it more pleasant – see, for example (Wang et al., 2022[50]).
5.3.2. Targets are important tools for communication and action
The way in which targets reflect desired results matters: targets and KPIs can increase clarity if expressed as both final results (stocks) and changes relative to the current situation (flows). Targets expressed as stocks and flows are complementary: stocks provide a “snapshot” of desired system characteristics, while flows shed light on the changes needed to get to those characteristics. For example, the indicator on the Share of bus lines running on dedicated bus lanes in Figure 5.2 sheds light on a stock, while the Km of dedicated bus lanes made available by year sheds light on a flow. The Trips by bike in Figure 5.2 refers to a final result, while the Increase in the number of trips by bike refers to the change from the current situation. A 100% increase in the number of Trips by bike may seem like an ambitious target, but may look less ambitious next to the target expressed as the final result which, in the case of Catalonia, would be 2% of trips by bike (on average in 2021, bike trips accounted for 1% of total trips in the region (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[51]).
When publicly communicated, both the vision and the targets can increase citizens’ support for transformative policies, such as space redistribution. For example, McArthur et al. (2022[52]) note that roads and streets occupy around 70 to 80% of public space in cities, but this is rarely acknowledged. Rueda (2012[53]) estimates the percentage of public space dedicated to roads for private motorised vehicles in Spanish cities at 60 to 70%. Shedding light on the disproportionate amount of space currently allocated to some users could increase support for its redistribution across the region. For example, both Berlin and Barcelona communicate the space distribution per mode next to the modal share of each of those modes (see Figure 5.4 for Berlin and Figure 3.19 in Chapter 3, for Barcelona).
Source: Extracted from (TUMI, 2023[54]), “Allocation of space for transport infrastructure”, https://transformative-mobility.org/multimedia/allocation-of-space-for-transport-infrastructure/, accessed 21 March 2024.
Targets are useful to set a direction of travel and do not have to be seen as “set in stone”. The target-setting process can be time-consuming and might paralyse action if designed with the aim of building consensus on very specific targets. As the context changes and progress is made, targets may need to be revised. For example, during the visioning exercise carried out in the February 2024 workshop (Box 5.2), stakeholders identified a target for modal shares by 2050 in which 80-90% of trips were active or via public transport in selected territories in the region. Participants estimated that approximately half of the trips could be active, and 30-40% of trips could be carried out by public transport by 2050. Targets at this level of detail can be sufficient to co-ordinate action towards a shared direction.
Target setting is context-specific and they may need to vary in Catalonia according to the territory, to account for the diversity of contexts and needs. For example, the desired modal share for the city of Barcelona will be different to that of the Pirineu region. The experience of the German region Baden-Wuerttemberg in setting urban and rural targets could be an useful example. The region set a transport-specific emission reduction target (-55% of CO2 emissions by 2030, compared to 1990) as well as differentiated sub-targets for urban and rural areas. For example, it committed to a 50% reduction in vehicle use in selected cities, and to a 10% reduction in rural areas (Ministry of Transport Baden-Wuerttemberg, 2023[55]). To ensure targets are aligned with local realities, the roadmap process could foster spaces for discussion and reflection at different geographical levels.
Shared targets, and institutional mandates aligned with such targets, can also facilitate co-ordination and increase policy coherence towards the achievement of the 2003 Mobility Law and the climate target. For example, as described in Box 2.4 in Chapter 2, a shared goal focused on reversing the modes’ attractiveness gap could foster collaboration and trigger synergies between efforts from the Catalan Transit Service and the Department of Territory.
In addition to the roadmap co-creation process suggested in this report, there are multiple opportunities in the region to develop and disseminate targets at the Generalitat level. The forthcoming PINECCAT 2030 strategy and the on-going revision of the Mobility Guidelines (DNM) can trigger discussions on the level of ambition of the transport-specific GHG emission reduction target in different geographical areas and the actions to get there, and incorporate some of the sub-targets suggested in this report. The DNM could also provide guidelines on how to set targets at local levels and collect or manage data to track progress. The Plans currently being drafted in Tarragona (Mobility Plan, PdM), Girona (Supramunicipal Urban Sustainable Mobility Plan, PMUS)8 and Terres de l'Ebre (Mobility Plan, PdM), along with the current and future Mobility Master Plan from ATM Barcelona, could also be opportunities to set quantified targets and assess their contribution to the regional and national GHG emission reduction targets.
The region has numerous plans and strategies that contain policies to improve and decarbonise passenger mobility. However, these plans do not always establish a clear relationship between targets and policies, specify the transformative potential of policy packages, or allow for the identification of the policies prioritised now or in the future to implement the 2003 Mobility Law vision and halve GHG emissions by 2030.
The spaces for discussions made available via the roadmap co-creation process can be opportunities for Catalonia to build a shared understanding of the complexity of challenges, identify the combination of actions with the most potential to trigger transformative change, and agree on a strategy to get there. The process can also help the region assess which on-going or planned policies (or initiatives) contribute to achieving the Law’s vision and climate targets and could be scaled up, and which could be revised to align with the vision and target, for different territories.
The development of the PINECCAT (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[56]), currently on-going (see Chapter 2), could build and/or be informed by the roadmap process suggested and the inputs provided in this report. The combination of a clear vision (see Section 5.2), shared targets (see Section 5.3), an understanding of the actions transformative potential (see Chapter 4) and the abatement potential of actions (from the factsheets being developed as part of the PINECCAT process, see Chapter 2) are necessary to ensure a prioritisation of actions aligned with the required system transformation. For example, the visioning exercises suggested in Section 5.2 and the policy categorisation in Chapter 4 could inform the process of action prioritization in the PINECCAT process. By illustrating the transformative potential of policy packages designed to reverse the attractiveness gap between interurban public transport and private vehicles (medium- to long-distance trips)9, sub-section 5.4.1 also provides inputs to the PINECCAT and roadmap discussions.
To facilitate policy prioritisation and co-ordination, the government could organise training sessions on systems thinking and transformative approaches for staff and selected stakeholders as part of the roadmap and/or the PINECCAT process. The OECD framework (and analysis) in this chapter may be a useful tool for these sessions, and the RIS3CAT Opportunities Discovery Mechanism (ODM) may be a conducive instrument for organising them. The system maps developed by Reimagined Futures in the region could also provide useful inputs to training sessions (Box 5.7).
System maps are useful tools in system transformation processes. They enable stakeholders to construct a shared narrative about the current system’s operational patterns and the forces that either facilitate or hinder progress towards a collective vision of the future.
The process begins with a thorough analysis and dynamic understanding of the system targeted for transformation. This involves comprehensively understanding the system structure and visualizing the key factors and patterns that dictate its functioning. The mapping exercise helps identify opportunities for action and to formulate strategies to steer the system towards desired outcomes. Creating these maps requires expertise, commitment, and active participation from key stakeholders involved in the shared agenda process, often supported by one or more facilitators.
To date, four system maps have been developed and two are in progress in the context of the Catalonia’s Smart Specialisation Strategy. The maps already developed include maps on: i) how Catalonia’s knowledge system can accelerate the transition to a green, resilient, and just socio-economic model (ReImagined Futures, 2023[57]), ii) the current state of the Investment System, with a focus on transformative investment (Reimagined Futures, 2023[58]), iii) the state of the Catalan Food System (Reimagined Futures, 2022[59]), and; iv) issues of chronicity and dependency in the Bages region (Reimagined Futures, 2022[60]). The maps being developed focus on the revitalization and resilience of rural areas, and on planetary health (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[61]).
5.4.1. A transformative policy package could make interurban public transport more attractive
This section suggests a strategic combination of policies to invert the attractiveness gap between interurban public transport and private vehicles in areas in which the gap favours emission-intensive modes. It aims to serve as an input to future discussions in the region, rather than provide a comprehensive or prescriptive policy package.
Interurban public transport is the focus of this section for three reasons. First, interurban travel accounts for a high share of distances travelled and, thus, of emissions. Second, the use of private vehicles for interurban trips is high10 and shows an upward trend over the last decades that is misaligned with the objectives of the 2003 Mobility Law and the climate targets. Third, a renewal process for the interurban bus concessions will take place in Catalonia in 2028, giving the region a unique opportunity to redesign interurban services using a systemic lens.
As explained in previous chapters, triggering behavioural changes at scale is unlikely in systems in which sustainable modes are less attractive than emissions-intensive modes. Chapter 3 described three dynamics – induced car demand, urban sprawl, and the spatial inequality of sustainable modes – that perpetuate the attractiveness of emissions-intensive transport modes in Catalonia in most areas. Chapter 4 explained that policies improving active and shared modes in isolation (policies that add) may not be sufficient to reduce this attractiveness and trigger large-scale modal shifts towards sustainable modes. The analysis suggests that the current allocation of public space is a limiting factor in reversing the gap, given the system’s physical lock-in in favour of private motorised vehicles.
To reverse the attractiveness gap between interurban public transport and private motorised vehicles, policy packages need to – simultaneously – improve services (add), subtract space allocated to private vehicles, in favour of sustainable modes, and connect sustainable modes (Figure 5.5). Reallocating funding from emissions-intensive to sustainable modes could further narrow the gap.
Note: This diagram visually represents the attractiveness gap between the use of private cars (left) and sustainable modes (right). The diagram is a visual – rather than a quantified – representation. The figure uses the terminology introduced in Chapter 2, namely policies that add, subtract, and connect.
Source: Authors.
Figure 5.6 illustrates a policy package that simultaneously acts on “both sides” of the attractiveness gap by combining policies that add, subtract, and connect. The grey “boxes” in the Figure represent stocks of space. Space affects the attractiveness of modes (travel time, safety, reliability) and is the key stock to transform in order to counteract the system’s physical lock-in and reduce the attractiveness of motorised private vehicles. Funding is another key stock, not represented in the figure to avoid visual cluttering. Stocks change through flows (thick grey arrows), which can be affected by policies. For example, the regulation of car parking can reduce the stock of parking space for cars and increase the stock of space available for sustainable modes. A pink arrow in Figure 5.6 means that the variables vary in the same direction: the more parking space is reduced, the bigger the stock of space available for other uses (and vice versa). A blue arrow means that the variables vary in opposite directions. For example, as parking search time increases, the attractiveness of driving decreases (and vice versa).
Note: Policies are classified as adding, subtracting, and connecting to illustrate the diverse nature of policies required to invert the attractiveness gap in favour of sustainable travel modes. The coloured arrows show the relationship between variables. A pink arrow between variables means that they vary in the same direction: an increase in a variable leads to an increase in the variable it points to; a decrease in a variable leads to a decrease in the variable it points to. A blue arrow means that the variables vary in the opposite direction: an increase in a variable leads to a decrease in the variable it points to; a decrease in a variable leads to an increase in the variable it points to. Grey boxes represent stocks. Grey thick arrows represent flows (inflows and outflows).
Source: Authors.
The policy package illustrated in Figure 5.6. includes diverse types of policies (described in further detail in the sub-sections below). Policies that either add or subtract, or both (green and orange boxes in Figure 5.6. ), include interurban rail investment, improvements to interurban bus services, dedicated bus lanes, parking regulations and fees, and access restrictions for cars. The value of these policies lies in increasing the availability and reliability of public transport (by reducing in-vehicle time, waiting time, and transfer time across lines and modes), while increasing parking search time, egress time,11 and travel time by car. Policies that connect (blue box in Figure 5.6. ) include investment in infrastructure for pedestrians, micromobility, and cycling; investment in bike parking facilities that allow for bike-and-ride; efforts to increase the availability of shared and on-demand services; financial incentives to increase the uptake of active modes and micromobility; integrated fare, ticketing, and information; and communicating improvements and benefits of sustainable modes. The value of these policies lies in making the first and last kilometre of interurban public transport trips faster and more reliable. Some connecting policies that aim to increase the attractiveness of interurban public transport require subtracting road space or parking space for cars. These include investing in infrastructure for pedestrians, micromobility and cycling.
Implementing the policy package illustrated in Figure 5.6. would require co-ordinating a wide range of stakeholders. For example, co-ordination between the infrastructure (DGIM) and the public transport service provision (DGTM) units at the Department of Territory is key to ensure that exclusive bus lanes are available where needed. Because space is a limiting factor, without co-ordination the impact of actions carried out by the DGTM are limited. Co-ordination between the DoT and the SCT will also be fundamental. The traffic congestion data from the SCT could help the DoT (both the DGIM and DGTM units) identify priority areas for introducing dedicated bus lanes, and upcoming real-time data on origin-destination at the SCT may be useful to identify the need for new or revised lines.
The implementation of the policy package illustrated in Figure 5.6. also requires co-ordination across different geographical levels. This will ensure that interurban and urban transport services are co-ordinated, and that the total trip time on interurban public transport is competitive with the total travel time by private vehicles. This is also necessary to cater for diverse needs: the prioritisation of policies – and, thus, the balance between policies that add, subtract and connect - will vary per territory.12 For example, policies that connect shared micromobility to public transport are more relevant – and effective - in dense areas than in rural areas. The roadmap process suggested in this chapter can support the co-ordination of these multiple actors by creating spaces to align visions (Section 5.2), define shared targets and KPIs (Section 5.3) and identify the right combination of policies to achieve the targets in the various territories.
Reallocating road space to dedicated bus lanes and disincentivising private vehicle use
Catalonia is making significant efforts to improve interurban public transport, and most of the stakeholders interviewed noted that scaling up such efforts could trigger modal shifts towards public transport. Between 2015 and 2021, investment to improve interurban rail infrastructure far exceeded investment to improve car infrastructure (see Chapter 4). The introduction of BRCat (a Bus Rapid Transit system) and the Tarragona Tram are only two examples of interurban transport improvements. Other policies, such as giving public transport priority at traffic signals, are mentioned in plans and strategies – for example, the Catalan pedestrian strategy (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023[62]) – but data on actions in this sense were not readily available at the time of drafting this report.
Catalonia could increase its ambition in reallocating public space for dedicated interurban bus lanes (subtract and add), to reinforce the efforts listed above. Dedicated bus lanes increase the speed and comfort of interurban public transport trips and increase bus regularity and reliability (González et al., 2019[63]; ITDP, 2024[64]).13 Especially during peak hours, when congestion levels are high, dedicated bus lanes improve the attractiveness of buses relative to private motorised vehicles. Exclusive bus lanes in urban areas can further reduce travel time for interurban public transport users.14 In Rochester (United Kingdom), for example, bus services became 40% faster after implementing bus priority lanes (Urban Transport Group, 2014[65]).
As explained in Chapter 3, the prioritisation of car infrastructure over the second half of the 20th century in Catalonia has reduced the scope for infrastructure and space for active and shared transport, increasing the attractiveness of private motorised vehicles in most areas and pushing people to choose this mode. Although parts of current interurban bus service expansions involve dedicated lanes, interurban buses and private vehicles still share interurban road space in most cases. Also, in some cases, such as route B23 to Barcelona, exclusive bus lanes were introduced by widening the road. While helping to reduce in-vehicle travel time by bus, bus lanes introduced via road expansion miss an opportunity to subtract space for private vehicle use and narrow the attractiveness gap between modes.
Policies that disincentivise private car use can accelerate the transformation of the mobility system. Policies such as parking regulations and fees,15 car access restrictions, speed limits, road pricing, and carbon pricing can all increase the cost of using private vehicles, reduce their access, and slowdown in-vehicle and first and last kilometres of trips. These policies can also help to improve well-being. For example, a recent study of the benefits of a 30 km/h speed limit across 40 European cities reveals that it reduced road crashes (-23%), fatalities (-37%) and injuries (-38%); and also yielded environmental benefits, including reduced emissions (-18%), noise pollution levels (by 2.5 decibels), and fuel consumption (-7%) (Yannis and Michelaraki, 2024[66]).
Assessing the level of ambition of policies to disincentivise car use in the region is beyond the scope of this report. Interviewees suggested, however, that there are opportunities to increase the ambition of such policies. For example, parking is free in several cities in the territory and the cost of highways is either subsidised or free.
Connecting interurban public transport with active modes can have multiple benefits
Connecting interurban public transport with active modes can increase its attractiveness and improve well-being. This section describes the effects of improving walkability, enabling active and electric micromobility, and integrating ticketing and information across modes.
Improving walkability can boost the reach of public transport: evidence suggests that prioritising pedestrians in street design can triple the distance people are willing to walk to a public transport stop (Walk21, 2024[67]). At the regional level, the Catalan Pedestrian Strategy acknowledges that “upgrading public transport means facilitating [pedestrian] circulation, often by reallocating road space previously used by cars”, and that because “public transport journeys begin and end with walking”, “the needs of pedestrians and other sustainable transport modes should be incorporated into all street and road projects” (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023[62]). Catalonia is also the birthplace of Superblocks– an internationally recognised reference for pedestrianisation (see Section 4.6 and Annex G) – and several pedestrianisation efforts have been carried out across the territory. In addition to increasing the attractiveness of public transport, walkable territories and pedestrianisation initiatives are associated with well-being outcomes such as health, safety, and social cohesion (Sonta and Jiang, 2023[68]; Boniface et al., 2015[69]).
Despite its benefits, pedestrianisation can be challenging to implement in practice due to political or public resistance. Although not originally designed with the aim of increasing the attractiveness of public transport, the challenges encountered in the implementation of Superblocks in Barcelona can inform pedestrianisation efforts in other territories in Catalonia (Box 5.8).
As part of the roadmap process suggested in this report, the government could organise workshops to build a shared understanding and vision among all stakeholders on the expansion of walking areas and how and whether the Superblock model could be scaled up and/or replicated. These workshops could provide spaces for stakeholders to confront their ideas, for example, on the benefits of expanding Superblock-like projects to other areas to increase public transport attractiveness and/or harness other well-being benefits related to pedestrianisation, how to implement those, and whether alternative approaches could foster the expansion of walking areas in territories where superblock-like processes are not adapted to local needs.
Superblocks are urban planning concepts designed to improve the quality of life in cities. They involve restructuring city layouts to prioritise pedestrian and cyclist access over vehicular traffic. In a Superblock, several city blocks are closed off to through traffic, reducing car speeds and creating safer, more pleasant streets for walking and cycling. These areas often feature increased green space, reduced air pollution, and improved community interaction.
According to stakeholders interviewed, the scale-up of Superblocks in Barcelona - from a few initial pilots in areas like Ciutat Vella and Gràcia to a proposed 503 across the city - faced three challenges: (1) the perception of Superblocks as a political flagship and as a Barcelona-specific project; (2) the lack of citizen engagement in implementation; and (3) cultural barriers to the transformation the Superblocks entail.
Being perceived as the flagship project of the leading administration, Superblocks received opposition from parties that may have supported the project otherwise. Interestingly, in the 2023 elections, while the leading party was facing declining electoral support across the city, in Superblock districts it increased by 10-14% (Marquet, Fernández Núñez and Maciejewska, 2024[70]). Superblocks were also perceived as only applicable to Barcelona's urban layout, rather than as a policy that could be implemented elsewhere in the region. A lack of engagement and, thus, ownership, by government staff outside Barcelona city hall was also mentioned as one of the reasons why the project was not replicated elsewhere. The Superblocks implementation process led to negative perceptions of the initiative by the public. For example, over a third (37.3%) of the residents of the Poble Nou and Sant Antoni areas, where the first Superblocks’ pilots were carried out, opposed the initiative1 (18.8% were neutral) (Lopez-Asensio Sergi, 2023[71]). While most people surveyed after Superblocks’ implementation recognised improvements in the living environment, they were highly dissatisfied with the decision-making process. Stakeholders interviewed also referred to a cultural barrier, arguing that some segments of the population were resistant to Superblocks as they perceived them as involving “too much of a radical change”.
Note: 1 The project opponents were mainly male car users aged 40-64, declaring themselves as having a conservative ideology, while the project supporters were mostly women aged 18-39 declaring themselves as having a progressive ideology (Lopez-Asensio Sergi, 2023[71]).
Connecting micromobility infrastructure (cycling lanes and bike parking) to interurban public transport can enhance its attractiveness by accelerating the first and last kilometre of trips. Micromobility includes personal vehicles smaller and lighter than cars, such as bikes, e-bikes, and (e-)scooters, designed for short-distance travel (ITF, 2020[72]). In addition to accelerating the first and last kilometre of trips, connecting public transport with micromobility can (ITF, 2017[73]):
Increase the catchment area of and access to public transport stops and station. ITF (2017[73]) finds that integrating cycling with public transport can serve up to nine times more people with door-to-door trips compared to walking (Figure 5.7). The use of bikes is also faster than the use of local public transport (ITF, 2017[73]), as it involves shorter waiting and transfer times compared to buses, trams, or metros (Knowledge Institute for Mobility, 2024[74]). A study in Boston estimates that micromobility, combined with walking and public transport, has increased citizens’ access to job opportunities by 60% (Climateworks Foundation, 2021[75]);
Increase the flexibility of the system, as people can cycle to less crowded public transport services (reducing overcrowding during peak hours) or bypass temporary disruptions.
Improve the liveliness of public spaces (see Box 4.4 in Chapter 4).
Source: (ITF, 2017[73]), Synergies from Improved Cycling-Transit Integration: Towards an integrated urban mobility system, https://doi.org/10.1787/ce404b2e-e.
The Generated Mobility Evaluations (EAMG) – mandatory studies to make the link between transport and land use for new developments in the region - require the inclusion of (walking and) bike infrastructure close to new developments (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2006[2]). The Catalan Bike Strategy states that cycling “can enhance public transport coverage” and that it “needs to regain space from private car space” (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2019[76]). The strategy aims to build 124km of interurban cycle lanes for everyday use (and 492km of tourist cycling lanes) (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2019[76]) and efforts are underway to increase the availability of bike parking at stations. Via the Bici Tancat initiative, Catalonia has equipped 11 railway stations in the Barcelona Metropolis Integrated Mobility System (SIMMB) with parking for bikes or electric scooters (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[77]). Some suburban train stations, like Sant Vicenç dels Horts, also combine rail connection with bike parking and bus stops for electric feeder buses (El Confidencial, 2024[78]). A feeder bus is a service that picks up passengers in a certain place (generally a residential area) and takes them to a transfer point where they make an onward journey on the rapid transit network.
The data analysis in Chapter 3, comparing the travel time for random origin-destination pairs in different Catalan cities, reveals that cycling is often the most attractive option in terms of travel time. Yet, cycling represents only 1% of all trips in Catalonia (POLIS Network, 2019[79]), well below the European average of 8% (European Cyclist Federation, 2024[80]). In the four largest cities in the region, cycling modal shares range from 0.2% to 2.5%, contrasting with other EU cities where shares can reach up to 32%. The mismatch between travel patterns and travel time suggests that safety may be a barrier for users. This could be tackled by the construction of a high-quality cycling network. A high-quality cycling network provides direct, segregated paths between destinations to minimize detours and delays while enhancing safety and cycling appeal (ITF, 2023[81]; Ahmed et al., 2024[82]). To be inclusive, these networks must accommodate diverse users, including people with disabilities, children, the elderly, and those using non-standard cycles like cargo bikes. Cycle lanes should be wide enough to improve accessibility and safety, reducing conflicts between users (Dutch Cycling Embassy, 2023[83]). For example, lanes must allow children to ride safely alongside adults (C40, 2020[84]). Dedicated bike lanes that are physically separated from vehicle traffic lower accident risks, enhance safety perceptions, and encourage people to cycle (Pucher, Dill and Handy, 2010[85]; Andrade, 2011[86]).16
Catalonia could scale up investments in high-quality cycling/micromobility infrastructure and in parking and storage for bikes at major rail and bus stations to increase the uptake of cycling and micromobility and allow the practice of bike-and-ride.17 The Netherlands showcases the effectiveness of bike-and-ride systems in triggering modal shifts from private vehicles to public transport. In 2022, 40% of Dutch rail travellers arrived at their origin station by bike (Dutch Railways, 2022[87]) and evidence suggests that many frequent bike-and-ride users are car owners choosing to travel by train rather than by private vehicle (Nello-Deakin and Brömmelstroet, 2021[88]). It also showcases the need for co-ordination across actors and the importance of targets fostering such coordination. While the Netherlands already had rail infrastructure and (to a certain extent) a cycling network in place, it took until the early nineties for the two transport modes to be integrated. Before that time, neither of the authorities in charge of cycling networks nor public transport services considered bike parking at train and bus stations as their direct responsibility (Martens, 2007[89]). This changed when a national Bicycle Master Plan from 1992 introduced an explicit target and timeframe to increase public transport use by promoting bike-and-ride (Ministry of Infrastructure and Water and Welleman, 1999[90]). To put the Bicycle Master Plan into action, the ministry of transport set up a special task force to co-ordinate between authorities to place parking facilities at public transport stations. According to the paper by Martens (2007[89]), this targeted and co-ordinated approach was key for kick-starting the development of the Dutch bike-and-ride system of today.
Catalonia could partner with the private sector to increase the availability of shared micromobility services and unleash such benefits (Box 5.9). In dense areas, the availability of shared micromobility services can further increase the attractiveness of interurban transport and optimize the needed bike parking capacity at stations. Users of Dutch railways used to store a second private bike at destination stations, which turned out inefficient as these bikes consumed space without being used (Knowledge Institute for Mobility, 2018[91]). The Dutch railways addressed the issue by scaling up bike-sharing schemes at stations: by 2022, 22 000 shared bikes were available at 300 rail, bus, and metro stations, accessible using the OV-chipcard (the same card that is used to access buses and rail services) (Dutch Railways, 2022[87]). Incipient evidence suggests that the societal benefits of integrating bike sharing and public transport exceed its costs. An ex-post analysis of the Dutch bike sharing system (OV-fiets) reveals that every euro invested in shared bikes (in this case, by the Dutch railway company) yields EUR 2.4 in societal benefits, including improved accessibility, reduced congestion, health and safety outcomes (TU Delft, 2024[92]).
The availability of micromobility services at bus and train stations can increase the attractiveness of interurban public transport by accelerating the first and last kilometre of interurban public transport trips. Micromobility services may also reduce road traffic during the summer months in coastal areas such as Costa Brava (Micromobility News, 2022[93]; CIVITAS, 2021[94]).1
Catalonia could increase the availability of micromobility services by partnering with the private sector. Micromobility services can either be public, like Girocleta in Girona and AMBici in the AMB area, or private, such as Lime, Dott, Tier or Donkey. While effective in dense urban areas, micromobility public services require public financial and human resources to plan, implement and operate that may not be available in smaller cities or suburban areas. In contrast, private companies offering services such as (e)bike and e-scooters can operate in these areas and provide a valuable service at little or no cost to the government (Ríos, 2023[95]; ITDP, 2021[96]).
The key for unleashing the potential of private micromobility lies in effective regulation. In preparing for the concession renewal in 2028, Catalonian ATMs could develop regulation guidelines for local authorities open to piloting the implementation of micromobility (and private on-demand shared services more broadly) in their jurisdiction. These guidelines could help local authorities strike a balance between over-regulation, which would deter private sector interest, and under-regulation, which may lead to issues such as conflicts between pedestrians and micromobility users, or micromobility vehicles cluttering public space (as observed in several cities).
Cities in Spain, France, Germany, Belgium and Greece have run pilots of private micromobility service regulation (EIT, 2023[97]). Such pilots have numerous advantages, including allowing local governments to adjust regulations before full-scale implementation (informed by data gathered during the pilot on people’s needs and how the services function and are used), creating opportunities for building relationships and trust between private operators and local governments, and helping governments become familiar with the business models of different companies.2
Catalonia’s Smart Specialisation Strategy could support a pilot phase for private micromobility services by exploring co-operation with academia to generate local evidence and inform future steps for scaling up multimodal integration in the region. Academia could also develop data to support micromobility. For example, in Rotterdam, the University of Delft has developed a forecasting algorithm to predict demand and shared micromobility offer in real-time, with the aim of increasing the mode’s reliability and use (TU Delft, 2024[98]).
Note: 1 For example, shared e-bikes are available along the Amalfi Coast in Italy (Vaimoo, 2021[99]), and a study of a shared e-bike platform in Vilagarcía de Arousa, coastal northern Spain, found an increase of 16% in the use of micromobility during the summer (August and September) (Sanmiguel-Rodríguez, 2022[100]). 2 The most common business models for private micromobility services are: (i) Single operator with exclusivity. A regulator selects a single operator through bidding. This model is attractive in cities with low demand and high initial investment costs. It facilitates collaboration with the private sector but does not encourage competition and can lengthen the contracting process. (ii) Multiple operators with exclusivity. A regulator selects several operators through bidding, ensuring competition and quality in services. Although complex and detailed, these tenders offer various mobility options and can delay the process. (iii) Multiple operators without exclusivity. A regulator allows the participation of several operators in a pilot test without limiting the number of operators, but with a maximum limit of vehicles. This model is the most used in the region and allows the optimal operation to be calibrated for the needs of the city and its users.
The connection of bikes with public transport can also be fostered via financial incentives for purchasing electric bikes to individuals (such as the PIVE Plan in Barcelona (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2024[101]) and to public administrations and companies, and via temporary e-bike renting schemes, such as Veligo in Paris (Île-de-France mobilités, 2024[102]). Electric bikes expand the range of bike users (e.g. to include elderly people, families with kids), uses (e.g. goods transport), and geographical areas (e.g. hilly areas such as the Pirineu). A study in Shanghai reveals that the use of e-bikes can enhance mobility by the elderly (contributing to age-friendly cities), lead to a greater variety of trips carried out by bike, and reduce car mode share by up to 19% (Yin et al., 2024[103]).
Communication efforts on the benefits of active modes and to inform the public about infrastructure improvements and available financial incentives can further accelerate cycling uptake (Box 5.10). Aldred and Crosweller (2015[48]) suggest that the uptake and frequency of cycling depends upon people’s perceptions, including associated values, image, and requirements for cycling.
In the transition between car-centric and sustainable systems, communicating the improvements in cycling infrastructure and enabling spaces for people to experiment with cycling can accelerate perception changes and cycle uptake.
Bicibús (Bike Bus) is an example of a community-driven initiative that promotes safe and child-friendly urban environments by offering kids secure bike rides to school. This initiative enhances children’s autonomy, health, and well-being and helps reduce car use and emissions, demonstrating that streets can serve other purposes than accommodating road traffic. In 2024, there were 35 active Bicibús routes in Catalonia. The ‘Obrim carrers’ initiative is another example. The initiative, run by the Barcelona Municipality, closes main streets to traffic with the aim to “transform [them] as spaces for people” during weekends (Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, 2024[104]).
The region could also build on examples of international communication campaigns. Similarly to ‘Obrim Carrers’, Paris hosts the annual "Journée sans voiture" (Day Without Cars), closing streets to automobiles and opening them to pedestrians and cyclists, offering families a safe space to cycle and play (City of Paris, 2021[105]). Every Sunday in selected neighbourhoods of the city, Parisian streets are also open to pedestrians and cyclists, and closed to motorised vehicles, via the "Paris Respire" (Paris Breathes) initiative (City of Paris, 2024[106]). The "Fancy Women Bike Ride" challenges stereotypes by encouraging women to cycle in "fancy clothes" (Copenhagenize Index, 2019[107]), while "Bike to Work Day" in the United States promotes cycling as a commuting option through organised group rides (BTWD, 2022[108]). In addition, events like the French Vélorution (2024[109]) and the German Fahrradsternfahrt (2024[110]) advocate for safer, more attractive cycling and sustainable mobility.
Gamification strategies could also enhance the positive perception of cycling. Gamification refers to the application of elements of game playing, such as points, levels or rewards, to other areas of activity. For example, Bergamo in Italy uses a gamification app that rewards cycling with coupons, boosting both local store sales and cycling activity (Bergamo in Bicicletta, 2023[111]).
On-demand transport services may be needed as a complement to micromobility, to cater to the needs of people with reduced mobility and inhabitants of hilly areas such as Alt Pirineu i Aran. In Catalonia, on-demand transport serves 712 population centres in the region via 235 lines of taxi and bus services, with examples such as buses with stops on demand (e.g. T-Bus service) and booked services for pre-established routes and stops (e.g. TAD Garrotxa service, Clic.cat Alta Segarra, Clic.cat Can Sunyer) (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2024[112]).
Integrating fare and information across public transport modes (buses, metro, tram, trains) and public and private micromobility services can increase the flexibility and efficiency of interurban public transport (CIVITAS, 2020[113]) (IGC and UN Habitat, 2019[114]). It can also enhance the attractiveness of interurban transport by simplifying and optimising connections to other means of transport, increasing reliability, and reducing travel time to destinations. Since 2001, Catalonia has worked towards fare integration of buses, metro, tram, and trains.18 On-going efforts aim to replace magnetic-band disposable cards with contactless plastic cards, referred to as the T-mobilitat card. The card technology enables the collection of detailed mobility data (see Section 5.5.2) and allows for flexible fare structures. The region has also developed Mou-te, an application to help users identify the best public transport combination for their trips (ATM Barcelona, 2024[115]).
Catalonia could expand the T-mobilitat project to integrate private micromobility services and allow users to pay for multiple transport modes with a single account/card. The TfL Oyster card in London and the OV-chipcard in the Netherlands are good examples of cards fostering integration of all modes, and allowing the administration to collect real-time data on origin-destination via a check-in/check-out fare calculation.19 Another good example is Japan’s nationwide smartcard, called Suica, which allows users to travel and shop across many Japanese regions by combining high-speed rail with taxi services.
Mou-te (ATM Barcelona, 2024[115]) – or similar MaaS platforms – could also be expanded to integrate emerging public and privately owned sharing services. The city of Turku in Finland has developed Föli, a MaaS app and website integrating buses, ferries, city bikes, and electric scooters. The app and website allow user-friendly journey planning, ticket purchasing, and access to real-time transport information for Turku and surrounding municipalities (Lieto, Kaarina, Rusko, Raisio and Naantali) (Föli, 2024[116]). Although still in development, the Parisian region Bonjour RATP app is another example of an app offering integration of booking and information between public transport modes, public and privately owned micromobility services, ridesourcing, and taxis (RATP, 2024[117]). Although in the early stages of development in many territories across the OECD, MaaS apps could contribute to reducing peak public transport demand in urban areas by encouraging metro or bus users to switch to micromobility in peak hours.
Most of the stakeholders interviewed referred to the transport governance structure in the region (see Annex J) as a barrier to system transformation. The challenges – summarised in Chapter 2 – included fragmented decision making, lack of co-ordination mechanisms, lack of human and financial resources, and the absence of harmonised data to inform decisions.
The roadmap process suggested in this report could generate spaces for key stakeholders to reflect on governance changes conducive to implementing the vision in the 2003 Mobility Law and achieving the region’s climate targets. The sub-sections below provide inputs to such discussions. Sub-section 5.5.1 discusses the potential to expand ATM functions in line with – and potentially beyond – the functions attributed by the 2003 Mobility Law. Section 5.5.2 suggests ways forward to streamline data management.
5.5.1. Enhance ATM capacities and expand their functions
Catalonia currently features four Mobility Territorial Authorities (ATMs): ATM Àrea de Girona, ATM Camp de Tarragona, ATM Àrea de Lleida, and ATM Barcelona (Figure 5.8). ATMs are provincial public consortia in charge of planning, overseeing public transport fare integration, developing Mobility Master Plans (PdMs) at their territorial level, and supporting municipalities to develop local Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans (SUMPs) and Generated Mobility Evaluations (EAMGs, see Chapter 2).
Source: Department of Territory.
ATMs could play a pivotal role in the transformation of the passenger transport system in the region. Due to the geographical level in which they operate, ATMs could facilitate planning and the development of multimodal transport networks, while taking into consideration local needs.
The 2003 Mobility Law (Art 20 No.5, (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[1])) attributes a wider set of functions to ATMs than those they currently possess. Table 5.1 compares the functions attributed by the 2003 law, their current functions, and those suggested in this report. Interviews with stakeholders revealed two reasons why ATMs do not embody the full list of actions mandated by the law. First, limited financial resources have led to staff shortages. Interviewees stressed these shortages as a particular issue for the ATMs of Girona and Camp de Tarragona.20 The second reason is power dynamics. While interviews reflected agreement on the need to expand ATM competences, they also revealed a perception that expanding ATM functions to those mandated by law was “a difficult political decision”.
For ATMs to become multimodal agencies, Catalonia could consider expanding their functions in line with those mandated by the 2003 Mobility Law (Table 5.1), and allocate resources to this expansion. In addition to the functions stipulated in the 2003 law, Catalonia could consider giving ATMs the mandate (and necessary resources) to:
Co-ordinate and foster communication among stakeholders (various levels of government, citizens, operators, transport and land-use experts, academia) in order to achieve the law’s vision. ATMs carry out co-ordination activities informally, but they are limited by a lack of resources. Allocating resources for ATMs to co-ordinate actors could foster learning across local authorities, avoid duplication, and help to harmonise regulatory frameworks.
Provide technical guidance to local authorities on implementing sustainable mobility policies, such as on street design, traffic safety, low-emission zones, and parking management.21 The context-specific technical guidance produced at the ATM level could complement, rather than replace, guidelines and standards set at the regional level by the Department of Territory.
Support municipalities in regulating on-demand shared services (e.g. micromobility) by standardising tendering and permitting processes and setting technical requirements and operational rules (see Box 5.9). For example, the Metropolitan Planning Institute of Guadalajara (IMEPLAN), in Mexico, has developed guidelines describing the requirements for micromobility services at the metropolitan level. The guidelines were used by eight municipalities, leading to orderly and homogeneous micromobility service provision (IMEPLAN, 2020[118]). Support to municipalities can prevent negative outcomes from unregulated on-demand shared services such as conflicts between pedestrians and micromobility users and issues of public space management (ITF, 2021[119]).
Manage infrastructure other than for public transport, such as roads and cycling infrastructure where relevant. For example, in addition to public transport, TfL regulates taxis, private hire vehicles and bike-sharing schemes; and manages portions of London's road infrastructure (referred to as "red routes"). This allows TfL to act on “both sides of the attractiveness gap” and diversify and grow revenue (TfL, 2024[120]). Skånetrafiken, in the County of Skåne, Sweden, oversees the planning and operations of public transport, while also being in charge of bike-pedestrian infrastructure (UTG, 2014[121]).
Support the collection, management, and analysis of mobility-related data. Building on ATM knowledge about the territory characteristics, challenges and needs, ATMs can inform data collection and management by the Regional Mobility Observatory. ATMs could also support the development and improvement of applications supporting integrated trip planning such as Mou-te (ATM Barcelona, 2024[115]).
Thanks to ATMs in-depth knowledge of local needs, ATMs could inform the 2028 concession renewal process, for example, to ensure the integration or urban and interurban bus lines and route planning adapted to territorial needs. In other OECD territories, institutions analogous to ATM manage bus contracts at the local and interurban levels. Such examples include TfL (UK), the Rhine-Ruhr Public Transport Association (VRR, Germany) (VRR, 2024[122]), and the Zürcher Verkehrsverbund (ZVV, Switzerland) (ZVV, 2024[123]).
Source: Authors, based on Articles 20.5 and 20.6 of the 2003 Mobility Law (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003[1]).
Note: * Planning carried out via the development of Mobility Plans (PdM). In 2024, a PdM existed for the Barcelona ATM, a PdM was in the process of being drafted for Tarragona and Terres de L’Ebre, and was planned for Girona and Lleida ATM.
For ATMs to fulfil these functions, sustained and earmarked funding streams are needed. Farebox collection in most systems only covers part of the operational costs of public transport systems. Elsewhere in the OECD in recent years, transport authorities and operators have implemented funding strategies to complement farebox collection revenues and funding collected via taxes by local and regional governments. For example, Transport for London (TfL) is funded from various sources, including revenues from public transport fares, road user charges, government grants, loans, and commercial activities such as advertising, property rentals and sales (TfL, 2022[124]; TfL, 2024[120]). This funding is used for operating public transport and to manage roads, as well as services other than mobility (e.g. real estate, retail, advertising) (TfL, 2024[125]). In Norway, public transport authorities are funded via earmarked funds from municipal and county income taxes, fuel surcharges, as well as property taxes (TOI, 2011[126]).
5.5.2. Co-ordinated data management can inform holistic transport planning
Data availability and quality are essential for planning, regulating and managing transport services and infrastructure (Cities Today, 2022[127]). Good quality transport data allow policymakers and planners to make well-informed decisions on infrastructure investments and the optimisation of bus and rail transport planning, while providing opportunities to enhance regulation of service provision by public transport operators (UITP, 2021[128]). Additionally, data availability facilitates the monitoring and evaluation of the social and environmental impacts of transport systems, ensuring that they align with sustainability goals and objectives.
Interviews with stakeholders and research efforts by the OECD team as part of this project revealed an absence of harmonised data to inform transport planning, modelling exercises or policymaking. Three challenges were identified that lead to redundancies, inefficiencies, and knowledge gaps when informing policy decisions: (1) fragmentation of data collection and management; (2) lack of a sharing culture; and (3) lack of resources to collect up-to-date data (see Chapter 2). Interviewees also referred to the lack of data collection in pilot projects, which led to a lack of evidence on the impact of the policy being tested, and, in turn, difficulties in advocating for the policy to be scaled up.
Addressing these challenges requires a concerted effort to streamline data collection and management, deploy synergies across existing efforts, and use resources effectively. As part of the roadmap process suggested in this report, the government could develop a digital mobility strategy to streamline transport data collection, management and sharing. The strategy could be developed by a group of selected experts from the DoT, the SCT, ATMs, local authorities, private operators (public transport, micromobility), and academia. It could include:
Recommendations on real-time data22 collection technologies and protocols: for example, Global Positioning System (GPS) tracking modules in buses and automated fare collection systems.23
Recommendations on regulations for data sharing from private service providers (e.g. to inform the design of the concession contract renewal in 2028) and its collection (e.g. shared repositories available to different administrations and academia).
The identification of survey, data and modelling needs to inform transport policy decisions for achieving the 2003 Mobility Law vision and the climate target.
Recommendations on monitoring and evaluation indicators and tools to track progress.
The identification of financial and human resources needed to ensure data analytics capabilities and robust data governance frameworks at the regional level.
Catalonia could build on international experience on data collection and management from TfL and the Belgian City of Antwerp. TfL has a robust data strategy that relies on comprehensive data collection, advanced analytics and open data initiatives to enhance the city's transport network (TfL, 2021[129]). By gathering data from the Oyster (card and mobile) payment system, GPS tracking, and passenger interactions, TfL gains detailed insights into service use and operational performance. Advanced analytics and machine learning techniques allow TfL to predict disruptions, optimise routes, and implement predictive maintenance, ensuring reliability and efficiency. TfL commitment to open data to foster innovation and public engagement also leads to third-party applications that improve the user experience. The City of Antwerp has adopted a data collection strategy to enhance public transport and mobility services, highlighting a collaborative framework and advanced technological integration (EIB, 2021[130]). Central to this strategy is the Antwerp Marketplace for Mobility, which establishes partnerships with both public and private mobility service providers. These providers are required to share service provision data that include geographical information, real-time vehicle availability, and anonymised movement data. This data collection facilitates continuous monitoring and evaluation of transport services (EU Urban Mobility Observatory, 2023[131]). Antwerp has also developed a Mobility as a Service (MaaS) application. The application integrates information on various transport modes and allows for the collection of detailed user data on travel patterns and preferences, which the city uses to optimise multimodal journeys and streamline ticketing processes.
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← 1. Catalonia committed to reducing GHG emissions by 51% in 2030 compared to 2005 levels, by 27 to 29% compared to 1990 levels (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023[150]), and to achieve net zero by 2050 (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2018[152]). A transport-specific target of at least -42.9% by 2030 compared to 2005 is currently being formalized (Generalitat de Catalunya, Forthcoming[56]).
← 2. To foster clarity, the roadmap document could explain how the combination of policies to be prioritised would transform the transport system in line with the 2003 Law vision and to help meet the region’s climate targets. Each action could also be accompanied with a timeline for implementation, an indication of who is responsible for it and who needs to be engaged in the process, abatement potential, cost estimates and funding sources to cover the costs (or an indication of lack of resources, should that be the situation), as well as medium-term targets (relevant for actions that take long to be implemented). Linking actions to targets can foster discussions on potential mismatches between the targets’ levels of ambition, institutional capacities, and financial resources allocated at different geographical levels.
← 3. Accounting for 6.5% of the region’s GDP (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023[151]), the automobile industry is an important economic actor in the region and thus a key actor to engage in implementing the 2003 Mobility Law.
← 4. SMART targets are Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Realistic and Time-bound (Doran, 1981[146]).
← 5. The index evaluates the ease of accessing various public transport modes by walking, cycling to a railway station, or driving to a park-and-ride facility (ATM Barcelona, 2024[153]).
← 6. The unit in which targets are expressed is important when calculating modal shares. Most often, travel survey reports and modal split targets refer to the (desired) share of each mode as a ratio of the total number of trips. For example, the EMQ 2006 in Catalonia expresses modal split data as number of trips (ATM Tarragona, 2006[133]). Distance travelled by each mode is only rarely reported in travel surveys, but for reducing the negative impact of mobility systems on climate and well-being, reducing the distance travelled using unsustainable modes is important. Reporting on travel patterns and setting targets related to distance travelled by private car more closely reflects outcomes of interest such as emissions than does the number of trips. Travel surveys from the UK show that outcomes vary significantly: private car accounts for 58% of the number of trips and 78% of total distance travelled (UK DoT, 2023[142]).
← 7. The Mobility, Transport and Territory Study Group (GEMOTT) – in collaboration with the universities of Granada, the Balearic Islands and the Polytechnic University of Valencia – has developed an Atlas of Cities for Active Mobility, an interactive tool to measure the potential of Spanish city environments for walking and cycling. The atlas is based on geospatial analysis and generates databases on accessibility to services, with a focus on vulnerable groups (GEMOTT, 2024[39]).
← 8. The PMUS includes the city of Girona and 10 municipalities surrounding it (ATM Girona, 2024[156]).
← 9. Discussions on transformative policies during the roadmap co-creation process would need to expand to identify the actions with the most potential to reverse the attractiveness gap for trips over short distances, and in different territories. Such discussions could also expand beyond the scope of this report and include the transformation of freight transport and the integration of land-use and transport policies to create proximity and reduce transport needs.
← 10. According to the latest regional transport survey (2006), 3 out of 4 interurban trips were made by private car (OMC, 2006[154]). In urban settings, private vehicles accounted for 1 out of 4 (27%) trips (OMC, 2006[154]).
← 11. Egress time refers to time spent exiting the vehicle and walking to the final destination.
← 12. While the composition of policy packages will vary in each territory, the need to simultaneously improve the attractiveness of interurban public transport and reduce the attractiveness of private vehicles to trigger modal shifts towards sustainable modes applies across territories.
← 13. The ITDP quality standard for Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) infrastructure (ITDP, 2024[64]) lists the following characteristics of high-quality BRT services: physically separated, dedicated lanes; a design that avoids conflicts between car traffic and buses; and signal priority for buses.
← 14. The ITF’s High Ambition scenario (2023[134]) includes (electric) urban bus fleets with priority treatment as one of the changes needed in transport systems to achieve net-zero.
← 15. Changes in pricing and parking locations could have strong effects on behaviour. Studies show that walking distance to and from parking, parking search time, and parking price are key factors in determining the attractiveness of car use (Parmar, Das and Dave, 2020[149]; Ostermeijer et al., 2022[148]; Johansson et al., 2022[147]). Parking policies could also foster the use of smaller vehicles. For example, in 2024, Paris tripled the parking fee for SUVs from EUR 6 to 18 per hour in central areas, and from EUR 4 to 12 per hour in peripheral areas (City of Paris, 2024[155]).
← 16. See (Decisio, 2016[132]) (TUMI, 2023[54]), (The Guardian, 2015[144]) and (Wyborcza, 2016[145]) for more information on the characteristics and costs of high-quality bike infrastructure.
← 17. Bike-and-ride refers to trips in which users get to a public transport station (e.g. a train or bus station) with a bicycle or by using micromobility. Bike-and-ride differs from bike-on-board, where users bring their bike on board vehicles. Bike-on-board is not scalable, and mostly prohibited in Catalonia for security reasons.
← 18. In 2024, 94% of the population benefits from integrated public transport fares.
← 19. See (ITF, 2023[143]) for more.
← 20. While an ATM does not exist yet for the Pirineu region, lack of staff and resources are key challenges in the area.
← 21. There are numerous guidelines upon which ATMs could build, including Complete Streets Design Guidelines (City of Alexandria, 2018[140]), guidelines on the consolidation of low-stress bicycle networks (MTI, 2012[139]), road safety strategy development (Victoria TAC, 2021[138]), parking management implementation guide (Litman, 2024[137]), design guidelines for cycling infrastructure (NACTO, 2013[136]) and travel demand management guidelines (Mobility Lab, 2024[135]).
← 22. Real-time data could support: i) the optimization of public transport routes and schedules, improving service reliability and reducing waiting times; ii) traffic management; iii) the enforcement of levels of service in public transport contracts and micromobility agreements, and; iv) the planning of infrastructure and service upgrades. The Municipality of Barcelona already has an open data repository where users can retrieve and visualize information about bus and metro schedules, frequencies, traffic disruptions, and other service updates (Open Data BCN, 2024[141]). Such data is also useful for decision makers, planners, and researchers’ analyses.
← 23. The payment integration system (T-mobilitat) currently being developed in the region could be based on card technology providing information on both origin and destination, like the TfL Oyster card in London and the ov-chipkaart card in the Netherlands. See (ITF, 2023[143]) for more.